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I

i

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■ J

Westminster Commentaries

£ditsd by Wai/hbr ]^ock D.D.

or BOLT ■OBirTUU

V

THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES

.A

BE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES

AN EXPOSITION

BT

RICHARD BELWARD RACKHAM M.A.

or m oomnnnTT or ms EUUBftsunon

SECOND EDITION

METHUEN & CO.

36 ESSEX STEEET W.O.

LONDON

I Q 'jlj

I

1

Of-'

f^^yrUuXu id^i/UfTrf

First Published Octobtr, 1901.
Second Editian, 1904.

mi

v.-tl

PREFACE

THE form of this commentary upon The Acts of the Apostles
requires some words of explanation. Instead of breaking
up the comment into disjointed notes, an attempt has been made
to give a continuous interpretation which the reader can read
straight on without interruption, just as he would read the book
of The Acts itself. The aim has been simply to ascertain the
meaning of the original text and to add the necessary infor-
mation. Thus the commentary is practically a paraphrase of
The Acts J in which the words of the text commented upon are
distinguished by being printed in italics, and such general
information or discussion as is required from time to time is
inserted in the paraphrase in separate paragraplis: further
illustration which the reader can leave on one side is relegated
to footnotes. If, however, this method on the one hand aims
at consulting the reader's convenience, on the other it is liable
to err on the side of length and repetition, from which faults
this commentary can hardly claim to be free. In the choice of
this method, the idea was not absent that the book might not
only serve the purpose of a commentary upon a text^ but be in
some small way a contribution to early church history.

The readers kept in view have been, in accordance with the
general intention of the series, the educated English public
who are not, technically speaking, ^scholars' or 'students':
and this has carried with it some consequences. Thus the use
of Qreek has been avoided as much as possible. Again, as the

V

vi PREFACE

aim has been simply to ascertain the meaning of the te
it has not been thought necessary to discuss or even to menti
all the rejected interpretations of a passage, or to give the histc
of the various views. Of course it is not always possible 1
the commentator himself to understand the meaning of a passa
or to make up his mind between rival views, and therefc
discussion at times is necessary. But I would refer those read(
who desire a full exegesis of the text to the exhaustive coi
mentary upon The Acts which has recently issued from t
pen of Professor Knowling in The Expositor's Greek Testanu
(Hoddcr and Stoughton, 1900) : I do not think that the mer
of this work can be better described than by the wo
*' exhaustive.' The same reason has also led me to abstain frc
giving much reference to authorities. For this I may be blame
But I do not advance any claim to originality, and studen
will without difficulty recognize the chief sources of the vie^
adopted or information given. Perhaps, however, I ought
make special mention of the names of Professor Blass^ ai
Professor Ramsay*.

It will also be evident that the investigation of critic
questions is beyond the scope of a work of this characte
Accordingly I have not discussed the various theories as to tl
composition of The Acts which have been recently advanced i
Germany or elsewhere. For my own part a careful study of th
text by itself, apart from commentaries, has left upon my min
a deep impression of the unity of the book. It is true the
in The Acts there can be detected differences of style an
language, pointing to difierent sources or authorities whic
have been finally put together by the hands of some compile!
But the remarkable coincidences and similarities of diction
which are to be found throughout shew that the final edito

^ in particular for his oommentaiy, published at Gottingen, 1895, and for hi
edition of the Acts in its ' Boman form/ Leipzic, 1896. ' in particular for h|

Church in the Roman Empire (Hodder and Btoughton, 1893) and Paul the Travelli
and Roman Citizen (H. and b. 1895); and also for the Cities and Bishoprics ^
Pkrygia (Clarendon Press, 1895-7).

N

PREFACE vu

iras no mere compiler but an author, who has either freely
reyiaed, or written down in his own language, the information
supplied to him : the selection of incident^ moreover, and the
arrangement of the different paxts of the book, shew that he
was an author with a personality of his own which is impressed
upon his work. Further, it is no less evident to me that this
author must be the same as the final editor of Tlie Gospel
{according to 8. Luke : and, as will appear in the Introduction,
I can find no adequate reasons for calling in question the
testimony of tradition that this writer was S. Luke. Having
this conviction, I have thought it sufficient — and sufficiently
honest to the reader — to call attention in the commentary to
the more obvious differences of style, at the same time vindicating
their compatibility with the Lucan authorship, and to leave to
scholars the fuUer investigation of the sources of The Acts and
its relation to the problem of the composition of the Gospels.

A few words must be added in explanation of the footnotes.
Besides the ordinary use of footnotes for reference to authorities
and the discussion of details, these also serve other purposes.
Thus they are meant to supply the place of ' marginal references,'
which can be studied by those who have the leisure. The number
of such references may be thought excessive ; but they are due
to the conviction that the best commentary on a book of the
Bible is first the book itself, and then the rest of the Bible,
and I only regret that the text has not been sufficiently
illustrated by references to the Old Testament If the English
reader is at times puzzled by a reference, its significance pro-
bably depends upon the original Greek. Again, many cross-
references in The Acts ij^ also references to S. Luke's Gospel)
which seem to be merely verbal have been given with a view to
illustrate the unity and structure of the book. The footnotes
on the text contain, besides the marginal notes of the Revised
Version, the more important variations of reading in the Greek
texts, of which the reader ought not to be left in ignorance.
The rest have been added mainly for the further elucidation of

vffi PREFACE

the text or their own interest These reasons also account
the frequent quotations from the Bezan text^ which may prov
critidsm. But^ whatever may be our conclusion as to the ori
of that text, the interest of many of its readings is undoubtec

In accordance with the rule of this series, the Revi
Version has been adopted for the text However much 1
Version may be open to criticism or have fallen short of
ideal of a version, it must be allowed to be a much clo
representation of the original Greek than the Authorized Versi
And in a commentary whose express aim is to ascertain for
readers as &r as possible the exact meaning of a book, the fi
requirement is that it should supply them with a version
fitithful to the original as possible.

For permission to vary, in other respects, both in form w
method from the scheme of the Oxford Commentaries, I oi
my warm thanks to the Editor and to the Publishers of tl
series. In addition I wish to thank the Editor, Dr Lock, mo
cordially and gratefully, for the i)atience with which he has ref
and corrected this commentary both in manuscript and pnx
To another friend, Mr Walter Worrall, I am very deeply indebtc
for similar labour in reading the proofe and for much valuab
criticism which I here gratefuUy acknowledga Professor Ramsa
has very kindly allowed me to make use of the map which h
gives in his Paul the Traveller : this reprint has the advantag
of his latest corrections, and here I express my cordial thanbi
Had this commentary been suitable for a dedication, I shoul
like to have inscribed upon its front page the names of tb
Rev. Charles Gore, and the Rev. R C. Moberly, as a smal
acknowledgment that to their teaching is due whatever d
theological truth may be found in these pages.

R R R

S. Bartholomsufs Day^ 1901

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION

PlOE

hapter I The Book

§ 1 «te history . ziii

^ % iU author xv

§ 3 tto unity xvii

§ 4 tte text xzi

3iapter II The Author

§ 1 Am history xxvii

§ 2 Aif character xxxii

Siapter III The Composition of the Acts

% \ the auihof's aim ...... xxxviii

§ 2 Am sources xli

§ 3 Au trustworthiness xliv

§ 4 Am method xlvii

^ b the date of publication 1

Chapter IV The History qf the Acts

^ \ the political and social environment . • • Iv

^ 2 the analysis of the history Ixi

^ 3 the chronology Ixv

CSiapter V The Theology of the Acts

^ I the theology Ixix

^ 2 the soteriology Ixxvi

^ Z the divine will Ixxviii

Chapter VI TTie Church and Ministry in the Acts

§ 1 general survey of the history Ixxix

§ 2 ojlces and ministries xo

Tie Analysis qf the Acts cix

Chronological Table cxii

Addenda cxvi

CONTENTS

THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES

PART I THE ACTS OF PETER

PAOE

Division I Tlks beginnings qf the Church at Jerusalem . . 3

ch. i 3

ch. ii 16

ch. iii 47

ch. iv 55

ch. V 64

Division H The extension qf the Church to Antioch ... 81

ch. vi 81

ch. vii 95

ch. viii 110

cli- ut 128

ch. X 148

ch. xi ICO

Division HI The * passing' qf Peter 171

ch. xii 175

PART II THE ACTS OF PAUL

Division I The work qf Paul and Barnabas . . , .187

cli- ^i 188

c^ ^v 228

^^- ^ 243

<5^ ^ 262

Division II Extension qf the Church in the Roman Empire (xvi 6) 271

c^ ^vjl 294

ch. xviii •••••..... 3-)2

<^^^ ! 345

Division III The * passing' qf Paul {x\x 21) .... 353

ch. XX 37Q

ch. zxi •••••••.,. 397

ch. xxii 41<)

CONTENTS xi
Division III 7%e * passing' qf Paid {continued)

TAOlt

ch. zxiii 431

ch. xxiv 442

ch. XXV . 453

ch. xxvi 465

ch. xxvii 479

ch. xxviii • • • • 491

Index 515

Map of the Eastebn Mediteubanean 514

AND THE WAUi OP THE CITY HAD TWELVE FOUNDATIONS

AND ON THEM TWELVE NAMES
OF THE TWELVE APOSTLES OF THE LAMB

THOU ART PETER : AND UPON THIS ROCK I WILL BUILD MY CHURCH
HE IS A CHOSEN VESSEL UNTO ME, TO BEAR MY NAME

LUKE THE BELOVED PHYSICLVN

ABBREVIATIONS

N.B. In the commentary words of the text or their eaaivalent
printed in italics.

OT, NT = Old Testament, New Testament

LXX =the Septuagint Version
AV, RV=the Authorized Version, the Bevuicd Version
TR =the Received Text
WH =Westcott and Hort's text (Camb. 1890^
Marg = margin (of the RV)
Gk = Greek
Bezan «tho Bczan text (pp. xxiii-vi)

%* The Bezan readings are taken from Codex Bozao, or from Professor Bl
restoration of the text in his Acta Apostolarum iecnndum farmam q
videtur romanam^ Leipzic, 1896.

INTRODUCTION

CHAPTER I
The Book

We can haidly oyerestimate the importance of Tlis AcU qfthe ApoiUet.
After the Qospel according to S. Luke, it is the longest book in the New
Teetament More than this, it is our chief authority, whether within or
without the Bible, for the history of the founding of the church and its early
growth. To it we owe almost all we know of the first spreading of Chris-
tianity in Syria and its arrival in Asia Minor and Europe ; of the original
gospel preached by the apostles ; of the life and work of S. Peter, B. Stephen,
and (apart from the notices in his epistles) of S. Paul. Such an authority
calls for Tcry careful study ; and first we must oiuimine tho book itsell

§ 1 /ite history

The oldest copies of our book of the Acts are contained in the oldest Greek
manuscripts of the New Testament Of these there are two which were
written in the fourth century, viz. the celebrated Codex Vaticanus or B, and
Codex Sinaiticus or K. In B our book is found after the Gospel of S. John
under the heading PRAXEIS APOSTOLdN or THE ACTS OF THE
APOSTLES: in K, with the simpler title PRAXEIS or ACTS\ it comes
after S. Paul's epistles. Besides these two manuscripts, about eight other
undal M88, written between the fifth and tenth centuries, contain the Acts —
bat in a more or less incomplete condition; for only two mss (A and S)
contain an entire copy. After the ninth century minuscule Greek icss take the
place of uncials, and among these have been counted about 370 copies of the
Acts.

> Bot the faller title oceurs in the subBcription of the book and U by the original
hand: see Br J. Armitage Robinson in Eulhaliawi {TexU dt Studies m 3) p. 16.

xiv THE BOOK ch. i

Besides Greek manoscripts, there are manuscript versions of the scriptures,
which will carry our history of the Acts still further back. For though the
existing copies of the versions were written later than e.g. B and K, the
original versions of which they are copies may have been made earlier ; and in
the case of the Acts we have grounds for believing that it was translated into
Syriac, Coptic, and Latin, during the course of the third century, if not before.

After B and K the most important Greek mss of the Acts are two written in
the fifth oentuiy, Codex Alexandrimu (A) now in the British Maseum, and Codex
Epkraemi (0), a palimpsest ua at Paris : and then two mss of the sixth century,
Codex Bezae (D) at Cambridge, and Codex LatuLiamu (E) at Oxford. The special
interest of D will appear below. The other uncial authorities are Codex Laurensis
ii (S) at Mt AthoB, of the eighth century: Codices MutinensU (H| at Modena,
Angeliau (L) at Bome, and Porphyriantu (P) at S. Petersburg, which date only
from the ninth century: and some fragments.

The ordinary Stbuo version is the Peskitta. This version was made in the
fourth or fifth century and was probably a revision of earlier translations. Only
slight traces however of the Acts in an earlier form have been found ; but there ia
evidence^ for a Syriac translation of the Acts as early as the beginning of the third
century. In the sixth century a revision of the Peshitta itself was made, which
received its final form in a.d. 616 from Thomas of Harkel. It is known as the
Philoxenian or Harkleian Syriac, and is important for containing so many * western
readings,' on which see below, p. xxiiL The chief versions of the NT into

Gopno are the Bohairie of Alexandria and lower Egypt, and the Sahidic of upper
Egypt. The Bohairie is probably not older than the sixth or seventh century, but
ttie Sahidic may date from the fourth or even the third century; and fragments
of translations into other dialects, perhaps as early or earlier, have been and are
still being found. The present Litxn Vulgate version was made by S. Jerome

between the years 383 and 405. Previous to this edition there had not been a
fixed version for the whole Latin-speaking church, and the manuscripts of trans-
lations previous to the Vulgate whicui have come down to us differ very widely from
one another. They, again, are very important for their evidence as to the * western
readings.'

The Acts was first printed in Greek in 1514 by Cardinal Ximenes for his
' Ooxnplutensian edition ' of the scriptures : but it was first published in Erasmus'
New Testament in 1516. In English the first printed edition was that of Tyndale,
in 1525: the 'Authorized Version' was published in 1611, Uie 'Bevised Version' in
1881.

In ascertaining the date and history of a book besides mss and versions
there is another source of information open to us, Le. its use by other
writers. And this will often carry us a good way behind our manuscripts.
For instance Tertullian of Carthage and Clement of Alexandria, who botli
flourished about a.i>. 200, quote the Acts frequently, under the titles {the)
Acts or (the) Acta qf{the) Apostles, Still more important is the use made of
it by S. Irenaeus, the bishop of Lyons : in his work Against the heresies,
written between 174 and 189, he quotes or summarizes whole chapters. The
list of the books of the New Testament known as the MurcUorian Canon,
which was probably drawn up between 170 and 200, describes the Acts in its
usual place. The earliest undoubted quotation from the Acts to which we can

^ e.g. in the tenth canon of the Syriac Doctrine of the Apoatlea (of the early
fourth century). For this and other information in this paragraph I am indebted
to Mr F. C. Borkitt.

|1 ITS HISTORY XV

point ocean in the letter of the chnrches of Vienne and Lyons which was
addresaed to the churches of Asia and Phrygia in a.d. 177. In giving an
Moount of the terrible persecution the churches had endured, the letter
describes the martyrs as ' praying like Stephen the perfect martyr, Lordy lay
noi this iin to their charge* But the earliest Christian writings outside the
New Testament, those of the Apostolic Fathers, contain many reminiscences
and echoes as it were of the language of the Acts. That we do not find
more definite quotations in early times need not surprise us. Very little of
the Christian literature of the first two centuries has come down to us ; so
there is not a large field in which to look for quotations. Further, it would
take some time for a book of the character of the Acts to win its way into
the Canon and become recognized as an authority. It was not always (nor
eren usually) copied with the Gospels, and we may infer that in the early
centuries it was not very widely known. Even in the fourth century, when
beginning a course of sermons upon the Acts, S. Chrysostom speaks of the
book as being familiar to yery few.

In 8. ChMHSBtT'B epistle, written about a.d. 95, we read to whom Ood taid I have
fimmd a mum after my heart, David the ton ofJeste (oh. 18), a collooation which
elsewhere is found ozfiy in Acts xiii 22 : more gladhy giving than receiving (2) and
egfteiaUg remembering the worde of the Lord Jetut which he tpake (18) remind us of
Acta XX 86 : with let him give tfurnke to Ood being in a good comcienee (41) com-
pare Aets xxiii 1 : with {Peter) went to lUe due place of glory and (Paul) went to
the haHiy piaee (5) op. Acts i 25. S. Ignatius also, writing about a.d. 115,

has a paialM to Judas' going to hit own place, viz. and each it about to go to
hu own place {Magnet, 5). His statement that after the returrection {the Lord) ate
with them ana drank with them at being offleth {Smym. 8) seems based on Acts
X 41. More striking evidence of famiUarity with the Acts is to be found

in 8. PoLTOAap*s letter to the Philinpians, written a few years after 8. Ignatius'
death. In this short letter we find all these phrases — whom God raited having
looeed the paint of Hadet, who it coming at judge of quick and dead, remembering
what the Lard taid, the prophett which preached before of the coming of our Lord,
if we tufer became of the name, may he give you part and lot (op. Acts ii 24, x 42,
XX 86, ni 58, T 41, viii 21). In the account of S. Polycarp's own martyrdom a.i>. 156,
we read that though he could have gone away to another place, yet he refuted,
tmyin§ ^the will of Ood be done' (op. Acts xxi 14). The knowledge of the

eventa narrated in the Aots is at tiie base of most of the apocryphal Acts and
8toiies of the Apostles whioh were composed in great numbers in the second and
centuries.

§ 2 /t« author

Who was the author of the Acts ? To this question, so important to us, no
u given by the book itself. Nor is any name given in its title in the
Qreek manuscripts before the tenth century : we simply read THJS ACTS
OF THE APOSTLES. The very first verses however tell us that the book
is the continuation of a former volume. And this volume can be none other
than that which is entitled KATA LOUKAN or {THE GOSPEL) AC-
CORDING TO LUKE. Both books begin with a similar preface : both are
addre«ed to the same person, the kratistos Theophiloe {mat excellent
TkscphUui) : and the style and vocabulary of both are so much alike, that we
shoold have coucluded independently that they came from the same pen. If

xvi THE BOOK

then & Luke was the author of the Gospel which bears his name, he ale
the second volume or the Acts of the Apostles.

This is also the yiew of tradition. Certainly Clement of Alei
TertuUian, and Irenaeus, all speak of LUCAS or S. Luke as the auth
there was no doubt upon the subject. The Muratorian Canon tells
the act$ qf all the apottlei were written in one book: Luke compile
for the most excellent Theophiliu because they severally took place
presence, i

The book of the Acts itself however contains independent eviden
S. Luke was its writer. In xvi 10 the pronoun we appears, and the ni
is continued in the first person to verse 17. The we reappears in xx 6, i
use of the first person is more or less continuous till the end of th
(xxviii 16). This shews that the writer was at these times (at least)
company of S. Paul. Now from S. Paul's epistles we can draw up a lisl
companions during or shortly after the latter period. The Epistles
Ephesians, Colossians, Philippians, and Philemon, were written duri
apostle's first imprisonment at Rome, and from them we learn thai
were with him — ^Epaphroditus and Epaphras; Timothy, Tychicus, Arist
and Mark ; Jesus Justus, Luke, and Demas. The first two joined hit
his arrival at Rome and so are excluded from the claim to authon
the Acts. The next four are excluded by their mention in the Acts,
by his subsequent abandonment of the apostle (II Tim iy 10), and '
left with Jesus Justus and Luke. S. Paul's last epistle, the seoc
Timothy, written from Rome just before the close of his life, gives ui
fiurther names. Of these some are Roman Christians and recent friends
apostle (Eubulus, Pudens, Linus, Claudia) ; others have appeared in th
(Prisca, Aquila, Erastus, and Trophimus) ; and we are left with Cresoens,
and Luke. Crescens and Jesus Justus may now be eliminated. There
hint of their having been specially intimate with S. Paul, or in his comp
early as the second journey (ch. xvi). The case is different with Titus,
was most intimately connected with the apostle ; he was * his own child
fiuth' ; and in the innermost circle of S. Paul's disciples Titus shared tl
place with Timothy. There is indeed no direct evidence that he wat
8. Paul during the 'we' periods of the Acts. But he was with the a
at the council of Jerusalem (Gal ii 1), which was just before the first p
and we are led on to notice the further surprising fact that this imp
minister of the apostle is not once mentioned in the Acts at all An
inference would be that he himself was the author of the book ; or if tra
is right in calling the author ' Luke,' that he and Luke are identical, am
like the Titus Justus of xviii 7, Luke's real name was Titus Lucas. Cei
the Epistle to Titus is just such an one as S. Paul might have written to S.
and the identification would throw a wonderful light on the history. Ten
however or even fascinating as it is, this hypothesis must be rejected in f
the decisive evidence of II Tim iv 10 {Titus is gone to Dalmatia; only
is with me) that Titus and Luke were distinct persons. Finding thi

$3 ITS AUTHOR xvii

ijral daimuit, we accept the voice of tradition which is tmanimouB in ascribing
tbeOoqiei and Acta to S. Lake : and the more readily, aa there waa no other
NHon why 8. Lake should have been selected He is otherwise practically
m mknown person. We have only two brief notices of him in the NT ; and
theie entirely agree with the hypothesis of his authorship. Only Luke U vsUh
im(2 Tim iv 10)-Hind certainly the Acts is stamped with fidelity to S. Paul.
iMkn the beloved phyeician (Col iv 14) — ^and certainly, the hint once given us,
vecui recognise in the (Gospel and the Acts the technical language and
the aoconte observation of a doctor. We can then without hesitation
eoodode that both the Gospel and the Acts were written by S. Luko,
the eofflpanion of S. PauL And this conclusion will give us a limit for the
dike of the Acts. It must have been composed in the lifetime of one who
kd been a contemporary of S. PauL

§ 3 /te unity

Tins conehision however is based upon an assumption that the Acts was
writtoD as a whole by a writer who includes himself when he uses the first
pnoQ *we.' It would be seriously affected if the Acts is a compilation from
niioos eouroes and writings (including a diary or journey-document, from which
the 'we' passages are taken and which may or may not have been written by
& Lake's hand) which were not worked up into the Acts in its present form until
well en in the second century. This is the theory of a school of critics, who
iiNDd thebr energy upon the work of breaking up the Acts into its original
pvti The most elaborate theory is that of Dr C. Clemen. He finds four
iODees--a < History of the Hellenists,' a 'History of Peter,' a 'History of Paul'
vikh a ^Joomey of PauL' These have been put together and the result
leviied and re-edited by three successive editors, of whom the second was
tmmrablj disposed to the Jews, the last the reverse. The last editor left the
^fpilation as we find it in the middle of the second century.

Eow this method of compiling books was not unknown to antiquity ; it
prevailed especially in oriental and Jewish literature. As examples of such
eamposite works we have in the Old Testament the Pentateuch, in apocryphal
fiteratore the Book of Enoch, among early Christian writings the Apostolical
GoBstitiitions. Again no doubt the Acts is in a sense a composite work : the
Mthor has had to make use of many difieront sources of information and
poliapa docomoits ; thus for instance the early chapters, or roughly speaking
tat I9 are marked off from the rest of the book by their strong Hebraic
, And yet on studying the Acts we find it stamped with a re-
muty both in subject and style. The unity of idea in the composition
win, we trust, appear from the conmientary. The unity of style is shewn by
tke recurrence of the special phraseology and grammatical usages of the
writer throughout the book ; and they mark the ' we ' passages no less than
Ike f«et of the book. In fact the various sources have been so welded or woven
iogetlier into a whole, that it would be extremely hard to separate even para-
graphs that at first sight may appear to be of a difierent character from the

R. A. /^

xviii THE BOOK c

rest There is a certain distinctioD, speaking roughly, between the two hi
of the book, yiz. ch. i-xii and ch. ziii-xxyiii : as to this all wonld agree. Be]
this, however, no general agreement has been arrived at among scholars f
the different documents which are postulated as the sources of the 1
Further, this unity takes in not only the Acts but the Gospel of S. L
with the scheme of which we find a distinct parallelism in the Acts^

We conclude, then, that there is a real unity in the Acts and that the
compiler of the Acts, whoever he was or whenever he lived, was a man of
literary power. He was not merely a compiler but an author: in feu
*S. Luke.' But it is a maxim among philosophers that we are not
multiply entities beyond what is necessary.' Why then should we suppo
second S. Luke living in the second century ? There certainly was a L
(or other companion of S. Paul) who wrote the 'we' diary or joumey-docun
in the first century— why do we require another ? The introduction of
second Luke in the second century will only complicate matters, by cauj
(1) a conflict with the unanimous voice of tradition, (2) an unnatural
ui\justifiaUe use of the first person, and (3) difficulties about the Goa
which most critics would now allow to have assumed its present form
the year 80.

The theory however would be borne out, or made necessary, if our aut
made use of the works of Josephus, who was writing up to the year :
Undoubtedly S. Luke and Josephus sometimes refer to the same events, ;
they have many words and phrases in common ; some being peculiar to Ui
two authors. A noteworthy parallel is when Josephus himself said to
people of Tiberias ' I do not refuse to die, if it is just'.' On the other hi
our two authors were almost co^mporaries ; they dealt with the same scei
races, and country, and often similar situations; and they were b
familiar with the Old Testament. It would be surprising if there were
some agreement With regard to special verbal coincidences, we m
remember that S. Luke, who was well read, may have read the same histori
that Josephus used for his authorities'. Besides in matters of detail, e.g. o
coming Theudas, S. Luke sometimes differs from Josephus^. No cmi
instance has been found to prove S. Luke's use of Josephus; and we may qv
as well maintain that Josephus used S. Luke, as vice versd.

It is not necessary to labour the question of unity of style in the Acts,
most scholars accept it as almost self-evident It is a matter which depei
largely upon literary sense and perception, and detailed arguments about 1
style of a Greek composition can hardly be reproduced in a work for En^
readers. One or two general remarks however may be made about S. hvik
writing. His opening preface (Lk i 1-4) shews that he was master of a go

^ Sir J. C. Hawldns in his Hotm Synoptieae (1899) has collected very wei^
statistical evidence from the Gospel and Acts, and the we-sections in particular,
to their unity of authorship. > Vita 29 ; op. S. Paul in Acts zzv 11. I

sentiment itself is not so rare as to prove plagiarism. ' As Dr Vogel suggisj

in his Zur CharaeUrUtik det Lukas etc, pp. 67-61. ^ See p. 74 and note.

§3 ITS UNFTY xix

Graek ityle. His &miliarity with Greek and Greek literature is also shewn by
his Tocabnlary. He is very fond of using rare, very often classical and poetical,
words : in hct we can hardly take a single paragraph without coming across
some striking or peculiar word. Thus in the Gospel and Acts there are about
750 words peculiar to S. Luke in the NT, and of these 440 occur only in the
Acts^ In spite however of this classical learning, S. Luke's writing has a
Btrang Hebraic or Aramaic tinge, not only when he is using Aramaic sources,
but throughout This is to be accounted for by familiarity with Hhe
scr^itures,' Le. the Old Testament S. Luke is, as we should say of an
Engiish writer, yery 'biblicaL' There was also another influence at work
which would tend to the same result, viz. the society of S. Paul S. Paul
was a Hebrew of the Hebrews, he was saturated, so to speak, with the
scriptures, and his tone of conversation and thought must have been 'biblical'
to a degree. The effect of S. Paul's influence on S. Luke is quite evident
The 'Gospel according to Luke' is very much what a 'Gospel according to
Paul' would have been, and in Acts xiii 38-39 we have the specially Pauline
doctrine of justification by faith. But the more personal and particular
inflnenoe of S. Paul's conversation on S. Luke's style is seen in the Ust^ which
Dr Plummer has drawn up in his commentary on S. Luke^ of 174 expressions
which occur in S. Luke's and S. Paul's writings and nowhere else in the NT.

Points of ttyle and voedbulary*

To illustraie the above statements we have as instances of Hebraic language
and idea the use of the Name (34 times) : the Lord^ i.e. Jbhovah, e.g. hand (zi 21,
ziii 11), angelf tpirit, way, day (ii 20, zvii 31) — of the Lord : day — in^ after, before
(v 86, zzi 38) these {those) days, until this day (ii 29, xziii 1), the days of, these days,
days of unleavened bread (xii 3, zz 6), day of Pentecost (ii 1, zz 16), night and day
etc.: soul especially =perBon (ii 41, zzvii 37), heart, lift up the voice (ii 14, ziv 11),
with a loud voice (vii 57, zzvi 24), open the mouth (viii 35, zviii 14), through the
mouth of (i 16, zv 7), by the hand of (ii 23, zv 23), from, in, into, through the hand
{hands) of^ lay on hands, on the way (viii 36, zzv 3, zzvi 13), iray=manner of life
(twelve times), Aattf«=hoii8ehold (z 2, zviii 8 : zi 14, zvi 31), t0ard=: subject of the
word, or thing, rise-up and, coming in and going out, before (God), in, from, before
— the face of (iii 13, zzv 16), in, from — the midst of, behold : full of (vi 5, ziii 10),
fiUed with (ii 4, ziii 9 etc.), fulfil (cp. ii 1, ziz 21 : ii 28, ziv 26). Some of these
oeeor throughout ; the few references given are to parallels between the first and
aeeond divisions of the Acts (i-zii, ziii-zziv), illustrating the unity of the book.

Oat of the numerous words found only in the Acts (or Acts and Lk) it will
ralBce to give a few which at the same time afford evidence of the unity of the
work — language (i 19, ii 6, 8, zzi 40, zzii 2, zzvi 14), upper chamber (i 13, iz 37, 39,

8), whieh'knowest'the-heart (i 24, zv 8), suddenly (ii 2, zvi 26, zzviii 6), wind, i.e.

bfeath (ii 2, zvii 25), confound (ii 6, iz 22, ziz 32, zzi 27, 31 ; confusion ziz 29), to utter

m speak-forth (ii 4, 14, zzvi 25), sojourn (ii 10, zvii 21), mock (ii 13, cp. zvii 32),

(ii 28, ziv 17), foresee (ii 31, op. zzi 29, ii 25), receive (ii 41, zziv 3 etc.),

wuike-stromg (iii 7, 16, zvi 5), appoint (iii 20, zzii 14, zzvi 16), followed after, i.e. in
order (iii 24, zi 4, zviii 23), sore-troubUd (iv 2, zvi 18), eventide (iv 3, zzviii 23),
kuUders (iv 11, cp. vii 47, iz 31, zz 32), public (v 18, cp. zvi 37, zz 20), violence

1 The numbers are taken from Dr Plummer and Prof. Blass respectivelv. An
•zlrem« estimate is that in Dr Thayer's NT Lexicon, which counts doubtful cases
and gives 851 and 478. ' In the International Critical Commentary, It

oantains an OLhanstive treatment of the subject. ' The references etc. have the
Ore^in view.

62

XX THE BOOK ci

(v 26, xziv 7, xxi 35, zzvii 41), slay (v 80, zzvi 21), seize {vi 12, zix 29, zzvii :
eaU-for (vii 14, z 32, zz 17, zziv 25), nourished^ i.e. brought up (Wi 20, 21, zxii
time of 'forty -yean fvii 23, ziii 18), in'their-tum Ut. having -succeeded (vii 45, op. z
27), thrust-out (vii 45, zzvii 39), young-man (vii 58, zz 9, zziii 17), noon (viii 26 zxu
zzii 6), lead-by-the-hand (iz 8, ziu 11, zzii 11), plot (iz 24, zz 3, 19, zziii 80), u
about, i.e. attempted (iz 29, ziz 18), send-for (z 5, zz 1 etc.), talk-with (z
ep. zz 11, zziv 26), without-gainsaying (z 29, cp. ziz 86), doing-good (z 38, cp. ziv ]
expound (zi 4, zviii 26, zzviii 23), afCeording to his ability or wealth (zi 29, cp. ziz S
beckoning (zii 17, ziii 16, ziz 33), stir (zii 18, ziz 23).

Other interesting verbal parallels between the two parts are : depart from (;
zviii 1, 2), set (1 7, zz 28), shall-be a witness (i 8, zzii 15), become and be it knc
(i 19, iz 42, ziz 17 ; ii 14, iv 10, ziii 88, zzviii 28), number or count with (i 26,
ziz 19), what meaneth thist (ii 12, zvii 20, op. 18), know assuredly or certain
(ii 86, zzi 34, zzU 80, cp. v 23, zvi 23, 24), the RighUous (iu 14, vii 52, zzii 1
grant (iii 14, zzv 11, 16, zzvii 24), had-in-honour or precious (v 34, zz 24), ta
heed-to yourselves (v 35, zz 28), beat (v 40, zvi 87, zzii 19), are these things i
(vii 1, zvii 11, zziv 9), there came a voice (vii 81, z 18, ziz 84, ii 6), became full-
trembling or in-a-tremor, or all-of-ct-tremble (vii 82, zvi 29), consent (viii 1, zzii 2
became full-of-fear or afraid (z 4, zzii 9 AV, zziv 25), rushed with-one-aca
(vii 57, ziz 29), the saints (iz 18, 82, 41, zzvi 10), proving (iz 22, ziz 33), an an,
of Qod (z 3, zzvii 28), Christian (zi 26, zzvi 28), should be, or there-was-about-to
with the future infinitive, a classical idiom foand only in the Acts (zi 28, zziii I
zziv 15, zzvii 10).

The following are a few of the more interesting words of S. Luke which el8ewh<
in the NT occur only in S. Paul's writings : apostleship (i 25), look-stedfas\
or fasten-eyes-upon (iii 4), grant-as-a-favour (iii 14), set-at-nought (iv 11), /tx,
ordain (iv 28), safety (v 23), ordinance (vii 53), consent (viii 1), the word of the Lc
(viii 25 etc.), make havock (iz 21K prove (iz 22), fpeak- or preach-boldly (iz 27 etc
reading (ziii 15), course (ziii 25), thrust-from (ziii 46), ordain or appoint (ziv 2;
keep-quiet (zi 18), decree (zvi 4), gain (zvi 19), tum-t^ide-down (zvii 6), rem
ness-of-mina (zvii 11), provoke (zvii 16), object-of-worship (zvii 23), shorn (zviii ll
fervent in spirit (zviii 25), companion-in-travel (ziz 29), rcuh (ziz 36), regular
lawful (ziz 39), purcJiase (zz 28), help (zz 35), evangelist (zzi 8), walk-order
(zzi 24), citizenship (zzii 28), live-as-a-citizen (zziii 1), curse (zziii 12), providen
(zziv 2), clemency (zziv 4), void-of-offence (zziv 16), indulgence (zziv 23), injury ai
2os< (zzvii 10), barbarian and kindness (zzviii 2), lodging (zzviii 23), «aivati
(zzviU 28).

Many of the words peculiar to S. Luke are technical terms due to the wide fiel
of ezperienoe covered by the book. Thus there are official and military term:
proconsul, Hctor, politarch, quaternion, horsemen, spearmen etc. Others connecti
with imprisonment obviondy reflect the apostles* ezperience. Others are connecti
with navigation. Of these, as we should ezpect, chapter zzvii is full; but elsewhe
in the book we have a sign of S. Luke's familiarity with the sea in these won
which he alone uses: sail-across, -away, -under, -past, -slowly, make-a-straigtu-cours

There are similar signs of S. Luke's medical knowledge. Dr Hobart has writtc
a book on the subject' and adduced a multitude of instances. Some of these m
rather forced, but enough remains to convince us that in the Acts we follow the pc
of a physician. We need only notice here that these words are peculiar to the Ao
in the NT : feet (lit steps) and ankle bones (iii 7), healing (iv 22, 30, cp. zzviii 27
scales (iz 18), mist (ziii 11), swollen (zzviii 6), dysentery (zzviii 8). Sharp-contentic
(Ut. paroxysm) in zv 89 is also a medical term. Many of the passages about healin
shew a scientific diagnosis ; and a doctor's interest is to be observed in the detai]
of iv 22, iz 33 and ziz 12. In zz 9 it is carefully remarked that Eutychus wi
* taken up dead,' without a positive statement that he was actually dead. In thj
connezion are to be observed the frequent references to the taking of food an
its efifeots, e.g. ii 42, iz 19, z 10, zvi 34, cp. zz 11 : as also to the effects of fastin
(zzvii 21, 33-36).

The Medical Lavgtiagc of S. Luke, 18o2,

§4 ITS TEXT xxi

§ 4 /te text

The diBOovery and study of ancient manuscripts and yerBions since the
publication of our Authorized Version (AY) in 1611 has shewn that the text
of the AY yaries greatly from that of the earliest authorities. This fact has
been made patent to the English reader by the difference between the AY
and the Reyised Yersion (RY) published in 1881. The differences are
numerous rather than important ; no doctrine or historical oyent is affected
by them, although in the Acts we lose in the new text seyeral whole yerses.
Bat we haye a natural desire to ascertain as far as possible the correct
readings, i.a the actual words written by the author. This is the aim of
textual criticism; and though its attainment is still yery far off, yet some
yeiy great steps haye been made towards it. Thus it has been found that
the whole mass of authorities, — manuscripts, yersions, and quotations, — can
be distributed under two or three types or ' families' of text These families
were already current in the fourth or fifth centuries, and the textual critics
hare to decide between their riyal claims. For tho reader who is not an
independent critic the choice practically lies as follows.

(1) The AV or Ssrrian Text. The AY was translated from the
Received Text (TR) of the Greek Testament, Le. Stephanus' third edition
of 1550. The first editions of the Greek Testament had been prepared from
a yery few and late mss; and for Stephanus' text only a few similar authorities^
ytere consulted in addition, so that the TR has no substantial claim in itself
to represent the most correct form of text'. Making allowance howeyer for
the errors that haye crept in through centuries of transcription, we find that
the AY practically represents the text that was current at Constantinople and
in the east about the beginning of the fifth century and which has preyailed
there since. Dean Burgon stoutly maintained this to be the original form ;
bat few critics would agree with him. The majority would accept the
judgement of Dr Hort and Bp Westcott These critics came to the conclusion
that the TR represents a reyision of tho text made in Antioch or Syria in
the fourth century ; and accordingly they christened it the Syrian Text,

(2) WH or the Neutral Text. Their own edition of the NT published
in 1881 (WH) represents the extreme of diyergonce from tho AY and the
highwater mark of criticism. Its characteristic is the groat weight assigned
to the famous Cktdex Fatieanus or B. This is indeed our most yaluable and
ancient m8 : it was probably written at the beginning of the fourth century ;
and WH practically giye us its text This they assert to be a neutral text,
lying between the diyergences made in different directions and therefore
going bade as close as possible to the autographs of the apostolic writers. It
would periiaps be safer to describe it with Dr Salmon^ as giring us the text aa
rerieed by the scholars of Alexandria in the second and third centuries.

1 They inoloded howeyer D ; but not much weight was assigned to it. ^ The
elaim to be the received text was first made in the Elzeyir edition of 1633. ' In

hi0 Textual OrUicism of the NT (Murray, 1897).

THE BOOK CH

fZj Tte BY or Bdeefcle Text For those who are not prepared
nch oTcnrhetming aoihoiitj to B, a middle oourae is ofoed by 1
leHortheBefisedYenioiL This, without identifni^itsfslf with any 'fiuni
mrtains all those modificatioiis of the BeodTed Text whidi are reqmred
the Bssi of andeat anthoritaes and wfaidi wovld be accepted by the migor
of critks, apart from that school which still adheres to the TR.

CampariMm of the AV wU RV fextt

It may be osefal to bsTe a smnmary of the changes in the BY doe to i
mikfptkm ol a different text. This list does not profess to be exhansttre, and <n
those passsges are noted where the change can be detected by the English read
The dsssifiestion is according to the £ffsrences in the Qxe^ and an aster
msiia the more interesting or important places. The changes csn be divided ii
<i) omisBons, (ii) sdditians, fai) alterstiotts.

L Omdatioiu. (J) Most striking is the dissppesiance of a nomber of dans

senteiices, or even whole texts, sneh as in Tii 37, ix j^, x 6, S8, xr 91, xviii 1

xxi 82, f5j xxii 9, xxiii 9, xxir S6 ; some howerer sre retained in the maigi

e^ Tiii 37, xt34, XX 15^xxiT5-B, xxriii 16, 29. (B\ Some omissions slight

a by * '

slleet the sense or detail oi the nairstiTe, most often fay simply msVing it mc
brief. See i 14« ii 23, 30*. 31, 47*, iii6, iT24, t 16. 24, 28, 32, 41, ni 32, x II, 12, 3(
xiii 42«, XT 17-8*, 23*, xri 6*, xvii 26*, xiiii 17, xix 9, xx 24», xxiii 80. xxiv S
In the iicred nsme, JesuM is omitted in iii 26, ix 29, xix 10; Ckriit in xr 11, xri I
xix 4, XX 21 (nsarg)' (Q A nomber of explanatory words or phrases appe

to have grsdoally been ins^ted in the original text with a Tiew of ***f^'*g i
meaning dearer en- the style smoother. These according have disappeared in tl
BY, with the effect of making the nazratiTe more graphic and Tigoroas. Sadb a
e.g. connecting particles — ^ii 42, iii 22, Yiii 33, xiii 46, xriii 15. xx ^ 29. 34^ xxiv 1)
Boid or §aijfimg — ii 38, y 9, 25, ix 5. xix 2, xxy 22, xxri S3, 29 : pronoons — i 1
in 13, ▼ 5, 18, 32, 41, Tii 31, 43, xi 9, 13, xii 9. xiii 19, 40, xiT 13, xr 36, xirii 1
xriii 20, xix 3, 12, xx 32, xxir 20: the sabstitotion of the nonn for pronoon — ^ix 1
95, X 23, xi 25, xii 20, xriii 1, xxiii 30; 34, xxriii 30: the additi<m of a name — ^xx 9
xxiii 11, xxri 7. For the omission of explanatory phrases generally see ii 7, iii 1
22, IT 8, Tii 11, 30, 36, 37, 48, ix 12, x 1, 21. xi 22, 28, xiii 42, 45, xrr 8, xvii I
xix 35, XX 25, xxi 8, xxii 20, 26, 30, xxiv 15, 22, xxr 7, 16, xxri 8, 14, 80, xxTii 4
For efothets omitted see i 19. ▼ 37, Ti 3, 13, yiii 18 marg, xix 29. xx 19: for sdyerl
etc, ii 33, 41, iy 17, y 23, ix 18, xiy 28, xxiii 15 : eeftain xiii 1, xyi 1, xix 9. xxiii ll
tki$ i 16, xyi 36, XX 29 : vail^ y 23, xix 4, xxii 3 : srtides yiii 12, xyi 6, xxii 1J|
xxiiiSO: €^u22, xxiy20,xxyiil2. j

iL The addiHons in the BY are relatiydy few, and {A) in the main of j
minnte chsrscter— the insertion of a partide, artide, or proposition, whidi mskl
the pasBsge more exsct or yiyid. For snch see xi 21, xyi 16*, xix 29, xx 11, 89
xxyi 4, xxyiii 28; xiii 31 ; xxrii 2; xyi 7, xx 5, xxiy 18; and in 15 plMes o^
both, or ev€fu (B) Some howeyer are real additions to the sense as in iv 2

yii 18, yiii 10, xiii 6*, xyi 7*. xyii 13, xyiii 7*. xix 40. xx 1. 4^, xxiii 9*. xxiy 1
xxy 6*, 18, xxyi 16*; cp. iy 33 marg. Bat like iii 3. xxiy 24 (/enw). xxyi 25 (.
and like the pronoons in ii 38, 40. yii 22, xix 15, xx 23, xxiy 13, several of thed
are akin to thie explanatory additions exduded in i (C).

iiL AUeraUom are more nomerons. {A) The order of the words is altered,
in i 13*. u 47 and iii 1*, iii 20*. 21, iy 25*, y 22, yiii 28, x 12, xiii 19*, xviii
xxi 11, xxyi 7, xxviii 17. {B) A different word is nsed in i 15, 25. u 1, iii

21, y 33, 34, yi 8«, yii 16, 17, yiii 8, ix 20*. x 14. 16, xi 20*, xiii 19*. 28% xy 33*,
xyi 13*. 32, xvii 14*, xviU 5*, xix 16*, xx 1, 7*. xxi 34. xxiy 1, xxyi 15. xxyii 1^
34, 39 : different prepodtions in i 17, y 15, 23, yii 35, ix 3. x 17, xx 13, xxiy
xxyiii 3, and xii 25* margin : different conjonotions in xy 2, xvii 14. xxiy 16, xxy
xxyiii 9, yi 3 margin. The very common interchange of Ood and Lord (in

Greek ^, kc) is fSoimd in yiii 22, x S3, xv 40 and the margin of xiii 44, xx 28,
xyi 10, xyii 27, xxi 20 and the margin of xyi 32 : see also ix 20, x 48, xviii

§4 ITS TEXT xxiii

szii 16. (C) The same word is aaed but with an alteration— in number ii 23,

ix 81*, xxiii 20*; ix 12, xviU 16, xxiii 6*, xxiv 6, xxv 2* : case iv 6, xiii 14*, xvli 30,
six 27*, zx 24*, xxi 20, xxyii 2: gender ix 8; xxiv 18; xiii 25*, xtu 23*: and
degree xzir 10. 8o in the same verb there is a difference— of voice xi 12*, xvi 13* :
mood ix 88*, xxi 24 (infinite verb xviii 21, xix 1, xxv 25) : tense v 39. vii 35, xvi 17,
xxiii 13, xxv 13*, xxvi 24 : and person x 24 marg, xi 11*, xvi 13*, xviii 3*, 19,
zix 13*, xxvii 19*, xxviii 1*. A differenoe in the compounded preposition is found
—in verbs iii 24, xiii 26, xiv 14, xv 22, 30, xvi 39, xvii 26*, xix 12, 33*, xxi 4,
xxiv 9, 11, xxviii 16, and the margin of xvii 30*, xx 5*, xxi 25* : and nouns xv 2*,
7*, xxiv 2*, 12, xxv 15. Lastly there are changes in the pronouns in i 8, 26, ix 25*;
▼ 39, ix 38, X 42, xiii 33*; v 32 margin : interchange of the first and second persons
in iii 26, xiv 17, xv 7, xvi 17, xxviii 25* and xiii 26, xix 37 : pronoun for name in
z 7, zii 13, xxiv 23^ xxviii 17.

Conqwirifon of RV and WH

L WH side with the AV against the BY in one place xi 20, which however is
marked for special discussion; and in iii 25, xiii 46, xviii 3 they admit the AV
reading (rejei^ed by BY) into their margin.

iL In 18 places new readings of WH are admitted into the margin of BY, viz.
in IT 1, vi 3, viii 18, x 24, 36, xi 23, xii 25, xv 24, xvii 30, xx 4, 5, 21, 32, xxi 26,
xxvii 87, 89, xxviii 1, 13.

iiL BesideB these WH have a number of readings which are not given in the
BY or AY ; but they are not of a significant character as will be seen from this list.
{A) ii 44 omit were [together] andt vii 38 read you for im, x 19 two for threes 45 who
for oj mtmy at,iiS he went in... did eat for Thou wentest in... didst eat; and omit in
X 19 unto Hm, xiii 19 And, xxiii 10 an and^ xxvi 26 also. In these places WH have
the BY reading as an alternative in the margin. (B) In the following th^

reject altogether the BY and AY readings — vii 43 read Romphat xviii 7 Titius
[Jnstos], xix 89 further for about other matters ; add in ii 33 both [see], ix 15 both
[the Gentiles], xvi 9 and [beseeching] ; omit in il And^ ul all^ xii 21 and [sat],
xix 8 the things, {C) WH also admit a number of marginal or alternative reaoings
whioh ace not mentioned in the BY or AY, e.g. v 33 add to him^ viii 27 omit who
[bad eome], x 19 omit the number (tiro or thrce)^ xix 24 omit silver, 34 repeat
Great it Artemie of the Ephesians, xx 13 [going] to for before, 15 in the evening for
the next day, xxiii 7 fell upon (them) for arose, xxiv 26 omit [given] him, xxv 19 evil
charge of such things for charge of such eml things, xxvii 27 [that a land] was
Tfwasauting for drawing near. One of their alternative readings however has been
admitted into the BY margin in xxiii 28.

(4) The Besan Text. There still remains a family or type of text
whidi of late yean has been attracting very great attention, and the question
of ita origin and value is the chief problem of the textual criticism of to-day.
Among the aathorities consulted for Stephanus' edition of 1550 was an early
Greek mb of the Gospels and Acts, written in the sixth century, which had
foond its way from a monastery in Lyons (as is supposed) into the hands of
tlie scholar and reformer Theodore Beza. From Beza it passed on to the
UniTerBity Library at Cambridge, where it now rests. It is known as Codex
BezoB or D, and has attained a world-wide reputation. For it was found that
this codex was distinguished by an extraordinary number of variations from
the ordinary text At first this peculiarity only served to stamp the codex
ai wofthleBS and to give it a bad namei But as time advanced, considerable
sopport for these variations was discovered in other authorities, viz. in versions,
especially the Harkleian Syriac and the early Latin versions previous to the
Vulgate (p. xiv), in patristic quotations, and in a few Greek mss. These dis-
eoveries indeed meant nothing less than the discovery of a definite type of text,

xxiv THE BOOK c

to which the name of Western was given by Qriesbach. This text was cui
in very early days and widely spread, so that 'Western' is rather a quest
begging title. The text was current in the east as well as the west;
WH in their Introduction (p. 548) speak of Mts rapid and wide prop
tion...in the centuries following the death of the apostles' as 'the i
striking phenomenon of textual history.' Though a striking phenome
however, no scholar seriously entertained a claim for originality on behal
the Western text In the first two centuries, when our books of the New '
tament were only gradually winning their way to recognition as ' scriptu
naturally the same importance was not attached to the preservation of
exact text as in later times. This was held to be a sufficient reason to acoc
for the appearance and widespread growth of the Western readings ; besi
the Western authorities exhibit great variation among themselves, and ^
many of their additions bear the character of the explanatory interpolati
which are a common feature in the history of ancient texts.

In connexion with the Acts however the qaestion of the Western i
assumes new proportions. For it is in this book that, the variations i
additions of Codex Bezae are most striking and abundant And for th
readings — in addition to the witnesses already mentioned— special support
been found in some later Latin texts ^, in quotations in Irenaeus, Cypri
and Augustine, and in three Qreek mss, viz. E, 137 a minuscule of
eleventh century at Milan, and 58 a twelfth-century ms at Oxford. 1
evidence has been collected and marshalled by Dr Blass, one of \
leading classical scholars of Germany, who has published the resultant tc
which he calls the Roman Text\ More than this, in his commentary
the Acts published in 1895 he startled the world by maintaining that t
Roman text came from the hand of S. Luke. It was a first edition
rather a rough copy of the work, written at Rome; and our text is reall;
revision of this or a second edition, carefully revised and sent to Theophil
This theory was not, strictly speaking, originals ; but it was the learning
Dr Blass and the authorities which he adduced which at once brought I
problem to the frout Dr Blass' view has not as yet found general acoeptan
but it has called serious attention once more to these Besan readii^
Whether they come from the hand of S. Luke or no, many of these readin
bear the stamp of truth and may mark a genuine tradition, like Jn viii 1«]
or Lk xxii 43-44. Among them are to be found most of the whole verses
sentences of the AV which have been omitted in the RY (p. xxii); ai
in any case they are a valuable aid in explaining the text This must be tl

^ e.g. a Latin Bible at Stockholm called Oigas, a palimpsest of Fleury, a^
some MSS of versions made in Bohemia and Provence. Herr Aug. Pott w
the first to call attention to the Oxford (Gk) ms in his Der abendl&nduche Text i
Apoitelgeaek. (1900). ' in his Acta Apottolcrum ucundum formam qm

videtur Bomanamt 1896. The introdactions to this and to his commentary conta
a list of his authorities with his arguments. ' Leclerc, a Dutch scholar,

the beginning of Uie 18th oentniy first suggested the idea of two editions of tj
Acts* Bomemann in 1848 maintained the originality of Codex Bczae.

§4 ITS TEXT XXV

ezcuse for tiie frequent reference in this commentaxy to the Bezan text, as
we prefer to call it^ both Roman and WeiUm being names which beg the
qiMstion of its origin.

Dr BlasB* theory must be left to the discussion and decision of scholars,
but there are these points to be considered which strongly make for its
aooeptanoe in a modified form.

(i) No doubt many of the Bezan readings are obviously later inter-
polations or additions. But we have not got (in spite of Dr Blass' edition)
the original form of the Besau text We have only one Greek ms of a
thoroughgoing Beian type, and that not older than the sixth century: and
its text like Uiat in other mss would have been subject to the ordinary causes
of textual corruption. Indeed, if the origin of the text was a rough copy or
csKfkem^ there could hardly have been much fixity of form about it, and the
opportunity for corruption would have been proportionally great

(ii) This problem is specially connected with S. Luke's writings, and
of tbem chiefly with his second and later work. For the most important
varialiMiB in his Gospel occur at its end. There the Bezan text has two
fiuDons passages regarded by WH as interpolations but authentic, viz. xxii
43-44 and xxiii 34. On the other hand it omits (which is itself a usual
waga of originality) a number of passages, viz. in xxii 19, xziv 3, 6, 12, 36,
40y 51, 62; and the last two of these closely affect the connexion of the
Acts with the Gospel. Now we may fairly ask why should there be this
special connexion with S. Luke? and in particular with his later work?
FurtheTy we notice that the additions are written in a very definite Lucan
i^le, which is one of the strongest arguments for their originality. If they
were the work of an interpolator, he must have been a very careful student of
S. Luke and impr^^ted with his style and vocabulary.

(iii) The hand of an interpolator generally betrays itself by some ana-
dmrniam, some inconsistency with the original work, or by some tendency,
■ome special doctrine or theory which he desires to emphasize. Such work
is not proof against the keen eye of the modern critic : the pseudo-Ignatian
E|Hstles and the Apostolic Constitutions are classical examples of the de-
tection of the work of a compiler. But in all the wealth of detail added
to the Acts, no instance of anachronism or inconsistency has been proved.
Simikily no special tendency has been detected. There is no utterance upon
doctrines which became the subjects of later controversy^; nor is there an
increase of the miraculous element, a common mark of an interpolator. On
the other hand it is hard to coivjocture a reason for the insertion of many
details, eig. the mention of the seven steps leading up to Herod's prison
(zii 10), that S. Paul Uught from the fifth to the tenth hour (xix 9), and that
Demetrius' company ran out into the street (xix 28). The only explanation
teems to be that they were features in the scene which impressed themselves
OB the memory of an eye-witness.

(iv) When we read the two texts, the RV and Blass* edition of 'the

> There is indeed an obvions emphasis on the work of the Holy Spirit ; see e.g.
xi 7, XV 7, 29, 89, xix 1, zz 8, xxvi L But this is itself a Lucan oharsoterittio.

xxvi THE BOOK ch.;

Roman text,' side by side, we get a strong impression that we are obta
an insight into the work of composition. We can, so to speak, see the ai
at work on the revision of his first copy. He is anxious to polish the i
to make the narratiye more concise, the sentences more tersa Possibly
pressed by the exigencies of space and the limitations of his parchx
Hence he cuts out repetitions, prunes his language, and omits superfl
details. This impression is confirmed when we notice that the changei
most numerous in passages which caU for editorial skill. They are
frequent where he is carefully following his authorities, as in the ea
chapters ; or in scenes and speeches which he has carefully elaborated. '
occur most in editorial passages, summaries of work done, and the conne<
links between the different scenes. In fact they abound in the midd]
the book, in chapters xiii-xx, where S. Luke has the very difficult tas
describing S. Paul's missionary work and of compressing into a few verses
work of months.

(v) The additions by no means occur, as in the case of ordinary
terpolations, where some roughness or ambiguity invites the touch of
copyist In some places it is true that to cut out the Bezan reading wi
leave a kind of hiatus (as in xxiv 6--8), which suggests the smoothing ban
an interpolator : but such cases may equally well be due to the author's ovens
of the effect of his revision. Apart from these places, however, there
remains an unevenness or want of clearness in many passages of the rev
text (or second edition). Such passages are v 12-14, 38-9, vii 2-4, viii 7, i
xii 25, xiv 1-4, xv 33 and 40, xvi 19-20, xvii 8-9, xviii 18-21, xx 3-5, xxvii 9-
and they make us feel that even in the BV or WH we have not yet got
author's final revision of his work. Such a reflection will give us the necest
modification of Dr Blass* theory. We are not to conceive of S. Luke
deliberately publishing two editions, like a modem writer. A book like
Acts cannot be written offhand in one autograph. The author first wi
a draft and then revises it In this case there must have been several dn
or * attempts' (Lk i 1), of the different parts of the Acts written at vari
times and in various stages, before the whole could have reached the I
form in which it was sent to Theophilus. Some of the earlier drafts or nx
copies may have been made public. S. Luke may have allowed the Ron
Christians to make and circulate copies. It is also possible that some
the documents he used may have been in circulation, and these would g
rise to differences of reading: this may in part account for many of )
Western variations elsewhere in the NT. There are other possibilities wh
may be taken into consideration. In the uncertainty of the future outli
S. Luke may have issued the Acts prematurely before giving it the final toudi
Or what is more likely, the persecution or even S. Luke's death may have i
short the work of revision, so that the Acts never did appear in a fixed i|
final form. By some such suppositions as these it is quite possible to aoot^
the BY or WH as the most authoritative form of the text of the Acts, witlij
denying the authenticity and importance of a great number of the Bei(
readings. i

CH.n§l ^HE AUTHOR xxvii

CHAPTER n
The AtUhor — 8. Imke

§ 1 HU hiMtory

Our infonxiaUon about S. Luke is practically confined to what we can
glean from the pages of the New Testament itself. {A) At the end of the Bp.
to the Colossians (iy 14), written from Rome about the year 60, S. Paul
writes Luke the beloved physician and Demas scdute you. In his letter sent
to Philemon at the same time he writes Mark, Arieiarchtu, Demas, Luke,
mi^ fellow foorkers [saliUe you"]. In his last letter, written shortly before his
doiih in A.i>, 64 or 65, he tells Timothy Only Luke is with me (2 Tim iy 11).
(B) Besides these references there are the 'we* passages in the Acts. In
xi27'-8 the Besan text runs thus : There came down Jrom Jerusalem prophets
to Antioch and there was much njoicing: and when we were gathered
together, one qfthem named Agdbus etc. In ziy 22 the apostles instruct the
disciples at Antioch in Pisidia that through many tribulations we must enter
kito the kingdom qf €hd. No doubt this may be a general statement, but it
soonds like a personal recollection. In xyi 10 the writer makes a definite
appearance at Troas, when after S. Paul's yision u)e sought to go forth into
Macedonia, Apparently he was left at Philippi, for after verse 17 the we does
not reappear until the last journey to Jerusalem. Then the brethren who had
gone on from Corinth were waiting for us at Troas, and we sailed away from
Philippi etc. (zx 6, 6). The writer then remains in S. Paul's company till the
end of the Acts. It is important howeyer to notice that the use of the third
person instead of the first does not necessarily imply the absence of the writer.
For, although he was with S. Paul during the latter part of the Acts, the first
persoo is only used in the accounts of the journeys, zx 5-zzi 18 and zxyii 1-
izriii 16, and in the latter passage the third person occurs frequently.
Similarly at Philippi the third person is used on occasions when it is very
probable that the writer was present e.g. in xyi 40. And it is most unlikely,
as wiU i^ypear below, that S. Luke joined the apostolic company for the first
time at Troaa (C) Lastly, we haye S. Luke's account of his motiyes for writing
at the beginning of his Gospel (Lk i 1-4): it seemed good to me also, liaving
traced the course qfall things accurately from the Jirst, to write unto thee in
order, most excellent TheophUus,

From these notices we first gather that S. Luke was a Gentile, for in the
Ep. to the Colossians Luke and Demas are distinguished from Aristarchus,
Milk, and Jesus Justus, — who are of the circumcision. This is borne out
by hiB name LOUKAS or LUCAS, an instance of the contraction yery
common in the Gredzed population of the Roman empire. In the Acts
we haye similar contractions— /S^tto for Silvanus, Theudas for Theodotus or
TTieodorus, Parmenas for Parmenides, Apollos for Apollonius or Apdlodorus,
Lueat DO doubt stands for Lucanus, which was a Roman name. It does not

M

xxroi THE AUTHOR

follow that he was a Roman by birth. The uae of Roman names wi
widespread. The Acts is full of them, ag. Pontitu PikUug, Comelitu^
Justus f Aquila, Priscilla, Orispiu, CaiuSj Secundus^ Claudius (Lysias),
Teriullus, Porcius Festus, Julius^ Publius. Of these Felix we knon
Greek, Crispus and Aquila were Jews. Even Palestinian Jews adopted
surnames ; and among Jews we find (Joseph) Justus, (John) Marcus,
LuciuSy PauluSy Silvanus, and Ei^usK Among non-Romans a Roman
was commonly the sign^ of a freedman : for a skve, when set free, adopt
master's name. But it may denote the possession of Roman citizensl
quired by other methods. Like Paulus and Silvanus S. Luke may hare
Roman citizen. His character however bears a Greek stomp. This is shi
his ready pen, his versatility, and not least by his interest in the sea. j
same time his ready assimilation of the Jewish and Christian theolo^
his familiarity with the scriptures point to Semitic or eastern affinities,
characteristics however would be accounted for by an early conversion,
seems to be implied by Acts zi 28 (Bezan) and his own preface.

We are definitely told that S. Luke was a doctor by profession,
indeed we might have conjectured from the evidence of his writings, whi
been summarised above (p. xx). Among the Romans this profession w]
held in high repute : in a wealthy Roman house the part of family doctc
played by a slave or freedman ; and such was Antonius Musa, the physic
Augustus. But it was otherwise among the Greeks. With them indec
study of medicine ranked with that of philosophy ; and there were m
schools at the universities, as at Alexandria where the great Galon i
student sixty years later. On another side the art of healing was c
associated with religion, and in Asia Minor the worship of Asklepios th
of healing was widely spread. At the time of the Acts there was a flouri
school of medicine attached to the temple of Men Karou near Laodicea, an
names of its presidents are found on coins ^. This connexion however inv
another which was not so creditable, viz. with magic and sorcery. In this
science S. Luke was evidently much interested, to judge from the num
pictures of its professors which he gives in the Acts, e.g. of Simon M
Elymas Barjesus, the ' Python,' the sons of Sceva, and the Ephesian exon

His professional career and training would have made S. Luke a trav
and the fact is evident from his familiarity with Galatia and the coasts a
Aegean. It is also clear that he had received a good classical education, \
should caU it He was well read in the Greek authors. This we can con
from his language and style. But his own words in his prefiu^ are the
evidence of his literary power. We should not then go far wrong in
eluding that he had studied at some university. Alexandria is probabl;
eluded by the absence of any allusion to the city. On the other hand S. J

^ And in the epistles Junias or Junta, Lucius (Bom zvi 7, 21), Jesus J
(Col iv 11). ^ Ramsay Citiet and bithopries of Phrygia p. 52. Laodioei

not far from Goloasae and S. Luke was apparently known to the Golossian ob
(Gd iv 14). Both dties lie on the road from the west to Antioeh in Pisidia.

|1 fflS fflSTORY xxix

quite at home in the Agora of Athens, and he has a thorough grasp
of the Athenian character. Failing Athens, there is still another oniyersily
wbieh he may hare visited, and that is Tarsus, the third on the list.

If it is legitimate to draw inferences from the selections which S. Luke
gives from the apostolic preaching and from his choice of material in Gospel
aad Acts, we may restore his spiritnal history, which would he a typical one
for those early times. This is of course a matter of conjecture only; hut it
does not seem too strained to recognize in the author of the Acts an
afiectioiiate, joyous and pious nature which was deeply impressed with the
eridenoe of the goodness of God, seen in the bounty of nature, giving rains
amd fruitful geamms, filling men's hearts with food and gladness; and such

one may have chosen his calling from a desire to go about doing good. A
education would have taught him the truths which S. Paul
in addressing the Athenians, viz. the unity and omnipresence of the
Divine Nature, together with the conviction that t?ie Lord qf heaven and
earth dwelleth not in temples made with hands. But it could not reveal
the Divine Person : and accordingly he was left to feel after Ghd, if haply he
jmightfind him. In this darkness Judaism with its faith in the one God and
its divine revelation in the scriptures seemed to shine with a clear light.
Like many others our author was attracted and became one of the devout or
€hd-worshipping adherents of the synagogue. But neither his yearnings for
isOowahip nor for joy were satisfied : Gentile converts remained very much in
the outer court, shut out by the great barrier of circumcision; and instead of
bringing joy and peace, the Law only increased the burden on the conscience.
li was, then, at this stage that perhaps in some synagogue there fell on S. Luke's
eafs the glad news of the remission of sins, and he was baptized into the name
of Jeans Christ

The data, which we have collected above, are all we have to guide us in
the discovery of S. Luke's origin. Eusebius indeed, writing about A.D. 330,
tells ns that he was hy race of those from Antioch, and S. Jerome somewhat
later writes decisively Lucas medieus Antioehensis (Luke a physician (f
Amtioch). Antiodi does in fact occupy an important position in the history,
ad there may be some patriotic feeling in the distinction of Nicolas among
the Seven MSk proselyte qf Antioch. But the position of Antioch springs as
■neh out of the history as that of Corinth, Ephesus, and Rome, and we find
no local allusions or picturesque details. We should hardly have concluded
thai 8. Lake had ever been at Antioch, but for the very important evidence
of the Beian reading in xi 28 which says when we were gathered together.
The mention of much r^oicing in the immediate context gives the passage
a very genuine and Lucan ring, and so we gather that S. Luke was present in
te chnrdi at Antioch about the year 42.

This does not however necessarily imply that he was a citizen of Antioch
or of Syrian race, as Jerome says ; and Professor Ramsay, impressed by the
Greek characteristics of S. Luke, agrees with Renan in the conviction that
he was a native of FhilippL This would not be inconsistent with Eusebius'

THE AUTHOR i

description, which would be satisfied by supposing Luke to have descende
one of the old Macedonian and aristocratic families of Antioch. Dr B
bases his theory on S. Luke's first appearance at Troas, ¥nth his eagen
directing S. Paul's steps towards Macedonia, the Yi?idness of the narra
events at Philippi, the civic pride shewn in calling Fhilippi t?ie first city <
part — a title to which its daim waa at least doubtful — and lastly his dot
continuous connexion with the church at PhilippL This theory is very pla
On the other hand it is extremely unlikely that S. Luke met S. Paul !
first time at Troas ; it is most unUkely that a new convert, or at least
companion, should have had so much influence on the apostolic deliben
and within a few days should be like them addressing the women (r
8. Luke acts as one who had been a Christian, and intimate with S. Pa
a long time. It is more probable that he had been one of the ooi
before they reached Troas ; that at Troas, aa at Perga (xiii 13), there ha^
some hesitation and divided counsels ; and if S. Luke by his pleading
home the call of the vision and carried the day, that recollection was sufl
to prompt the words toe sought to go forth into Macedonia^.

In support of his contention Dr Ramsay appeals to 'the facts' — 'the;
have eyes to see them know'.' Certainly the impression given by the nar
b strong, but there is an earlier scene where similar reasoning would d<
strate S. Luke's presence. Nowhere does 8. Luke display more accurate
and geographical knowledge than in his account of the first missionary ja
in South Galatia, where the political conditions in the first century were si
to constant change. He thoroughly understands the religious situatk
Lystra, Derbe« and Iconium ; and at Antioch of Pisidia we have one o
most vivid pictures in the Acts. It is tho scene chosen for the typical se
in the synagogue ; and we almost feel that we are reading the words o
who was in the congr^ation, who noticed Paul and Barnabas coming in
watched the rulers of the synagogue sending a message to them, and
Paul standing up and beckoning with his hands; who heard the wor
the apostle, and was himself deeply moved by the proclamation ol
forgiveness of sins ; who shared in the excitement of the congregation as
dispersed after service, and of the enormous crowd which came to the i
gogue the next sabbath day ; and who, when persecution had arisen and
and Barnabas were driven out, knew that the disciples were still JUled
joy and the holy Spirit— & characteristic Lucan observation. But foi
previous notice (in the Bezan text) of S. Luke's presence in the church ol
Syrian Antioch, we might almost feci convinced that S. Luke was among
crowd of devout proselytes who followed Paul and Bamabajs home fron
synagogue and thenceforward continued in the grace qf €hd.

But without going so far as this, the supposition that S. Luke came I
this Antioch and was a companion of S. Paul on his first journey in
would fall in with many of our facts. Tradition would still be true ii

See p. 278. > See his Paul the Traveller etc., pp. 200-10, 389-90lj

|1 HIS HISTORY xxxi

liim ao Antioeheney though a mistake had crept in as to the Antioch in
^Mftaon. This personal connexion may have been one cause which helped to
guide the aposUes' steps from Pei^ga to Antioch in Pisidia on their first journey.
& Fteil mentions another cause of his preaching there : it was through sickness,
bteause qf an infirmity qf the flesh, that he first preached to the Oalatians^
And this statement reminds us that S. Luke was a physician. Antioch was
Bot unsuitable for the study of medicine, which as we have seen flourished
in Asia Minor, especially near Laodicea, which was not so very far from
Antioch'. Antioch was also favourable for travel, it lay on the highway between
the Aegean Sea and Tarsus. Again, if he was a citizen of Antioch, patriotism
on 8. Lake's part may account for his reticence as to the unhappy defection of
the Galatian churches from the gospel of S. Paul Finally, Dr Ramsay has
himsdf given us the key to the settlement of the rival claims of Philippi
and AntiodL The descendants of the original Macedonian conquerors and
settlers formed the aristocracy in the new Greek kingdoms which grew up
out of Alexander's conquests in the East If S. Luke sprang from one of
these families who had come from Philippi, it would account for his return
to and affection for that city. And in this connexion we may notice that
the Acta is full of evidence of aristocratio sympathies and leanings on
the part of the writer^.

Now, if a native of the Pisidian Antioch, S. Luke may have been at once
ef Macedonian or Greek blood, a Roman citizen, and an adherent of the
Jewish monotheism. This would have given him the cosmopolitan sympathies
for the Acts; and his aristocratic descent, with the comfortable
of a physician, would have made him a useful and not unequal
eampamon of S. PauL

We can now draw a better, though still conjectural, sketch of S. Luke's
early history. We can suppose that after much travel in the study and
piaetioe of medicine he paid a visit to Tarsus and its famous university. Here
be net and was converted by S. Paul; and when Barnabas came from Antioch
and took back Saul with him about the year 42 (xi 25-6), S. Luke accompanied
them, and by the use of the first person in xi 28 (Bezan) has left a silent note
ef his entry into the church. It is just at this point that we have most light
thrown upon the internal condition of the church at Antioch (xi 20-30)^ It is
Boi at aD unreasonable to suppose that S. Luke accompanied the apostles on
their first journey in a.i>. 46-7 (xiii-xiv), which will account for the graphic and
aocorate narrative and the to^ in xvi 22. At some x)oint in the second journey
he joined Paul again. Possibly he may have been left in charge of the church

> Gal iv 13. As will be seen below we have no hesitation in identifying the
^ffi^^Uti ehurches with those founded in the first journey. - It is interring

in this connexion to learn that at Adada, a town which S. Paul probably passed
thxoogh on his way to Antioch, there has been found the tombstone of a young
■an of good family who had chosen the study of medicine but died at Alexandria,
anarently in its pursuit (Dr Sterrett Wolfe Expedition etc. inscr. no. 408).
> For this see p. 292 and notice that his book is dedicated to the moit excellent
Theophilus. * Bee the commentaiy on the passage (pp. 167-9).

xxxii THE AUTHOR ci

at Antioch in Piudia, and there been picked ap again by S. Panl, like Tim
(xvi 1-3), in a.d. 49 ; for Sonth Galatia is the starting point of the so
journey, and S. Lnke appears soon after they hafe left that country (ferae
Apparently he was left behind in charge of the church at Philippi (verse
but that would not preclude his having rejoined S. Paul at, or paid visit
Athens, Corinth, and Ephesus. If, as is very likely, Luke is the brother, «0
praiu in ths gospel i$ spread through all the churches, of 2 Cor viii 1(
was sent by 8. Paul on a mission to Corinth in 64. And the praise in
gospel may be a sign that one of his chief occupations at Philippi was
of collecting materials for the 'Gospel according to Luke.' The next sp
(of 65) we know for certain that he joined the apostle at Philippi on his
journey up to Jerusalem: no doubt he was one of the messengers qf
churches (2 Cor viii 23) in charge of their alms for the church at Jemaa
From this point his history will best be followed in the narrative itsel

§ 2 His character

If we cannot ascertain many facts about S. Luke^s life, it is comparati
easy to draw a sketch of his character from his work. Tradition tells us ^
he was a painter, and this expresses the truth that S. Luke was an artisi
nature. The Acts alone is sufficient to shew that he had an artist's eye
artist's ideas and imagination, and an artist's power of expression, the powc
delineating a character or a scene in a few vigorous lines or even words. '
scientific training of the physician shews itself in the faculty of ai
observation and accurate description. His Greek nature is seen in
versatility which makes him at home in such varied scenes and situati*
These qualities however bear rather upon the character of the book,
will be considered below. Here we are more interested in the man.

S. Luke is the typical disciple, or rather Christian disciple. 'By
shall all men know that ye are my disciples, if ye have love one to anotl
Love was the basis of S. Luke's character, and that love which shews itsell
a gentle and affectionate nature. He was the beloved physician. The 1
attribute of such affection is self-forgetfulness, and this is shewn in S. Lul
modesty or entire self-effacement Though he could say of this hist
* cuius pars magna /ui* yet there is not a word about his own work,
'praise in the gospel,' his services to S. Paul, not even a hint of S. Pa
affection for hint And when he cannot help betraying his presence^ he d
it simply by writing tte (and not /).

The gentleness comes out in his interest in women. The position
women varied then as now. At Jerusalem of course they were kept v
much in the background. In Macedonia, and still more in Asia Minor, won
moved about in society, even in public life, very much as they do n
Agreeable to this is the influence of women at Antioch in Pisidia (xiii 6

1 Of. xvi 1-8 wifch n Tim i 5. This makes 8. Lake's rilenoe about Theola all
more remarkable. See below, pp. 226~7«

§2 HIS CHARACTER xxxiii

Thfiwalonica, and Beroea (xvii 4, 12). But everywhere alike S. Luke is
nrndfol of the part played by women : he does not forget their position in
the diiirch (ji 14 the women, xxi 9 prapheteises) or among the converts
(Tin IS, xri 13, xvii 4, 12, 34), their share in persecution (viii 3, ix 2,
xxii 4) and church life (xxi 5). And we have a number of names and
chancters of all classes : Maij the mother of Jesus, Dorcas and Mary the
mother of John Mark, Sapphira and Priscilla (two wives who alike seem
to haye taken the predominant part), Drusilla and Bemice both of royal
blood, Lydia of the well-to-do bourgeoisie of Fhilippi and Damans a lady of
Athens, while even the maidservant Rhoda (xii 13) is not left out The
iofliieiice of women seems to have been a special mark of the Philippian
church, with which S. Luke was so closely associated, — Lydia the purple-seller
gave it a home ; later on we find it distracted by the rivalries of two ladies,
Eoodias and Syntyche ; and thus, when S. Luke writes that at the river side
we eat down and talked with the women who had come together, we feel that
he is describing a congenial scene (xvi 13-15, 16, 40 and Phil iv 2-3).

The character of a 'disciple' finds expression in fedthful devotion to a
'master'; and S. Luke had found a master. This was S. Paul, and the
CDthiisiaam and devotion which he evoked in 8. Luke can be gauged by the
epthmiasm which the history still arouses in us. The great example of
8l Luke's dramatic sense is the first introduction of the chief actor as
• young man named Said, and of his dramatic skill the way in which he
draws out the retribution that fell upon Saul for his consenting to Stephen's
death (vii 58-viii 1). His personal feelings can be detected in his evident
fljmpdUhj with the sorrow of the Ephesian elders whofeU on Pavl's neck and
kiseed hisn ; and the relief of an anxious watcher, when on nearing Rome he
mm Paul thank Ood and take courage (xx 37, xxviii 15). S. Irenaeus rightly
deMfibes S. Luke as S. Paul's inseparable fellow-worker'; and he received
an ample reward for his devotion in the last testimony of the apostle — only
Luke is with me.

Corresponding to S. Luke's affectionate nature, the characteristic of
dnmdh life which attracted him and which he delights to portray is * brotherly
love ' or ' love of the brethren.' The church is a brotherhood and acts as such.
The description of the early church at Jerusalem represents no doubt
8. Luke's personal ideal, when all the brethren were qf one he<Mrt and
eomi^ and the spiritual community was reflected in an external community of
foodsL He notes the joy and strength which comes firom the common fellow-
ship and from the assembling together of the brethren^; and there is a special
WQid for their mutual encouragement and comfort, viz. paraclesis or exhor-
tatum. So Barnabas came to Antioch and exhorted the brethren, with great
cflaet : Jodas and Siks did the same : S. Paul also possessed this power of
Ctteooraging in a high degree*. The brotherly spirit of the church found its
ddef outward manifestation in hospitality. This is exemplified in tlio journey

1 i 14, u 1, iv 23, vi 2, ix 26-90, xi 26, xu 5, 12. > xi 23, xv 32, ziv 22, xvi 40.
£. A. C

xxxiv THE AUTHOR 0

of the delegates to the council, brought on their way by one churcl
gladly receifed by the other (xy 3-4): in a similar journey of S.
marked by affectionate intercourse and leave-takings and ending in a
reception at Jerusalem (xx &-xxi 17): and again in the refreshment of S.
by his friends at Sidon, the hospitality at Puteoli, and the courtesy c
Roman Christians in coming forty miles to meet him, a mark of brotho
which put new life into his heart (xxvii 3, xxviii 14-15).

The brotherly love of the church is thrown into greater relief b[
opposite spirit In recording the failures in the church, it is obvious thi
most heinous sin in S. Luke's eyes is covetousness or the love of money,
this apparently not so much from ascetic principles, but because oov4
ness denotes self-seeking^ and it is self-interest which divides brother
brother and so breaks up the unity and effectiveness of the body,
first recorded sin in the church, which met with so severe a condemn
was keeping back part of the price (v 1-11). Supposed unfair distrik
was at the bottom of the first murmuring (vi 1). The fatal sin of m
spiritual position an instrument of temporal gain is once for all denoi
in the case of Simon Magus (viii 20). Again, the interests of selfish gai
no less an obstacle to the church from without, as is seen in the oppositi
Baijesus, of the owners of the soothsaying girl of Philippi, and the silvers
of Ei^iesus (xiii 6-11, xvi 19, xix 25-7). The remedy against oovetov
is to call nothing one'9 own but to have all things eommonj with a corres
ing simplicily of life. ^Silver and gold have I none * says S. Peter, and S,
echoes his words (iii 6, xx 33-4).

Besides covetousness there was another source of weakness in the cl
viz. the innate tendency to division. This served to bring out another f
and oflSce of S. Luke's brotherly love. As a physician by profession, so h
a healer and a peacemaker by nature. The unity of the church is U
a fundamental truth. In fact he has been severely accused of writin
history for the purpose of inventing a unity which did not exist Acc€
to the TCLbingen critics the followers of S. Peter and S. Paul were irreconc
divided, and the aim of S. Luke was to gloze over and conceal this dii
Now it is true that, as we read S. Luke's calm narrative, we feel little (
heat of controversy; although we know for certain that such there was fro
impassioned language of S. Paul's epistles ; and certainly others might
written the history in very different terms. It is however to be emphal
noted that with all his desire for unity S. Luke did not conceal unwelcome
The murmuring in the church, the reluctance of the brotherhood to n
a new brother, the Pharisaic spirit which criticized the chief apoetli
which would have excluded the Gentiles, the no %maU dUsmmon
questioning which arose in the church on the matter of drcomdi
all these are duly recorded^ Most painful of all was the iharp conU
which arose between the two great apostles and fellow-workers, Pau

1 vi 1, is 2C, xi 2-3, xv 2.

§2 HIS CHARACTER xxxv

Baniabas ; yet no hint is given of a reconciliation, which we are left to infer
from the letters of S. Faul^ But while narrating these facto, 8. Luke saw and
reoorded another series of facts which made for unity : the self-sacrifice and
brotherly condnct of individuals like Barnabas (i? 36-7, ix 27), the unanimity
of the great leaders at the council (ch. xt), and the friendly reception of
SL Paul by the mlers of the church in Jerusalem (xxi 17-25).

Farther, S. Luke had the historical insight which, as he looked back, shewed
him how all things, even evils, had been made to 'work together for good to
them that love C^od.' Hence throughout the Acts we breathe in an atmosphere
of thankful and even joyful optimisuL All ended welL The sin of Ananias
against the common life served to consolidate the church. The first murmur-
ing led to the appointment of the Seven. The martyrdom of S. Stephen with
the ooDsequent persecution started the Christian evangelists on a career of
uninterrupted progress. It led to the first bursting of the confines of Jerusalem ;
it won for the church its greatest missionary, S. Paul ; and it was followed by
a deeper and more edifying peace (ix 31). Again, Herod's persecution was the
occasion of a ngaal deliverance, and the word of God all the more grew and
muUipHed (xii 24). The controversy about circumcision resulted in a great
increase of joy and deepening of the brotherly feeling in the church (xv 31-2).
The separation from S. Barnabas may have left S. Paul freer for the great
extension of the church towards the west, in any case it left his apostleship to
stand out more unmistakeably ; and all the sufierings, bonds, and imprisonments
of 8. Paul himself ended in bringing him to Rome, where for two years he
was able to preach the kingdom qf God and teach the things concerning
the Lord Jews ChrUt with aU boldness^ none forbidding him. And this
is the joyful conclusion of the whole history.

It wonld however be a very inadequate account of S. Luke's affection and
devotion to suppose it limited to man : it must have had its basis in the love
of Qod. We have alluded to his sense of the omnipresence and bounty of
Qod in nature ; and what further attracted him to S. Paul was the apostle's
personal devotion to the Lord Jesus. Throughout the Acts we feel that the
presence and activity of the risen Lord is a living reality to the writer', and
in the words which he puts into S. Paul's mouth we can hear himself speak-
ing— I am ready not to be bound only, but also to die at JeruscUem for
the name (f the Lord Jesus (xxi 14). The divine presence was realized by
8. Lnke &r more as an internal, than an external, presence. It was a
oommnnion in spirit. And as S. Luke's character may be best described
by 8l Paul's list of the fruits of the Spirit, so he was intensely conscious of
the actual indwelling of the Holy Spirit But of this more will be said below.

This communion with God finds its exercise and manifestation in prayer,
whidi accordingly has a great place in S. Luke's history. Four prayers are
recorded^ in i 24, iv 24-30, ?ii 59-60, and xxi 14 : and besides the frequent

1 XV 87-9, Col iv 10, n Tim iv 11. ^ Qp. yij 55^ ix 4, 10, xiv S, xvi 7,

XTiii 5, xzli 17, xziii U.

C2

xxxvi THE AUTHOR ch.ii

alluBioDD to the practice^, we notice that on the most critical occasions
divine interventions and revelations come in answer to prayer, e.g. the bapt
of S. Paul, his 'separation' and his mission to the Gentiles, the receptioi
Cornelius by S. Peter, and the deliverances both of S. Peter and of S. Pa
Of prayer, praise is the chiefost element, and this also is stamped on the be
The immediate effect of the Spirit is to make men utter the mighty wo
qf Chd, and magnify him : praise is the normal attitude of the Christ
life : after persecution, controversy, or success, alike they glorify Ood :
midnight in the jail at Philippi S. Paul tang hymm unto God, and dui
the shipwreck and on reaching Roman territory he ^om thank9\ With g«
reason, then, we can picture S. Luke as one wont to 'speak in psalms i
hymns and spiritual songs, singing and making melody with his heart to
Lord' : one of tliose best of all evangelists

with whom the melodies abide

of the everlasting chime :
who oany music in their heart
through dnsl^ lane and wrangling mart,
plying Uieir daily task with busier feet,
because their secret souls a holy strain repeat^

For S. Luke's character is to be briefly comprehended in the word j&i
joy which is the fruit of the Spirit. It was the joyousness in the choi
which attracted S. Luke. Not so much the teaching or the theology
the organization, but the new life of the church. This fascinated him : 1
joy and gladness which came from the revelation of the grace of God, 1
gift of the forgiveness of sins^ the Indwelling of the Spirit, and the life
brotherhood. The early Christians lived in a state of exultation or gladn
(ii 46, zi 27 Bezan); and joy was the natural outcome of Christian work a
intercourse, as of the mission of Barnabas to Antioch, the news of Paul a
Barnabas' success, and the reception of the apostolic letter ^ Even persecuti
was a joy, for the Twelve departed from the council r^oicing that they to
counted worthy to euffer dishonour for the Nams ; and at Antioch in Pish
after the expulsion of the apostles the disciples were yet fUed with joy a
with ths Holy Gho9t\ These words give the secret In those days t
gospel was indeed 'good tidings of great joy' (Lk ii 10), and it brought
rich gift — of the Holy Spirit So when Philip preached in Samaria, thi
woi much joy in that city ; and the eunuch lifter he had been baptix
went on his way r^foicing. When S. Paul turned to the Gentiles at Antio
in Pisidia, they r^oiced and glorified the word qf God; and the jailor
Philippi after his baptism likewise rejoiced greatly with aU his house^ ham
believed in God^,

1 See i 14, 24, ii 42, iii 1, iv 24-31, vi 4, 6, vii 59, 60, viii 15, 24, ix 11, 40, x
4, 9, 30, zi 5, xii 6, 12, xiu 2-3, xiv 23, xvl 25, xx 36, xxi 5, xxii 17, xxiv 11, zr
24, xxYiii 8. > ix n, xiii 2, xxii 17 : x 2, 9, 80, xi 5: xii 5, 12: zvi 25, (

zxvii 24. 8 ii 4, n, x 46: ii 47 : iv 24. xi IB, xiii 48, xxi 20: xvi 25, xzvii f

xxviii 15. * Eph v 19, and The GhrUtian Year for S. Matthew's Di

» xi 23, XV 8, 31. « V 41, xiu 52. 7 yiu 8, 39, xiu 48, xvi 34.

CEm§l COMPOSITION OF THE AOTS xxxvii

CHAPTER HI
The Composition of the Acts

§ 1 iSl Lukit aim

To enquire into S. Lake's aim in writing the Acts is at the same time
to ask What is the meaning of the book ? and what are its leading ideas 7
The Acts then may be regarded as:

(1) A record of the Truth. It is a second volume, and at the beginning
of t^e first (the Gospel) S. Lake like a modern writer announces his motive
in a prehce (Lk i 1-4). This was that TheophUta might know the certainty
ccneeming the things wherein he had been instructed. His aim, then, was to
coDTey accurate information; in other words he was impelled by the historical
iDstinct, Le. the desire to preserve the remembrance of great deeds. At firsts
in their expectation of an immediate return of their Lord, the Christians
needed no history. But as years went by, the end had not come. The first
generation of disciples was passing away, and the foundation of the church
was becoming a thing of the past. Accordingly, before he leaves the world,
8. Luke is anxious to leave behind him a written record of the matters tohich
had been JulJUled among them. And no doubt some of the incidents and
a great deal of the detail in the Acts are simply due to the personal
teminiaoences and the recording instinct of the writer. There was a further
■loiive. In the oral tradition in which Christians were instructed or catechized
some accounts of the beginnings of the church must have found a place.
At aDj rate various written attempts at gospel and church histoiy were
already in circulation, though, as it would seem, not of a high class. There was,
tlMD, great need for a certain or accurate narrative, and this S. Luke sets
hJMsnlf to draw up. Once more, the dedication to TheophUiu is a hint that
8L Luke is addressing the general reading public. The Acts, like the Gospel,
m a catholic book, addressed to all men whether Roman or Greek, Christian
or Jew. Of Theophilus we know nothing, but we recognize in him this
eatliolie character : he had been instructed in the Christian fiuth, his name
is Greek, and the complimentary epithet most excellent may mark a Roman
ofldal or noUeman. We may even go further. For it is possible that, like
Jahn Buiiyan in Pilgrim's Progress, S. Luke is really addressings— not an
iadividaal but— the Christian as such, under the g^ise of Theophilus or Locer
of God.

(2) The gospel of the Spirit. The great things which S. Luke wants
to record are the deeds and doctrines qf Jesus (i 1). This is the subject of
the Goepel and Acts alika But there is a difference. In the Acts Jesus
ii wo longer present in the flesh, but works through his Spirit. The Acts
is really Uie completion of the Goepel. Having written the Gospel, S. Luke
Moat needs go on to the Acts, for the Lord's work is made effectual in the

xxxviii COMPOSITION OF THE ACTS oh.

world by the Spirit; and the Acts may be called ^the Gospel of the B
Ghost' It begins with the baptism of the church by the Spirit. It was
gift qf the Holy Ghost (ii 38) which joined men to the Lord, and which
apostles offered to the world; and the history shews how it was extent
(typically) to all men, e.g. the Samaritans, the Gentile Cornelias, and
disciples of John^ It is the mark of the Christian to be full of the Holy Spii
as Jesus was anointed with the Holy Ghost and with power j so were 1
apostles and evangelists'. The Holy Spirit was the guide in the ester
action and advance of the church— he directed Philip, and sent Peter
baptize Cornelius; he ordered the separation of Paul and Barnabas, and gui^
S. Paul's steps^ Likewise within, he guided the church 'into aU the trutl
ho spoke in the utterances of her councils, and was the source of ministei
authority*. The Acts in £EU!t is a history of 'the new dispensation'; and tl
is why it lacks a definite conclusion. These twenty-eight chapters are but i
beginning (i 1, ad 15) : we are still living under the dispensation of the Spin

(3) The history of the Ohorch. The Spirit qf Jesus (xvi 7) at
through a human society — ^the church, which is 'the body of Christ' .
Christ is a king, this society is also a kingdom — the kingdom qf Chx
The Acts contains the story of the establishment of the kingdom (xx 1
or tho first stage in the growth of the body: in modem phrase it is
history of the church from a.i>. 30 to 60. In this history there are two sid
to be studied : its external and internal history. (A) Externally, the chur
spreads from Jerusalem to Rome, from the religious centre of the world
its secular capital. We watch it growing like a grain of mustard. First
absorbs Samaria, all Judaea and Galilee, with Caesarea; then it reach
Antioch. From Antioch, which serves as a second mother city, it rapid
spreads through one province after another — Galatia, Macedonia, Achai
Asia — ^till in Ephesus it finds a third resting place. From Ephesus it lea]
across the sea to Rome. (B) Internally, we witness its expansion from
Jewish sect into a catholic church. From the doctrine of Jesus as the Jewii
Messiah we are led on to the full conception of Jesus as the Son of Got
The church bursts the swaddling clothes of the Law with its Jewish rit«
and steadily grows up 'to the stature of the fulness of Christ' (Eph iy 1|
Corresponding to this growth there is a continuous widening of its borden
it starts with Jews, to whom are added Grecian Jews and proselytes ; thfl
it takes in Samaritans and the outer circle of adherents of the synagogofl
then with a wide embrace it draws in the Gentiles, both Greeks an
barbarians, until finally at Rome Christianity stands as the religion for aj
the world.

Such a history, like the growth of a highly diversified organism, will b
marked by a richness of complexity, both in tiie church's relations with tli

1 ch viu 17, X 44, xix 6. > vi 8, vii 55, zi 24: x 38. > viii 29, 89

X 19-20, xil2: xiU 2: xvi 6-10, xix 1 (Bezan), 21, op. xx 23, zxi 11. « xv 2Sj

XX 28. » xvu7, Iikxxiii2: AotBi8, xxviUSt

§1 ITS AIM xxxix

world without and in its own inner dovelopment. Consoquently the historian
faw in his mind no donbt several subsidiary purposes in writing, some of wliich
hkTO been unfairly exalted to the first place. Thus :

A 0) In the external growth of the church the great factor to be
eoMJdered was the State or the Roman Empire. What if it should place
Christknity under its ban, prohibit its growth, and forbid its practice ? The
only reBolt would be resistance and war to the death. At the time when
8. Ldke was writing the attitude of the Roman goyemment was still uncertain.
Henoe 8. Luke is anxious to vindicate the legal status of Christianity. He
deacribes carefnlly tiie various cases of conflict with the state authorities, and
in particnhur he shews how S. Paul in all his trials before Roman governors
was acquitted of any disloyalty. To make this clear is at least one
reason for the great prolixity and repetition in the concluding chapters.
In them Fan! stands for Christianity; and the Acts is really a ' Defence of the
Church' addressed to the imperial authorities, the first of the long series of
'apdogiet.'

(ii) The Jews, however, were in fact the first, as they wore the most
liitter, persecutors of the church, and the Acts might be an apologia to theuL
8. Luke wonld prove that Jesus is the Messiah by the most cogent evidence of
fattB, vis. by the actual establishment of the Messianic kingdom in the world.
But by aj>. 60 the centre of Christianity had already shifted from Judaea
to Borne; and the tone in which S. Luke writes of the Jews, the way in which
he nnmasks their mad and unreasonable hatred against S. Paul, shews that
was a very secondary motive.

(iii) From the point of view of the world at largo, there was a more serious

than Judaism, and that was false religion or superstition. The general

pc^wlation of the empire (the public for whom S. Luke chiefly wrote) was

in bondage to superstitions and spiritual deceits; and to set them free, it

was necessary to vindicate Christianity as the Truth against aU rival religions

and spiritoal powers. Accordingly the Acts is the history of a succession of

victories of the Truth over Falsehood — over false spiritualism, sorcerers and

exorcists, both Jewish and Qentile, divination at Philippi and magic at

; over idolatiy, whether that of simple country folk as in Lycaonia

Malta or the elaborate worship of Artemis at Ephesus ; and lasUy over

fiJse philosophy at Athens.

B 0) The obstacles to the church from within, however, were really
■ore dangeroos. First there was the moral danger. In one aspect the
hisUiry of the church is a history of a decline from the first love ; and the entry
of sin into, and its lodgement within, the church must have been a problem
to perplex the early Christians. S. Luke's answer is to give a faithful record of
wW happened, and so to meet the danger. For the history is at the same
Use the history of the oonriction of sin ; and the judgements of Ananias, of
Simon Magna, and of others, are warnings for all time. On the other hand
the pktnre of the origmal church life with its brotherhood and unselfishness
will ever keep before the church her high ideal.

xl COMPOSITION OF THE ACTS ch.

(ii) The greatest menace to the unity of the church is the tendenc;
dlTision or the self-will (heresy) innate in man. Natural differences of n
and character, if accentuated by a zeal whidi may not be according
knowledge, lead to external schism. And in the first thirty years of her
the church was brought face to face with that peril in an acute form. I
▼eiy growth brought up the question of respect qf persons or priyilogi
the church : are all men equal before God 1 or has the Jew any adyanta
In practical life the question meant — must the Gentile be circumcised
keep the Law 9 There could hardly have been a subject of greater differe
of opinion : Catholic and Protestant do not stand wider apart than did «
and Gentile. The history will shew that the difference did reach the yc
of division. But it was S. Luke's happy task to shew how the unity of
church was preserved. The Tubingen critics indeed maintained that this
the main object of S. Luke*s writing, and that in carrying it out he has gro
perverted the truth (p. zzxiv). Instead of S. Luke they took for their in
authority on early church history the so-called Clementine writings of
second century; and these writings, which emanated from sects of Jud
Christians, were prompted by a virulent hatred of S. Paul. But the Tiibini
views have fallen out of favour. The truthfulness of S. Luke is vindica
elsewhere ; and we may add that, as he was neither a leader nor a Jew
wajB not likely that he should fully realize the intensity of feeling among '
Jews on the subject The truth of his facts has been vindicated by hist
itselfl No trace remained of any such actual schism in the church as tl
supposed: in tradition S. Peter and 8. Paul have always stood side by side
brother martyrs and brother princes of the church. 8. Luke wrote when 1
struggle of opinion was rapidly dying out, and his quiet retrospect affords
the church a lesson and a guide for the right treatment of controversy.

(iii) To moral weakness and schism, for the sake of completeness, we no
add the danger of error. This again S. Luke has met by his carefid summar
of 'the gospel' in the speeches, by his treatment of imperfect forms
Christianity, as e.g. at Ephesus, and by the warnings uttered by 8. Paul
the Ephesian elders.

(4) The acts of the Apostles. The first thirty years of church life w
a vast subject to take in hand, but 8. Luke understood the true principle
dealing with it. The history should be neither a dry collection of facts li
an Anglo-Saxon chronicle, nor, like the reconstructions of some modem critii
something altogether ideal The secret is found in personality. The He
Spirit, working in the church, works through individuals ; and so the histo
of the church becomes the acts of the Apostles. These are not the acts
certain individuals, but of 'the apostles' and of individual apostles only
apostles ; for, as we shall see in chapter vi, the apostles are the foundation
the church^. Nor are they the complete acts of any one apostle, but only thoi
in which he contributed to the life of the whole and which received the sanctii

I M I r ■ • T - _ _^

^ »ce i 2, 26, ii 42-3, iv 33-7, v 2, 12, 18, 29, vi 6, viii 1, 14, 18, iz 27.

i'J ITS AIM xU

oihis feUows. The saocessive phases of church thought and actiyity which
Mftoryhas to record find their best expression in some leader or representative;
iiid so the history of the Acts is composed of chapters from the lives (or, as the
Greeks expressed it> aeti) of Peter and Stephen, Philip and Apollos, Barnabas
and FSauL Similarly, subsidiary currents of life and thought are also repre-
sented in individuals, such as John Mark, Cornelius, Sergius Paulus, Aquila
and Frisdlla, and others.

In history of this character the personal predilections of the writer cannot
be concealed, and in the Acts S. Paul is the dominating figure. S. Peter
of course is his equal, but in extent and interest his acts are outweighed
by those of S. Paul This presentation of S. Paul is a great confirmation of
8. Luke's historical insight. We may feel sure that among his contemporaries
8. Paul did not hold so large a place in respect of the other apostles. All
who came in contact with him must indeed have been stirred by his powerftd
personality. But there were large tracts of the church where Paul was
unknown, large tracts where he was not understood, and in the eyes of the
ordinary churchman the Twelve, and especially Peter, James, and John, held
the first place. S. Luke, however, belonged to the group of Pauline disciples :
to them 8. Paul was equal even to S. Peter ; and the place assigned to the
apostle, under the influence of the personal devotion of our author, has been
justified by the course of history.

To this we must add that the acts of the Apostles afford the best com-
meDtai7 on the meaning of the church. A true history of the church could
not be complete without an account of its constitution and organization. But
the diurch is a living body, and physiological processes are not subject to
mechanical definition. Accordingly, like its external history, the church's
internal constitution must be learnt from pictures of life ; and as the church
began with the Twelve, so the laws of her life are to be studied in the account
of their actions, such as the ordination of the Seven, the laying on of hands
upon the Samaritans, the judgement of Ananias and Sapphira, and the holding
of the conncU at Jerusalem. Similarly the creed of the church is to be looked
for in the witness of the apostles, which is enshrined in their speeches.

§ 2 His sources <^ information

For the second part of the Acts, ch. xiii-xxviii, S. Luke had the best
possible sources of information. During a great part of this time ho was an
sffmeiiness and a minister (Lk i 2) of the chief actor, 8. Paul ; and S. Paul
oonkl have communicated to him nearly all that he has related. But in this
capacity 8. Luke was frequently an eyewitness of the events also, and therefore
his own authority. The accounts of Philippi in ch. xvi, and of the two voyages
in xz-xxi and xxvii-xxviii, might be leaves out of his diary. In the interval,
when the use of the first person disappears (xvii 1-xx 4), he may have been
at 8. Paul's side from time to time ; and he may have visited Thessalonica,
Corinth, and Ephesus. In any case he was in close connexion with members
oC the apostolic company who could have given him all the information he

xlii COMPOSITION OF THE ACTS CH.

required, ag. Silas, Timothy of Lystra, Titus, Erastus of Corinth, Aristard
of Thessalonica, Sopater of Beroea, Tychicus and Trophimus of Ephesus. 1
history of the earlier journey of ch. xiii-xiy also reads as if it came fix>iii
eyewitness. This may have been, as has been suggested (p. xzxl)', 8. Li
himself; if not> there was at least Timothy, not to speak of Barnabas and Pt
to give information. S. Mark, with whom S. Luke must hare become intim
later on at Rome or elsewhere, could have told him about Cyprus (xiii 1-]
For the council (xv-xvi 4) there was no lack of authorities. Besides F
and Barnabas, there was the Antiochene deputation, of which Titos-
possibly Luke himself— was an important member (Gal ii 3X

The case is somewhat different with the first part of the Acts (i-x
because the events for the most part occurred before 8. Luke had appeal
upon the scene. But still, as he tells us in his preface, he had access
eyevntnesses and ministers qf the word. He had unrivalled opportonii
for collecting information. At one time his home was in the diurch
Antioch, and there he could have gathered the traditions of that diuro
cp. xi 19-30, xii 25-xiii 3, xiv 26-xv 2, xv 22-40. There also he would ha
been in communication with the prophets and teachers of xiii 1, with Bamal
of Cyprus, Symeon I^iger and Lucius of Cyrene (iv 36-79 u 26-30, xi 9
Maiuien, Herod's foster-brother — with whom we associate S. Luke's notic
of the Hcrodian family (xii 20-3, xxv 13, cp. Lk xxiii 7-12) — and Saul ,
Paul. S. Paul was the original authority for ix 1-30 (as in xxii 3-21 and xx¥
he also took a leading part in the persecution and trial of S. Stephen (vi (
viii 3). Later on, if not before, S. Luke visited Jerusalem itself ; and if 1
stay in the city was short, he spent two years at Caesarea. This explains il
specially full and detailed account of the origin of the church there (viii 4
ix 31-xi 18). At Caesarea moreover he was the guest of one of ' the Sevei
S. Philip the evangelist^ as afterwards for a short time of Mnason. Both of thai
were original disciples (xxi 8, 16). From Philip would naturally be derivi
vi 1-7 and viii 4-40 ; and with 8. Paul he would be an additional authorH
for the intervening persecution (vi 8-viii 3X Possibly he was also an acti
in the conversion of Cornelius, and it may be he who tells the stoi
(x-xi 18). John Mark we have already mentioned : he was no doubt presei
in his mother's house when Peter told the story of his deliverance froi
prison, and the vivid and graphic narrative of xii 1-19 is in all probabilit
taken down from his lips. ^

There is now left only chapters i-v, — the history of ths beginning. '%
have already enumerated some eyewitnesses from the beginning— e.g. Bamabai
Mnason, Philip, Mark. Besides these there were the Twelve Uiemselves, moi
prominent among whom were S. Peter and 8. John, with 8. James the Lor^j
brother. Of these 8. Luke met 8. James at Jerusalem, and 8. Peter (as ij
can hardly doubt) at Rome, perhaps also at Antioch (Gal ii 11). But 8. Lull
himself speaks of another source of information, viz. written documents (Lk i 1
The problem of these early chapters is in fact the same as that of the Qospii
itself. 8. Luke speaks somewhat in a tone of depreciation of these writtdl

1

I

§2 ITS SOURCES xliii

documents, and he would no doubt have preferred to rely mainly upon what
was their authority also, tIz. oral tradition. Very soon, we imagine, the
teeoont of what Jesus had said and done — ^that in which the disciples and
new bdierers were instructed—Bsstxmed a more or less fixed form or tradition.
As has been hinted (p. xxxvii), it is most pnobable that to such a fixed form
would be addod some accounts of the Ascension, of the Day of Pentecost, and
of tlio life of the early church as illustrated by some typical events, such as
a miracle, a conflict with the Sanhedrin, and a judgement on unfaithful
Christisaia. Now whatever did actually happen, S. Luke had, during his stay
in Palestine, the best opportunity for making himself master of this oral
timditioii in whatever form it had assumed by a.d. 55 ; and this tradition must
be eonsidered as the basis of the early chapters. In forming the oral tradition,
or at least in drawing up these brief typical accounts, S. Peter must have been
the chief authority. But 8. Peter was not learned and there was another
one of the first three, who had much greater qualifications. This
S. John, about whom the history is very reticent, more than we should
have expected and could wish. His activity may have taken this form ; and
if he had a large hand in drawing up these early histories, it would account
for the silenoe about himself (as with 8. Luke in the Acts). Certainly there
are many phrases and turns which seem to suggest his hand.

To take a few instances — the Father which occurs in Acts i 4, 7, ii 83 is of
ecmm the famDiar JohanDine title : names (i 15) is used for persons in Rev iii 4,
zi 18, ep. zxi 14 : with pricked (ii 37) op. Jn xix 34. The account of the miracle in
iii is very minilar to those in Jn v and ix ; thus op. lame from his mother^s womb
(S) with Jn ix 1 : the wondering (12, 10, 11) with Jn v 20, 28, vii 21 : the fjloHfying
of Jesus (13) is a favourite Johuinine thought, op. Jn ii 11, vii 39, xii 41, xiii 32
de. : with Uie recognition (10) cp. Jn ix 8 : with the Holy and Righteous (14) Jn vi 69,

eii 11. 25) I Jn u 1, 20: with blot out (19) Rev iii 5, vii 17 : the sending of the Son
) is a fevonrite expression in S. John, iii 17 etc. : with iv 4 op. Jn vi 10 : John
aoquainted with the high-priestly family (iv 6) Jn xviii 15: the thought of being
(iv 18) occurs in Jn vii 15, 49: seeing and hearing (20) is 8. John's
for the reception of the revelation, Jn iii 32 etc., IJn i 1 : with iv 22 op.
Jn ▼ 5 : with their own (iv 23) Jn i 11 : Solomon's Porch (v 12) is mentioned in
Jn x 28 : and v 13 may be a kindred statement to Jn (iii 2) vii 13, (48) xii 42 etc. :
the Life <v 20) is a favourite idea of 8. John, and cp. the words of eternal life in
Jn vi C8: for the Name (v 41) cp. UlJn 7 : pleasing (vi 2) cp. Jn viii 29, 1 Jn iii 22.

nere remains the question of the speeches in the Acta In classical
Ifteratvire, so far from feeling bound to reproduce the speakers* words, a
writer looked upon the speeches as his great opportunity of expressing his
own views as to what might or ought to have been said. Are we then to look
apon the speeches in the Acts as 8. Luke's own compositions or as genuine
of what was said ? For undeniably on a first reading they seem very
alike and they bear unmistakeable signs of 8. Luke's pen. In reply, we
fint notice (1) that they are all exactly suitable to the occasion and are
distinctly coloured by the particular and local circumstances. Next (2) as the
eoBUDaitiry will shew, we can without difficulty detect the characteristics
of the individual speaker : for instance, this is true especially of the speeches
at the oooncil; and again it is easy to distinguish 8. Peter's, 8. Stephen's^

xHv COMPOSITION OF THE ACTS oh

and S. Paul'fl speechesw Now some at least of these last S. Luke must 1
heard himself, and he may have taken notes. For the short speeches w
we have, and which could be spoken in a very few minutes, can onl:
summaries of what was actually said. They are in fad notes (whether ti
by S. Luke or by others) which S. Luke afterwards wrote out in pp
form, and this will account for their Lucan style and composition.

For the Fetrine speeches the oral tradition may again help us.
the catechetical instmction of the disciples, besides the record of d<
and miracles, there was needed some formal summary of the gosp^
authoritative type of doctrinal teaching. This 'teaching' would be
given in the form of discourse, as in the Gospels : and the discourses wi
naturally be those of 8. Peter. Thus 8. Peter's declaration of the go
to the Jews would be the first form of the Apostles* Creed. Indeed \
striking how there recurs throughout the Acts the same form of statement bX
the Crucifixion and Resurrection : this we find not only in 8. Peter (ii 2!
32-3, iii 13-5, 26, iv 10, Y 30-2, z 37-43) but in 8. Luke's Gospel (zxiv 45
and in 8. Paul (Acts ziii 27-31, cp. 1 Cor. zv 3-4 tohich I aUo received
tradition), and we may add in our own Apostles' Creeds In a similar ^
8. Stephen's speech may have been committed to memory (at least on
Hellenist side of the church) as a standard interpretation of the Old Testam
history. But we know that 8. Paul heard it, and it probably made a d
impression on his memory. lie may have been 8. Luke's source in this caa

§ 3 His trusttoorthiness

8. Luke's sources may be ezcellcnt, but can we rely on his use of the
is he trustworthy ? Now 8. Luke was quite aware of the need of accur
for a historian : the last chapters are mainly occupied with the attempts
the Roman authorities to find out some certain or exact information ab
8. Paul^ Further, it was the uncertainty of the other written docum«
which moved him to write ; and he claims to have written (1) with accura
and (2) in order\ And our verdict must be that the claim is justified,
give an illustration, 8. Luke is well aware of the importance of fized da
and the need of connecting his chronology with the history of the wori
Accordingly in the second part of the Acts he gives regular notes of tii
which when combined with the date of the succession of Feliz by Feel
(zziv 27) will make a complete system. But in the first part of the Acts sii
notes are entirely absent: instead we have indefinite phrases like in th
days, {after) certain days. For (as in the case of the Gospel) the origii
Jewish eyewitnesses or writers were indifferent to such exactness of tin
and in later years 8. Luke, while unable to correct the deficiency, faithfii
resisted the temptation to make conjectures of his own.

1 With this reason for the fixed form of the early speeches, it is important
notice that in the speeches there is little variation between the two recensions'
the Acts. a xzi 84» zxii 30, zzv 26. > Lk i 1-4. « See Lk iii 1, 23 : Lk U
Actb zi 28.

§3 ITS TRUSTWORTHINESS xlv

We flhall be abtmdanily satisfied as to S. Luke's historical accuracy, if
we reflect on the extraordinary test to which it was put, ie. the variety of
floene and circumstance with which he had to deal. The ground covered
readied from Jerusalem to Rome, taking in Syria, Asia Minor, Greece, and
Italy. In that field were comprised all manner of populations, civilizations,
administrations — Jewish and oriental life, western civilization, great capitals
like Antiocfa and Ephesus, Roman colonies, independent towns, Greek cities,
'barbarian' country districts. The history covers a period of 30 years which
witneseed in many parts great political changes. Provinces like Cyprus and
Adiaia were being exchanged between the emperor and the senate : parts of
Asia Minor, e.g. Pisidia and Lycaonia, were undergoing a process of annexa-
tioii and latinization : Judaea itself was now a Roman province under a
procnraior, now an independent state tmder a Herodian king. Tet in all
this intricacy of political arrangement S. Luke is never found tripping.
Insiances of supposed mistake or anachronism have indeed been alleged
and laid to his charge: but after examination (as will be pointed out in
the oommentary) we are fairly entitled at least to answer that they have
not jet been proved. On the other hand S. Luke is equally at home with
the Sanhedrin and its parties, the priests and temple guard, and the Herodian
ptinces at Jerusalem, with the proconsuls of Cyprus and Achaia, the rulers
pf ike eynagogue and Jirst men of Antioch in Pisidia, the priest cf Zeu%
at Lystra, the praetors, lictors and jailor of Philippi, the politarchs of
Theasalonica, the Areopagus of Athens, the Asiarchs with the people, as-
sembly and secretary of Ephesus, the centurions, tribune and procurator of
Judaea, the first man of Malta and the captain of the camp at Rome. Such
aocoracy would have been almost impossible for a writer compiling the history
Mtj years later. In some cases where his statements had been impugned
8. Luke has been signally rindicated by the discovery of inscriptions, as in
the caae of the politarchs of Thessalonica and the proconsul of Cyprus,
Historical research is also throwing fresh light on the captain qf the camp
ai Rome, and the ItcUic and Augustan cohorts at Caesarea^ This holds out
9Dod hope that further study or discovery wUl remove what difficulties and
uncertainties still remain. This hope is indeed receiving a remarkable fulfilment
ai this moment The one great stumbling-block in S. Luke has been the
emroiment or census of Quirinius^ : and great authorities like Mommsen and
Sdwrer have pronounced him guilty of error. But recent discoveries in the
papyri of ^gypt seem likely to clear up the difficulty by giving fuller informa-
tioQ aboat the imperial census'.

Historical accuracy goes with the faculty of exact or careful observation.
finch a faculty may be looked for as a natural result of a medical training ;
and that 8. Luke possessed it we may consider to be proved by the
aanratiTe of the voyage and shipwreck in chapter xxvii. This was most

> zxvin 16: z 1, zxvii 1. > v 87, Lk ii 1. » See Prof. Ramsay's Wtu Christ
ol Bethlehem f (Hodder and Stoughton, 1898).

xlvi COMPOSITION OF THE ACTS ch. hi

carefully examined by an expert, Mr James Smiths He concluded that
S. Luke was quite free from mistakes such as a landsman might easily make ;
and from his accurate description Mr Smith was able to trace the course
of the voyage and to identify the scene of the wreck.

To these two qualities we must add a third — moral honesty or fidelity to
truth. We began with an example of this in S. Luke's refusal to conjecture
dates. We have also seen his faithfulness in his unfaltering record of short-
comings in the church — discontent, division, sin (p. xxxiv). This extends even to
his master: he makes no effort to conceal or gloze over the unhappy 'paroxysm'
or sharp contention between S. Paul and S. Barnabas. Then we have faithfulness
in style. When the scene is in the Jewish church at Jerusalem the narrative
is thoroughly Hebraic: elsewhere, in the west or in a governor's court, the
slyle tends to lose this Hebraic character. The last chapters (xxii-xxviii)
afford an illustration: for in S. Paul's two great speeches, which describe
his past life, there is a remarkable return to the phrascol(>gy and ideas of
the early chapters, especially of chapter ix^ This however is but an element
in a wider fidelity, ie. in describing the situation or state of ideas generally.
Juist as in the historical setting, so tiiere are no anachronisms in the thought
We have an exact reflection of the mind of the apostles before Pentecost, of
the ideas and conditions of the church at Jerusalem before the persecution
broke out, and of the relation of parties in the church before the question
about circumcision had died away ; and without the church, of the attitude —
(1) of the Jewish rulers towards the Nasarenes, and of the Jewish parties
among themselves before the fall of Jerusalem in a.d. 70 ; and (2) of the Roman
government, and the Gentiles generally, towards Christianity before the out-
break of persecution in a.d. 64 and the growth of popular odium in the decade
between 60 and 70. Such a representation, so true to life, it would have been
hard to paint after a.d. 70.

S. Luke*s success in these points is largely due to his artistic power and his
truly human character. First, he has got the sympathetic insight which can
thoroughly enter into the feelings of different parties — such as Pharisees
and Sadducees, Hebraists and Hellenists ; different classes of society — Jews
and Greeks, the populace and better classes, local magistrates, Roman ofi&cials,
Herodian princes ; different interests — Pharisaic rabbis and Sadducean priests,
Ephesian silversmiths and Jewish sorcerers, Roman aristocrats and Greek
citizens; differences of culture — ^Athenian philosophers and rustic Lycaon-
ians; different professions — soldiers and sailors. Then this appreciativeness
is made effective by a gift of style. By a few vigorous touches he can make
a scene live before us — whether a scene in the Temple, or a service in a
synagogue, or a riot at Ephesns, or S. Paul in the marketplace at Athens or
before Agrippa at Caesarea or on board ship in a wreck. In a few words he

^ in his Voyage and Shipwreck of S. PatU, 1848. ' Besides the very olose

agreement with ix 3-9, notice in ch. zxli Jesus of Nazareth^ the God of our
fathers, the Righteous One, thou shalt he a witness, seen ajid heard, call upon his
Name ; in xxvi the Name, the saints.

§3 ITS TRUSTWORTHINESS xlvii

can draw a character. In the Acts we come across 110 names, besides many
other persons or groups whose names are not giren, and of these how extra-
ordinarily their individuality is preserred. We have given some instances of
women (p. xxxiii) : among the men we have Peter and John, James and Paul
the rabbi Gamaliel and Ananias the high priest; Barnabas and Ananias
St^hen and Philip; Simon the 'magus' and Barjesus the £Etlse prophet
COTnelioB and Julius; Agabus and Apollos; Herod Agrippa I and Agrippa II
John Mark and Timothy ; Sergius Paulus and Gkdlio ; the jailor of Philippi
and Publius of Malta ; Demetrius and the town-clerk of Ephesus ; Claudius
Lydas and Tertullus; Felix and Festus. Finally, S. Luke has demonstrated
his artistic skill by wdding this complex variety of persons and places,
times and seasons, characters and circumstances, into one whole — a whole in
which no tendency or side issue dominates : and a whole so complete, that we
entirely foi^t the variety, we are unconscious of the personality of the author
nnd his method : our attention is simply riveted on the growth of the church
nnd on the personalities of S. Peter and S. Paul ; and without any jar or break
firom the small beginning at Jerusalem we are led on step by step with
increasing interest and enthusiasm to the great climax of Paul at Rome.

§ 4 Hii method

A. As the work of an arUstic writer the Acts must be constructed on
some definite plan and method. The architecture (so to speak) of the history
will appear more clearly in its analysis : but there is a characteristic of the
acheme which calls for special note, that is its parallelism.

(1) Firsts there is a general parallel between the first and second books.
La the Gospel and the Acts. After a prefatory sentence, both alike begin
with an introductory period of waiting and preparation, which is more or less in
private (Lk i-ii = Acts i). Then comes a baptism of the Spirit (Lk iii = Acts ii),
followed by a period of active work and ministry. This is concluded by a
*pasai<m' or period of suffering, which in each volume occupies a seemingly
disproportionate space. The analogy here will appear more convincing as we
folk>w the later chapters in the commentary, but the main outline stands
out clear. After early anticipations (Lk ix 51 = Acts xix 21) and a detailed
jofimey up to Jerusalem (Lk xvii 11-xix 48 f= Acts xx-xxi 17) with 'last
words' of the sufferer (Lk xx-xxi = Acts xx 17-38), we have the 'passion'
proper (Lk xxii-iii = Acts xxi 17-xxviii). And then in each case the book
ends with a period of victorious but quiet preparation for a further advance,
or another volume.

(2) The Acts itself obviously falls into two divisions — Part I ch. i-xii.
Put II ch. xiii-xxriii ; and between these parts there is a similar parallolism.
Bach opens vrith a special manifestation of the Holy Spirit (ii l-4=xiii 1-3).
A period of work and preaching, persecution and opposition, follows (ii 14-xi
sxiii 4-xix). And each ends with a 'passion' or rather a 'passing' of the chief
actor, who in each case passes through suffering to a state of deliverance
(zii=xx-xxviii). These actors are S. Peter and S. Paul, and the two parts

xlviu COMPOSITION OF THE ACTS ch.

might well be headed: I ACTS OF PETER, II ACTS OF PA\
Further, there is a most striking parallel between the history of these <
apostles individually. Whatever Peter does, Paul does, and (we might a
more also. The two aposUes are represented as a pair of athletes, wrestling
behalf of the church : they are like the two prophets Elijah and Elisha, and
two witnesses in Rev xL The parallelism extends even to verbal details, and
most dwell on this in order to be convinced that S. Luke was conscious of i

Like Simon Peter, Saul after his conversion receives a new name. Petei
baptized 1^ tiie Spirit, Paul separated (ii 1-4, xiii 1-3). Peter is thoaght to
drunken, raul to be mad : and both made a solemn forth-speaking (ii 13, 1'
ixvi 24, 25). In oh. ii and oh. xiii we have their * gospel' for the Jews. B^
heal a lame man which brings them into trouble (iii 1 f. — xiv 8 f.). Peter si
Silver and gold have I none, Paul coveted no man*8 silver or gold (iii 6 — xx 3
Bo^ are arrested in the Temple and brought before the Sanhedrin (iv 1 f., v 25 f
xxi 27 £, xxiii). Both were inspired by, JiUed with, the Holy Ohost (iv 8— xiii
But Peter was found to be unlearned, Paul the opposite (iv 13 — ^xxvi 24). The i
of Ananias and Sapphira is analogous to the piaotice of curious arts at Ephesi
and in each case fear feU upon aU (v 5, 11 — xix 17). By the hands of be
•apostles signs and wonders are done (ii 43, iv 30, v 12 — xiv 3) : at two epochs
an almost superstitious manner by Peter's shadow and PauVs skin (v 15-16
xix 11-12): their success incurs the jealousy of the Jews (v 17 — ^xiii 4
Gamaliel's policy resembles that of Gallic (v 34-39 — xviii 14-17) : a beating foUo'
in each case ; Paul himself shares the glory of being beaten elsewhere (xvi 22— v 4(
Gamaliel instances Theudas and Judas, Lysias thinks of the Egyptian Jew (xxii 3i
Peter ordains the Seven, Paul presbyters (vi 6 — xiv 23). By the laying on of ban
Peter and John give the gift of the Holy Ghost, Paul does likewise (viii 17-S
xix 6 : for the speaking with tongues cp. x 46 — ^xix 6). Peter denounced Simc
Magus, as Paul Barjesus (viii 20 f. — xiii 9 f.). Peter heals Aeneas when lying on
bed of palsy, Paul heals Publius' father who was lying sick with dysentery : Pet
presented Dorcas aUve again ; so Eutychus also was brought up alive (ix 32-41-
xxviii 8, XX 9-12). ^Peter's first Gentile convert bears a Latin name, Comeliu;
Sergius Paulus was Paul's first Gtentile hearer. Cornelius was a centurion i
Gaesarea: so at Caesarea Paul is given into the charge of another centurioi
Julius. Before his mission to Gomdius Peter is hungry (x 10 — ^ix 9, 19), falls inl
an eestacy (x 10 — xxii 17) at midday, sees a vision, hears a voice &om heave
three times : and the story is told three times (x 9-16, 28, xi 5-10). Compare tl
thrice-told story of S. Paul's conversion at midday with the voice which likewii
came from heaven three times (ix 1-9, xxii 6 f ., xxvi 12 f .^ : Ananias and Comelic
also see visions (ix 10— x 3) : cp. also the vision before tne mission to Macedoni
(xvi 6-10). Cornelius ofifers Peter worship, as the Lycaonians to Paul (x 25 — xiv II
cp. the Maltese in xxviii 6) : for like the jailor at Philippi (xvi 29) Cornelius fell t
Peter's feet. Both apostles are called to task by those of the circumcision (xi 3-
XV 1-5) ; Peter makes a defence, Paul several. Peter was arrested by Agiippa I
Paul made a defence before Agrippa II. Peter was put in prison at Jerusalem
Paul and Silas at Philippi; and both parties were delivered (xii 11 — xxvi 17
miraculously (xii — xvi). With the appearance of the angel in xii 7 cp. xxvii 23 : fo
the prayer followed by earthquake in xvi 25-26 cp. iv 24-31. Notice the details
chains (xii 6 — xxvi 29 etc.), light (xii 7 — xxii 11 etc.), mad (xii 15 — xxvi 24)
beckoning with the hand (xii 17 — xiii 16, xxi 40). In the end the apostles go to tin
houses of Mary and Lydia respectively, and depart to another place (xii 17 — xvi 40)

This parallelism is a weapon in Uie hands of those critics who impugi
S. Luke's honesty. It is obvious, they say, that he has the deliberate intcntioi

^ Some of these instances which may appear strained in the case of the tw(
apostles are added with a view of emphasizing the literary parallel between the tw(
parts of the book.

§4 ITS METHOD xlix

of magnifyiog his favourite apostle into a position of equality with S. Peter.
But, we can answer, the coincidences occur in the narrative in a most natural
way: nothing could appear less artificial Besides, had S. Luke had such
a deliberate intuition he could have done much more. We notice indeed that
the balance seems to be on S. Paul's side : thus Paul has several visions of the
Lord himself Peter none (after the intercourse of ch. i) ; Paul works miracles
greater in number and effect; and again the 'passing' of Paul altogether
outweighs that of Peter in its length. And yet S. Peter seems to hold the
first plaoei The relation of the two is very much that of Elijah and Elisha.
In Part I S. Peter occupies Uie leading position among the apostles ; nor
does 8. Luke mention later on — what would have been very much to his
purpose and what actually did make S. Paul equal to S. Peter — the compact
made at the time of the council by which Paul was accepted as the apostle
of the nscircumcision, as Peter was the apostle of the circumcision. This
compact indeed points to the true explanation. The parallelism arises out
of the fiMts ; for each of them was chosen by God for an especial work and
an especial apostolate. Besides, we find the parallelism outside of the Acts ;
thus both apostles write Epistles to the churches of Asia Minor. Both alike
worked in Jerusalem, Caesarea, and Antioch ; and tradition unites them also
in dties which we specially associate with the name of S. Paul — viz. Corinth
and Roma

There is a deeper explanation, which is to be found in the similarity of
all Christian experience. If we had the lives of other apostles, we should
find vei7 similar historiea— of prayer and preaching, of wonders and persecu-
tion : the special parallelism between 8. Peter and S. Paul is due to the
special positions they occupied in the apostolate. This experience is ex-
emplified above all in the Son of Man himself; and his apostles and servants
must foUow in the path he trod. The same Spirit is at work in all, and he
woHls by the same laws. Two such laws lie on the surface : (1) the law of
work — which follows the course of preparation, baptism by the Spirit^ work,
opposition, rictory ; and (2) the law of victory — that success is won through
suffering. This simflarity of experience S. Luke observed, and it is with the
idea of tracing out these laws of Christian life that he forms his plan.

This might be expressed otherwise by saying that S. Luke has a sym-
bolical mind, in which he greatly resembles S. John. This means that his
mind was open to see the underlying significance of the events and facts of
life and history. Such minds are ready to perceive similarities or parallels ;
and a law had already been discovered by the son of Sirach. He found that
'aH things are douUe one against another' (Ecclus xlii 24). Certainly the
method of conveying emphasis by repetition prevails throughout the Bible.
The Lord's life itself is Ml of such repetitions. Hence, as in the old kingdom
there had been two prophets and as S. John saw in the Revelation two
witnesses, so in the Acts the new kingdom is built up by two apostles.

B. Besides this love of parallelism we notice a definite method of com-
podtimi, which if understood wiU obviate a criticism. At fint sight as a

B. A. d

1 COMPOSITION OF THE ACTS ch,

church history the Acts ia very disappointing, because it is so incompi
There are sach great gaps : not a word, for instance, about the churcl
Eg^Tpt^ or in the further East^ or even about the founding of the churcl
Rome. There is also so much we want to know about the church's const
tion and worship, and on so many points S. Luke keeps a tantalizing sile
fiat the feeling of disappointment is really due to want of ability to
predate S. Lake's historical method. As he knew that the secret of hisi
lies in personality, so he know that the true way of writing history is
to compile bare records but to draw living pictures. Accordingly inst
of writing a dictionary of historical names and ecclesiastical usages, he gi
us a succession of virid pictures which present to us a living church. T
we have pictures — of the preaching in the Temple (ii, iii), of the apos
before the Sanhedrin (iv, v), of the internal discipline of the church (▼)
the working of signs (iii, ix, xiv), of the election and ordination of chu
officers (vi), of a martyrdom (vli fin.), of apostolic laying on of hands, i
of the work of a Christian prophet (viii). We assist at a proconsul's court (z
a sabbath service in the synagogue (xiii), a city riot (zix), a meeting
Christian worship (xx 7-12) and so forth. This method really gives us all
want For these scenes are intended for typical pictures. Having once fi]
in the details in one picture, S. Luke does not repeat them elsewhere :
must take them for granted. Thus we have no doubt that vi 1-6 is me
for a typical ordination, viii 14-17 for a typical apostolic confirmation of
newly baptized, xy 5-29 for a typical Christian 'council,' and xx 7-12 fo
typical Christian service. In the same way we have a typical sermon to
Jews (xiii), a typical address to philosophers (zvii), a typical appeal to '
unenlightened heathen (xiv), and a typical defence before a Roman goven
(xxiv).

§ 5 The date of publication

We have already found one limit for the date of the Acts, viz. it ^
written in the life-time of S. Luke. Can we fix it more precisely? .
ordinary reader, finding that the book ends without any mention of the roa
of the appeal to Caesar and that it leaves Paul working at Rome for t
years in a kuid of 'free custody,' would naturally conclude that the autl
had written his book in those two years and come to an end because he h
no further information to giva If the reader was further aware that shor
after these two years not only 8. Paul but S. Peter also was put to dei
in a fierce outburst of persecution at Rome, and knew that the account of th
deaths (which would have formed the natural close of the book) would hi
been of intense interest not only to their contemporaries but to all futi
generations of Christians, his conclusion that the Acts was written before i
martyrdoms took place would become an irresistible conviction.

In support of that conclusion there are very weighty arguments.

(1) In investigating the date of a book, tho first stop is to look for i
latest event mentioned. Now in tho Acts we cannot find any allusion

ITS DATE li

sh happened after the close of these two years (a.d. 58-60). And yet
9w years there occurred stirring events with an intimate bearing
liistory, e.g. the martyrdom of S. James in 62, the persecution at
4 with the martyrdom of 8. Peter and S. Paul, and tiie destruction
dm and the Temple in 70. He must have been a skilful writer not

a hint of these things escape him.

' these events the most important in this connexion is the death
(a) It seems incredible that if S. Luke had known it, he should
Qentioned it. Had he deliberately intended not to mention it, yet
ftve been difficult not to let some passing allusion escape from him.
ispel of course there are definite predictions of the end. And if
el between the Gospel and the Acts is intended, how flur more
it would have been, if the latter closed with the actual laying down
's life. As it is, all the preliminary parts of the great process are

great length— the journey to the place of arrest, the accusations,
i4Journments at Jerusalem, and the voyage to Rome, — the reader's
ad anxiety are keenly aroused, and then the narrative breaks off,
word about the final result Surely it is not what we should have
from an artist like S. Luke, to arouse the reader's curiosity and
eave it unsatisfied. This argument may be developed fiuiher.
ve reason to believe that at Uie end of these two years at Rome
IS set free. Why has not S. Luke told us that 9 Surely the hearing
the witness before the emperor, the sentence of the Caesar himself
nore important than the trials at Jerusalem before procurators and
princes ; and a successful issue of the appeal, a favourable decision
peror, would have been the best 'defence' of Christianity, if that

S. Luke's aim. We can only conclude that when he wrote, the
not yet been decided. Otherwise S. Luke is open to the very serious
of having committed a great error in the matter of proportion:
iborated the first part of the process and omitted to mention its
., which would form the natural climax and conclusion of the book,
lore, there is not a word of anticipation, which would have given such
power to the narrative. And yet of the arts of composition S. Luke
iter. As it is, the journey up to Jerusalem is full of dramatic pathos,
r the shadows of the future cast before, — ^bnt that future is limited
and imprisonment awaiting Paul at Jerusalem. How much mora
. would be, if the reader were reminded that Paul is on his way

as in the last journey of the Lord to Jerusalem in the Gospel !
mplete this argument, S. Paul's martyrdom would have greatly
the balance of the book. The first part ends with the martyrdom
es. Before this there is a vivid account of the deaUi of Stephen,
presence. In the subsequent sufferings of S. Paul the writer hints
tion for that death, — how much clearer the law of retribution would

made by the apostle's own death ! Again, if it was at all S. Luke's
monstrate the unity of the church, could he have found any fitter

d2

lii COMPOSITION OF THE ACfTS cm

condusion or proof of brotherhood than to exhibit the two leading,
supposed rival, apostles united in death at Rome ? A very forcible rep|
these arguments is that S. Luke is reserving the deaths of the apostlel
a third volume. But we may point out that neither (jk>8pel nor Acts b^
with persecution and crucifixion, rather they begin with life and the
pouring of the Holy Spirit And we may still ask, — to what purpose 1
is the great and even disproportionate length of the narrative of what i
all was only the first part of S. Paul's process in chapters xx-xxviii ?

(3) Two matters of detail reinforce this argument If S. Luke was ai
that after his liberation S. Paul visited Ephesus again (as the Pastoral Bpi
imply), it is not likely that he would have left Acts xx 25 and 38 as they
stand. Again, if S. Paul visited Spam as tradition alleges, to have mentU
it would have excellently fulfilled the purpose of the Acts to shew how
witness was borne * unto the uttermost part of the earth ' (i 8). And the
was not new, it had been in S. Paul's mind as early as 54 (Rom xv 24).

(4) After the silenoe as to S. Paul's death, the weightiest argumei
the fidelity with which the Acts presents a situation that could only )
existed before 64. The attitude of Rome to the church in the Ad
evid^itly still undecided, not to say favourable; and S. Luke is writii
defence of Christianity with good hopes of success. But all this was dai
to the ground by the great fire of 64 and Nero's persecution. From that i
the relation of the empire to the church is better painted by the Revela
Rome is the scarlet woman drunk with Uie blood of the martyrs, and
emperor is the beast It is true that the actual persecution was after a t
relaxed, yet the line of defence had been quite changed. At any rat
£L Luke wrote after that disaster, his peaceful joyful optimism would be ]
to understand. No doubt the Acts itself shews how persecution leads to g
but it is hard to conceive S. Luke, with all his personal devotion to S. I
sitting down after his death and so calmly finishing the Acts with his preae
at Romo— none forbidding him (xxviii 31). Similarly on the Jewish
the continued existence of the Temple and the Jewish polity is, s<
speak, taken for granted in the Acts. The Ust we hear of the Jewish chi
is that there are myriads among the Jews who believe (xxi 20); thei
no hint that the churoh of Jerusalem with the successor of S. James i
the moment in exile at Pella. The destruction of the temple was also
final solution of the question which so vexed the early church as to
observance of- the Law; but no hint of this divine decision is given at
tune of the discussion in ch. xv. Nor is there any hint that chapters :
and xxi represent a scene and situation which no longer exist

(5) Lastly thera is the evidence of language. The Acts faithfully refli
as the ideas, so the phraseology of the early church. In style it takei
place with the Gospels ; and the roference to the words qf the Lord J
(xx 35) points to a time when they wera in process of formation. Whf
moro decisive is the fact that among his authorities S. Luke makes no uf
S. Paul's Epistles, the earliest of which was written in 49, While he

}5 ITS DATE liii

acem to the liring apostle^ there was no need of his letters. But some

refer»ioefly at least to explain apparent inconsistencies, must have been in-

entaUe in the years after his deatii. If the Epistles were already in circulation

afid & Luke was holding a copy of Galatians in his hand, he must have

been moire explicit as to ix 19-30 and xt. We may go further: the Acts

m Uaidf suggests living intercourse with the apostle. For in the later

diapien there is much resemblance in style to the Pastoral Epistles.

These arguments are sufficiently obvious and their weight is fidly admitted
by critics. Professor Hamack, for instance, is so impressed by the joyful and
optimistic tone of the Acts as to maintain that, if vn-itten after 64, it must have
been written after a considerable interval; he also finds no evidence of the use
of the Pauline Epistles. Dr Ramsay also argues '* that the plan of the Acts
has been obscured by the want of the proper climax and conclusion V But
we bftTO had to labour the point, because nevertheless these and the majority of
critics, even of those who accept the Lucan authorship, agree in putting the
date much later, about a.d. 80: thus Dr Sanday puts it between 75 and 80.
This is based upon one argument which is considered strong enough to upset
aD the rest; and it is this. The Acts was written after the Gospel; but
the Gospel was written after 70, because the diflferenccs between S. Lukes
and the other (Gospels in the form of our Lord's prophecy of the destruction
of Jerusalem shew that it had already taken place. The diflferenccs are
these. 8. Luke omits the warning let him that readeth understand ^ and
for the words When therrfore ye see the abomination of desolation, which
losf spoken qf by Daniel the prophet, standing in the holy place substitutes
Bui wken ye see Jeriualem compassed tcith armies, then know that her
deeokUicM if at hand (Mt xxiv 15, Lk xxi 20). In verse 24 he adds
pnticalars : And they shall faU by the edge qf the sword and shall be led
mpHee into aU the nations: and Jentsalem shall be trodden down of
the Gmfiletf until the times qf the Gentiles be fulfilled. Then he con-
tiHies And there shall be signs etc., omitting the note of time in S. Matthew
(xxiT S9) Bui immediately after the tribtdation qf those days. Again in
Lk six 43 we have another detailed prophecy : For the days shall come upon
iksst ufhen thine enemies shall cast up a bank about thee and compass thee
fwmd and keep thee in on every side, and shall dash thee to the ground and
tk§f children within theCy and they shall not leave in thee one stone upon

JScm there are several considerations to rob this argument of its force. In
Base it is certain that the Lord predicted, and the Christians expected, the
oterthiow of JerusalenL We need only quote a striking phrase of S. Paul in
I Tbess ii Id, to^ up their sins alway : but the wrath is come upon them to
ike mUermosL These words were written at least as early as 49, and there are
echoes of them in the Lucan passage (Lk xxi 22-23). Then S. Luke was writug
Cor GeotHe readers at Rome, and the note of warning had no application to

1 Pmd the Traveller etc. p. 28. Hamaok*8 judgement is given in his Chronologie
itr eUckr. Literatur i pp. 246--50 ; Dr Sanday's in his Inspiration pp. 278-9.

Uv COMPOSITION OF THE ACTS ch. in §

them. Nor would they haye understood the enigmatical words abominoH
of desolattan; so he translates them into ordinary language. This process '
see at work in 8. Mark's (Gospel also, for he omits the mention of Daniel and 1
the holy place writes tohere he ought not\ Moreover the detailed langus
which S. Luke uses is nothing more than would be implied in the destructi
of a dty. Least of all was that experience new to the city of Jerusale
Twice within the preceding century, or century and a half, had Jerusalem be
taken, with great slaughter and misery and desecration of the holy place. S
these disasters were far eclipsed by the way in which, under Antioch
Epiphanes, the Gentiles had trodden the temple under foot; and soi
centuries before that Nebuchadnezzar had destroyed and burnt the wh(
city. So in fact 8. Luke had no lack of precedents for his language
the Old Testament, where in reference to Jerusalem we can find parallels i
nearly all of his details*. After all, besides the general phrases, there is
detail specially characteristic of the fall of Jerusalem in particular. In t
history of Josephus there are many incidents to which 8. Luke could ha
referred : for instance, the burning of the temple. But it is indeed strikL
that 8. Luke should have omitted all mention of the holy place in 1
prophecy ^ Lastly, if he wrote even ten years after the destruction of the dt
in spite of the omission of the immediately (which 8. Mark also omits) tl
difficulty of the conjunctions And,„and remains. For we still read A%
there shall be 9iffru...and then shall they see the Son qf Man coming {\
25, 27),

There is a similar argument used against the earlier date, of about a.i>. C
viz. that it does not allow sufficient time for the written 'attempts' at gos|
narratives to which 8. Luke alludes in his preface. But a whole generat»
is allowed ; and there are suffident writings dating from that period
shew that Christian literature had already attained to maturity. For ti
Epistles to the Thessalonians, Corinthians, Galatians, and Romans, were i
written between about 49 and 54. 8. James* Epistle was written before 6!
and i! 8. Peter was martyred in 64 we must add at least his First Epistle,
is admitted also that the Gospels of 8. Matthew and 8. Mark were writti
before the destruction of Jerusalem in 70 (and on that depended the point
the preceding argument). But if there was a considerable interval betwe<
these Gospels and his own, 8. Luke would have probably seen them, and the
he could hardly have used the somewhat depreciatory language of his preface

We see, then, nothing in these arguments to invalidate the natural infe
ence that the Acts was written during 8. Paul's two years* imprisonmen
And we may go a step further. It has been noticed already that the Ac

1 Mk xiii 14 : S. Mark may represent the original form, and then S. Matthew
would be as mnoh an Hebraic version as B. Luke's a Gentile one. ' For tl

sword op. Jer zx 4; captivity Dt zxviii 64, I K viii 46; treading Isai v 5, Iziii 1(
Dan viii IS, Zech zii 8, 1 Mac iv 60; bank Isai zzix 8, zzzvii 33, Jer vi 6, Esst
iv 2 ; dcuhing Ps czzzvii 9, Hos ziii 16. S. Matthew is not without details : li
speaks of one stone not being left upon another. > This argument is all

against the use of Josephus by S. Luke (above p. zviii).

ca IV § 1 THE HISTORY Iv

ihewB agoB of want of finish, as if it bad not receiyed its author's final
renskm. May we not conjecture that that final reyision was interrupted or
prefented by this Tory outburst of persecution in 64, by the martyrdom of
a, Paul and possibly of S. Luke himself? Professor Ramsay has come to a
simflar oonclosion. To quote his words again : " We shall ai^gue/' he says,
''that the plan of Acts has been obscured by the want of the proper climax
and condosion, which would haye made it clear, and also that the author did
Bot lire to put the final touches to hia second book... .If the work was left
moom^ete^ the reason, perhaps, lay in the author's martyrdom under
DomitiaiL'' This conclusion we may readily adopt for our own, only sub-
stitatiiig for DomUian — NeroK

CHAPTER IV
The History of the Act8

§ 1 7%« political and social enmronment

(A) Borne. It is hard for us to realize to what an extent Rome was the
entre of the world in the age when the Acts was written. In the middle ages
long after its old empire was gone, the Christian poet and philosopher Dante
AW in it a diyine creation ; and certainly the Roman empire was one of the
greatest factors in the preparation for the gospel and instruments in its
propagation.

More almost than Paris to France and London to England was Rome to

aQ the countries which bordered on the Mediterranean Sea. And those

eountriea formed the whole ciyilised world, if we omit the alien and riyal

CBpire of the east This world Rome had made one; and to all intents

lad purposes the ciyilised world was the Roman Empire or the Kingdom of

Rome. This political unity brought (1) peace— the famous Pax Bomana:

(1) unity of civilization— that Graeco-Roman ciyilization which at our epoch

ns rapidly assimilating Asia Minor and the eastern proyinces, as also the more

btrUroos frontiers on the nortii : and (3) unity of language and law with freedom

of inierooorse and communication. (4) More than this, it gaye rise to a sense

of mity and brotherhood. It seemed to realize the ideal of philosophers,

tiien the human race should form one society, one kingdom, one brotherhood ;

ttd of this unity the Roman citizenship was the crown, it was the entrance

■to the inheritance.

At the centre of this kingdom sat the city of Rome— a city powerful and
popolooa and sfrfendid. Like the centre of grayity, it attracted the whole
tmfin: thither ran all roads and all lines of commerce; thither fiocked
lasdeis of society and fashion, seekers after fortune and pleasure, philosophers
nd the setters forth of new doctrines. Rome was also the pivot upon which
the whole military and dyil administration of the empire. Her hands

> Poatl the Traveller etc. p. 28. Nero first peneonted the ChriBtians in 64, and
fisd in 68 : Domitian was emperor 81-96.

Ivi THE HISTORY CH.J

grasped tbe reins which controlled the movements of the legions by which i
had won and kept this great inheritance. She sent forth the governors
officials who worked the machinery in the provinces ; and to her, as the fi|
court of appeal, resorted all unsatisfied litigants. Rome, then, was indeed t
mistress of the world. And now at her head was no longer an aristocracy
democracy, but a single ruler : one head, one absolute king, sitting as it wc
in the place of God. No wonder that the provincials deified the city and h
ruler ^; that the worship of the emperor became universal, and formed t
chief bond of unity in the empire; and that the emperor^s own head n
turned, and like the mad Caligula he believed himself divina

Nor did the Christians escape the contagion of this influence. This grc
kingdom of Rome with its citizenship and emperor took the place of t
commonwealth of Israel as the pattern of the new kingdom of Ood — t
kingdom which was one and universal, whose citizenship was heavenly, who
capital was the Jerusalem which is above, and whose king was the Lord Jes
Christ '. In the richness of the thought and language of the Epistle to ti
Ephesians we may find a sign that S. Paul's imagination was deeply stirrc
when he witnessed the pomp of Rome, of the city and its imperial systei
6. Luke also must have felt some patriotic admiration, for these imperj
ideas lie at the basis of the Acts. To S. Luke the Roman takes the place
the Jewish citizenship : Rome, and not Jerusalem, is the capital of the wori
and Uie world is the empire — the eastern kingdoms are out of his horizoi
The Acts indeed describes the growth of a new and spiritual kingdom
but the dty of Rome is the goal even of this kingdom. In &ct» we shall on
understand the Acts when we see in it the history of the advance of ti
church from Jerusalem to Rome, or, to be more exact, of the apostle Paul
Rome. Paul the Jewish Pharisee preaching the gospel of the kingdom
Jesus at Rome — ^that is the climax. Later, when this great power hi
become the adversary of the church, the impression it made on the Christu
imagination is vividly portrayed in the Revelation. There it has become ti
type of the world power, of Antichrist In the 17th and 18th chapters, v
are almost drawn within the fascinatioQ of the spell cast over the worid by ti
glorious dty, the lady of the nationsi dothed in scarlet and puple^ who
seated on the seven Idlls ; while the beast who carries her, and who also d
on the throne of this world and is worshipped and overcomes the saints^ is ti
power of the empire personified in the emperor.

There are four departments where the chordi in the Acts comes inl
contact with the Roman qrston, and they were all making for unity.

(1) Ths ffovemmenL The empire was divided into provinces, whidi vei
neariy corresponded with modern or at least mediaeval kingdoms, and each <
these was under a Roman governor. It appointed (as all had been original^

^ Cp. zxv S6 and oommentaiy. * xvii 7: the Ormk words for king an

kingdom aie those used for emperwr mod fw^r$, ' Tliey are only mentionc

in a Jewish enumeration (ii 9>. Cp. xi 88, xvii 6, xix 27, xxiv & * xri 8^

xxii 25 : i 8, 6, xxriii 31.

§1 THE ENVIRONMENT Ivii

bgr the Mnatey he was a Proconnd ; if by the emperor he waB a Pr^eet, or in
an inferior proyiuce a Procurator. But, however appointed, ho was under the
iinniediAt4^ control of the Caesar or Augustus^. The governor then, together
with his suite of Roman 'companions' (comites) who formed his court (comi-
taius) in both senses of the term', was the centre of Roman influence in the
prorince and the chief bond of connexion with Rome. He was also the
snprome anthority, from whom an appeal lay only to the emperor, and his
judicial action was directed everywhere alike by Roman law and customs'.
In the Acts we come across two proconsuls, Gallio and Sergius Paulus, and two
procnrmtors, Felix and Festusl

(2) Ths army was the foundation of the Roman power. It was composed
of legions, subdivided into cohorts and centuries under tribunes and centurions
respectively. The legions were by no means recruited from Latin races only ;
the barbarians of the north, for instance, were beginning to contribute a large
element to the army : but wherever the legions went they took with them the
Romao discipline. In the times of the Roman Peace, the main bulk of the
legions was stationed on the frontiers, along the Rhine, the Danube, and the
Saphrates; and their own militia sufficed for the inner provinces. But a
torbulent country like Judaea required a permanent garrison. Five cohorts
were ttaUoned at Caesarea, and one at Jerusalem in the tower of Antonia
oTcriooking the temple. With both of these forces we are brought into
contact; but the particular Augustan and Italian cohorts mentioned have not
jet been identified. The influence of the army chiefly made itself felt through
the centurions, who were officers of great power in the provinces. The
characters of those whom we meet with in the Gospels and Acts, e.g. Cornelius
and Julias, give a very high testimony to the Roman service*.

(3) The Raman colonies were almost more important than the army in
keeping a hold on the provinces. They were often composed of veteran
•oldien, and so formed regular garrisons. But these cities possessed the
Roman dtixenship and their constitutions were modelled on that of Rome;
aad so they served as centres of latinization, and by their citizenship as it
were brought Rome into the provinces. S. Paul's work in the colonies would
be a preparation for work in Rome, and among such were Antioch of Pisidia,
Troas, Fhilippi, and Corinth, although S. Luke uses the name of Philippi only.

(4) Military needs gave rise to the Roman roads, which were made by
the soktiera. These fiunons roads ran throughout the empire and, like the
iron railroads of to-day, formed the main arteries of civilization. As they all
coDverged on Rome^ they were a great factor in the centralization and unity of
tlie whole. Th^ made communication at once easy and rapid : so much so^
that until lailways were laid down, never was travelling in Europe so frequent
and easy as in the days of the Roman ompira Of this facility of intercourse
we faave ample evidence in the Acts.

> XXV 26, in a Beian authority. » xxv 12, xiii 7, » xxv 10-12 : xxii 25,

' 16. * xiii 7, xviii 12, xxiii

24, xxiv 27. » Cp. x 1, xxi 32 f., xxiii 28 f.,

zxvii 1, 43, xxviii 16. The soldiers of xii 4 were Jewish, of Herod's army.

Iviu THE HISTORY ch. n

It is easy, then, to see what a help the empire was to the missionary worl
of the church. For instance, it enabled S. Panl to pass freely from oni
country to another and to keep up regular correspondence with his churches
his Roman citizenship gave him everywhere the same priyileges and a recognized
status; the Roman goTemors and their law protected him against the ianatica
persecution of his own nation and popular violence : the Roman roads were
the guiding lines of his missionary enterprises, and they led him at last tc
Rome itselt

The provinces which form the scene of the Acts are thesa (1) We b^^
in SYRIA. As this was the frontier province on the east, touching the
powerful empire of the Parthians, it was one of the most important commandi
in the empire. In wealth and prosperity it almost ranked next to Sgypt
Certainly its capital Antioch was the third city in the empire. Dependent on
the prefect of Syria were (i) CILICIA, which was practically separated from
the west by Mt Taurus and so was induded in the east, and (ii) JUDAEA.
This difficult country was at one time (a.d. 41-44) independent, under a
Jewish king Herod Agrippa I, but for the rest of our period it was under a
governor of the second class, a procurator. This official was subject to the
higher authority of the prefect of Syria, but he was appointed directly by the
emperor and was often one of his freedmen. (2) Crossing Mt Taurus by the
Cilician gates, we come to OALATIA. This province was in the course of
formation. The central part of Asia Minor west of Cappadocia had been split
up into a variety of territories and nationalities. There were Calatia proper,
the part of Pbrygia outside of the province of Asia, Pisidia, Lycaonia, the
tetrarchy of loonium, and the territory of the king of Commagene. The first
century witnessed the consolidation of these various elements into one province,
which took its name f^om its chief district, Galatia or the land of the Gaul&
At the time of the apostles' mission this process of organization was still going
on. (3) The roads to the west led through Galatia into ASIA. This province
comprised the western coast of Asia Minor, taking in Mysia, Lydia and
Caria, and behind them the greater part of PhrygiiL It was ftdl of prosperous
and wealthy towns, among them being the seats of ^ the seven churches of Asia.'
Indeed Asia with its capital Ephesus was almost a rival of Syria and Antioch.
Asia and Africa were the two most important senatorial appointments, which
were always g^ven to senators of consular rank. (4) Taking the land route to
Rome, we should cross from Troas to join the Egnatian way at Philippl This
road leads across the province of MACEDONIA, which bordered on Dalmatia
or Ulyricum and included Thessaly. This was Rome's first province beyond the
Adriatic, and more than any of the eastern provinces Macedonia retained its
national feeling. To break this feeling the Romans had divided it into four
districts, with separate jurisdictions ; and it was of one of these districts that
Philippi claimed to be the capital Thessalonica was the capital of the whole
province. (5) Taking the sea route to Rome from Ephesus, we should cross
the Aegean sea to Greece and take ship again the other side of the isthmus
of Corinth. Greece formed the province of ACHAIA, and the fiourishing

§1 THE ENVIRONMENT lix

colony of CoriDtb was its capital. Athens, out of respect for her ancient
gkniea, had been left by the Romans a free city ; and at one time, as a com-
pliment to Greek art, Nero gave freedom to the whole of Achaia. Besides
that there had been some political nnsettlement, for the province had been the
subject of exchange between the emperor and senate more than once. Apart
from its art and its traditions Greece was not an important government.
(6) One province has been omitted, which we should have passed if sailing
direct from Syria to Italy, viz. the island of CYPRUS. This too had been
exchanged between the emperor and senate, and so like Achaia gives an-
opportamty of testing S. Lake's accuracy. Gut off by the sea, Cyprus did not
occupy an important place in the life of the empire ; but Jews formed a very
laige element in the population, and it became one of the early cradles of
Christianity.

(B) JndaisBL Over against Rome stood another capital of the world — and
no unworthy rival — Jerusalem. The city itself was by no means ignoble : it
was wealthy and splendid, and its chief glory was its famous temple rebuilt on
a magnificent scale by Herod the Great Pliny calls Jerusalem '* by &r the
meet glorious city of the easf But Jerusalem owed its greatness to another
caoae. It was the holy dtj. As opposed to Rome the world power, the city
of the king of this world, Jerusalem represented the spiritual power ; it ?ras the
dty of the Great King, and its people were the People of God. The Jewish race
was then, as now, widely scattered — certainly dl over the eastern half of
the empire. But wherever Jews were to be found, they were sharply
separated off from the rest of the world, or t?ie Gentiles {natiorut) as they
called them. With Romans and Greeks the Jews formed a third ^nation' in
the empira They were, again as to-day, numerous, wealthy, and influential ;
but also hated, with a universal hatred which they cordially reciprocated. And
one of the first obstacles the church had to overcome was this mutual hatred
aud contempt between Jew and Qentfle^. All these Jews looked to Jerusalem
as their mother dty with an intense loyalty ; thither they all sent temple tribute
and offerings ; thither they flocked at the great feasts, and every Jew at least
oooe in his lifetime hoped to make the pilgrimage'.

Thus as a capital Jerusalem could not help being a rival of Rome, and
Judaea was the centre of an intense anti-Roman feeling. To every Jew the
idea of subjection to the yoke of the Gentiles was intolerable ; it was wholly
eootradictory to their choice and election by God. They were convinced that
God would speedily send the Messiah to break the hated yoke and to subdue
the kingdoms of the world beneath the feet of Israel. Extremists taught that
to pay tribute to the Gentile was contrary to the law of God, and that rebellion
wae a rdigious duty. With such a fanatical faith Judaea was growing more
and more restless, and the restlessness was increased by Roman misgovemment
The Jewish authorities, the Sadducean high-priests, tried to stem the tide :
hut rebeUion became more and more the popular creed, preached and acted

1 Cp. e.g. X 28, xi 8. * Cp. u 5-11, (viii 27), xx 16, xxi 27, xxiv 11, 17, xxviU 21.

Ix THE HISTORY ch.iv

upon by the faction of Zealots, until at last the flame burst out in the Jewish
war of 66 ; and the end was the destruction of Jerusalem and the burning of
the temple in 70. This was after our period, but we can trace clear signs of
the growing turbulence of the fiEuiatical party ^.

Outside Palestine 'the Dispersion' (as they were called) of the Jews formed
a great element in the preparation for the preaching of the gospel among the
Gentiles. The Jewish colonies and synagogues in the foreign cities gaTe the
apostles at once a home, a starting-place for preaching, and a pattern of
organization. The Jewish communities, recognized by the law as self-goyem-
ing societies, with their own officers and discipline and courts, formed the
model for the Christian conmiunities : similarly the worship of the synagogue,
which was distinct from the service of the temple, was the trunk on which was
grafted the public worship of the church : and again the souse of brotherhood
among the Jews, which was a great reality, paved the way for the Christian
'love of the brethren' and hospitality^.

But the greatest service which the Dispersion rendered was to act as the
stepping-stone by which the church crossed over from Judaism to the Gentiles;
just as in fact the synagogues of the Dispersion already provided for the
apostles a Gentile congregation ^ Notwithstanding racial hatred and prejudice,
great numbers of the Gentiles, in their craving for spiritual satisfaction, were
attracted by the pure monotheism of the Jews and attached themselves to the
synagogua Some were circumcised and became regular proselytes. Others,
declining that crucial step, became adherents under varying degrees of
compliance with the Jewish law. These formed the class of the clevoui or
Godrfearing (often called the (xreeks\ which we find in every synagogue^
Among a far wider circle must have spread at least some knowledge of the
Jewish scriptures and the Jewish faith in one God.

(C) Hellenism. Between these two antagonistic forces of Romanism and
Judaism stood a third factor, viz. Greek culture or Hellenism. The Greeks
were no longer a political power or a nationality like the Jews and Romans.
But they had conquered the world by their language and literature, their art
and philosophy. Their very masters, the Romans, proved ready disciples; and
the resulting Graeco-Roman civilization was the great unifying force which
went hand in hand with the conquering legions. The east had already been
Hellenized by the Macedonian conquests : Rome came in to put her seal on the
process and to g^ve it the necessary stability. Thus Greek became the recog-
nized language of good society, and 'a Greek' was synonymous with an educated
person. From this point of view the world was divided into two classes
'Greeks' and ' Barbarians V just as to a Jew all men were either Jews w
Gentiles. This Hellenism, then, filled the part of mediator between the Jews
and Romans ; on the one hand it prepared Gbntile minds for the religious

1 V 26-8. 86-7, xxi 30, 88, xxii 22, xxiii 12. « xxii 6, xxviii 21 : xvi 15,

xvii 7. xviii 3, xxi 8, 16, xxvui 14. » xiii 6, 14, xiv 1, xvii 1-2. 10, 17, xviu 4,

19, 26, xix 8. < vi 5, viii 27, x 1-2, xi 20: xiii 16, 43, 60, xiv 1, xvi 14, xvii 4,

12, 17t xviii 4, 7. ' xxviii 2 ; cp. xiv 11: also Bom i 14, Col iii 11.

§ 1 THE ENVIRONMENT Ixi

ideas of the Jews, on the other it had a great effect in softening Jewish
fonatidsm. The mass of the Jews of the Dispersion spoke the Greek language
and used Greek translations of the scriptures. Their Hebrew brethren of
Palestine called them, not without a tone of oontempt» Oreciant {UeUeni$U)K
For these Hellenists were not proof against the subtle influence of a more
cosmopolitan experience and a broader education. They became impregnated
with Greek ideas. The Alexandrian Jews were the most liberalized; and the
school of Philo deyoted themselves with enthusiasm to the study of the Greek
dassicB and philosophy, and attempted the reconciliation of Plato with Moses.
In their turn it was the Christian Hellenists who were the mediators be-
tween the church and the world. As soon as the gospel reaches them we find a
sadden expansion of ideas and widening of the horizon : Stephen, Philip, and
the men of Cyprus and Cyrene', were Hellemsts. ApoUos was a Jew of Alex-
andria. Paul himself, though a Hebrew of the Hebrews, was a citizen of Tarsus.
So in the Gentile cities it was the two classes of ' Grecian ' Jews and ' devout'
Greeks which formed the seed-plot of the church. Hellenism had thus done
almost as great a work as Rome in educating the world for Christianity. It
had provided a common language and rendered unnecessary a g^ft of strange
tongues. It had provided a common culture and a common intellectual atmo-
sphere. Paul, for instance, could speak freely at Jerusalem or in Asia Minor, at
Ephesus or at Corinth, at Athens or at Rome, and everywhere be understood.
But Hellenism had rendered the greatest service in the sphere of religion.
Greek criticism and philosophy had tmdermined the old pagan beliefs and
religions. Superstition dies hard, and the empire (as we see in the Acts) was
fun of all manner of worships and sorceries and mysteries, but as far as
thinking men were concerned the old idolatry was dead. The elementary
principles of natural religion had been thought out — the spirituality of the
divine nature, the unity and beneficence of God, the brotherhood of man.
But that was all, and religious minds were now atbirst for some positive
revelation. This the apostles were commissioned to g^ve ; and, finding ready
to hand the first principles, they make them their starting-point At least so
we find S. Stephen doing at Jerusalem, and S. Paul at Lystra and Athens.
Accordingly we have now to trace the fortunes of this fourth power, new-bom
into the world, — Christianity. This will best be done in a brief analysis of the
history of its beginnings.

§ 2 Analytis qf the hUto$T/

The Acts obviously faUs at once into two Parts, viz. chapters i-xii and
ziii-xxviii: and each of these parts may be divided into three Divisions.
From the personal or apostolic point of view we may call the parts—I Acts
of Peter : II Acts of PaoL In analysing their contents a double line of
growth is to be traced. Externally, Part I records the extension of the church
from Jerusalem to Antioch ; Part II from Antioch to Rome. Internally, in
Part I the church, which starts as a purely Jewish body, expands to the point

* vi 1, xi 20 marg. « vi II., xi 20.

i

Ixii THE HISTORY ch.iv

of admittiDg GreekB : in Part II we pass from the ratification of this admission
to the fall deyelopment of Gentile churches. So we can give the parts
other titles— I The church of Jerusalem or The chnrch of the circnmcision!
II The church of the Empire or The church of the nncircnmcision.

Part I The acts of Peter

Division i (i-y) relates the baptism and establishment of the chnrch at
Jerusalem. (1) Chapter i Is preparatory : i 1-5 or 1-14 is really introductoiy
to the whole volume. For before the Holy Spirit can be poured forth, (a) the
Lord must ascend to heaven in order to receive the power of bestowing him,
(6) and the church must be prepared to receive the gift by prayer and the
completion of its outward form, ie. the filling up of the apostolate. (2) Tlie
descent of the Spirit at Pentecost is the baptism of the church, and the
presence of his power is manifested at once — ^in the preaching and conversions
without, and in the new life of the faithful within. After this (3) the church is
consolidated through opposition from without and temptation from within.
The opposition is aroused by the working of the Spirit in miraculous signs, and
the Christian answer is prayer : the common life which is the result of the
presence of the Spirit wiUiin is the occasion for the sin of covetousness, which
is compensated for by the self-sacrifice of others. Jesus is preached to the Jews
as their Lord and Messiah, their Prince and Saviom* ; and the final result is joy
and progress (v 41-42).

Division H (vi-xi 26) begins the history of the expansion of the church. It
opens with mention of Hellenists and ends with Greeks at Antioch. Tlie
immediate cause of expansion was a persecution, which was itself brought on
by the action of a vigorous personality; and the division accordingly falls into
two sections, which describe his acts and their manifold consequences.
(1) Ths (Uts qf Stephen, The ordination of the Seven (including a proselyte
of Antioch) leads to the ministry of Stephen. Stephen's deeper teaching
about the law precipitates a conflict with the Jews. His death and the
consequent persecution bring Saul on the staga (2) The things that arose
about Stephen, (2a) The acts of Philip, Philip's preaching of the Christ to
schismatic Samaritans is sanctioned by the apostles and the Holy Spirit ; he
also baptizes an Ethiopian proselyte — an eunuch and a child of HauL The church
is planted in Samaria and reaches Caesarea the Roman capital of Palestine.
.(2b) The acts of Saul, There are disciples already at Damascus, and on his
way thither Saul the persecutor is converted. This conversion is pregnant
for the fature : but for the present he is sent away to Tarsus. Meanwhile the
presence of a new force in the church is seen in his preaching Jesus as the Son
of God. (2c) The acts of Peter, These ought to begin a new section, but the
next section keeps up the connexion with Stephen's death (xi 19). Peace
returns after the persecution, the total result of which was the spreading
of the church throughout Judaea, Galilee, and Samaria. After an apostolic
visitation as far as Joppa, Peter formally opens the door of the church to a
Gentile adherent of the synagogue, Cornelius, and so establishes the church at

§2 ITS ANALYSIS Ixiii

Cunrea. He preached Jesus io Cornelius as the Lord and Judge of all, and

the toorce of forgiveness for everyone that believetlL At Jerusalem are heard

the fnt sounds of human reluctance, but the baptism of Cornelius is ratified

^7 the Spirit and accepted by the church. (2d) The acU qf the Hdlenitti.

The church reaches Phenicia, Cyprus, and Antioch. Here the Lord Jesus is

preached directly to 'the Greeks/ ie. probably Gentile adherents of the

fTDSgogne. This advance is sanctioned by the church in Jerusalem through

its delegate Barnabas. Barnabas also brings back Saul on to the stage of the

Jtistory. The whole advance of this division b summed up in the title given at

Antiodi to the disciples, hitherto known as 'Nazareans' or 'Galileans,' vis.

*the Christians.'

Division iii (xi 27*xii) closes Part I and at the same time is transitional
The centre of interest passes from Jerusalem to Antioch, and the rOle of chief
actor from Peter to Paul. The church at Jerusalem is weakened by fieunine
and persecution. Peter, the last of the Twelve to remain, leaves the city, after
a miracolous deliverance from death which is a type of resurrection* The pkce
of Peter and the Twelve is taken by James the Lord's brother and the
presbyters. The death of Herod Agrippa, which is a divine judgement, is
followed by renewed growth of the word of God. The mission of Barnabas
and Saul from Antioch is the connecting link with Part XL

Part n The acts of Paul

We now turn westwards, and the political interest lies in the steady advance
through the provinces to Rome, and the occasions on which the apostles are
broo^t in contact with the Roman authorities : also in the attitude towards
Christianity of the various classes and interests in the empire. When the
princ^ile of the admission of Greeks has been fully established, the theological
interest centres on the relation of Christianity to its various rivals in religion.
The usual division into the three missionary journeys of S. Paul is very mis-
leading. However convenient it may be geographically, — but the convenience
m rmj modi open to question, — it certainly does not fall in with S. Luke's
scheme and marks of division, which are somewhat as follows.

Dividon i (xiii-xvi 5). The new start is from Antioch and it begins in xiii
1*3 with a special manifestation of the Spirit, by which S. Paul is separated for
his work as an apostle. Henceforward he steps into the place of Peter, and the
■ew departure is marked by the change of name from Saul to Paul These
vensB are really the introduction to the whole of Part II : and the remainder
€i divisioo i comprises two sections. First (1) the work qf Paul and Bamabae,
It begins with PauTs first appearance before a Roman governor, and a con-
viction of a false prophet Baijesus. At Antioch in Pisidia Paul delivers to
tbe Jews his gospel of Jesus as Saviour : when they reject it, he turns to the
GcntOes, Le. to those who are quite independent of the synagogue. This is
the first absolute break with Judaism, and it brings persecution from the Jews,
but the Lord confirms the apostles' action by signs and wonders. As a result
vs have Paul's gospel for the Gentiles, Le. the ' barbarian ' Gentiles, at Lystra;

Ixiv THE HISTORY

CH.

and tlie definite organixation of Gentile cfaurchee, in this case 'the chnrchea
Gftlatia.' That the door of faith is opened to tlie Gentiles. (2) The recepti
of the Gentiles on equal terms aronses protest and opposition in the chun
bat it is solemnly ratified bj the chnrdi at Jemsalem and the Holy Gho
This gjLvet occasion for a statement of the yiews of Peter and James ; and i
latter whidi conTeyed the result of the council at Jerusalem is joyfully accept
bj the churches of Antioch, Syria, Cilida, and GahiUa. In response S. Pi
shews his loyalty to the council and eren circumcises Timothy.

DiTiaion ii (xyi 6-xix 20). The principle of Gentile churches being fu
established, there followB the advance of the church from Antioch to Bphesi
or the foundation of the churches of Macedonia, Achaia, and Asia. (1) Ma
donia. After preparatory leading by the Holy Spirit, Paul comes to Philip
and the character of the new epoch is marked by his assertion of his Rom
dtisenship. At Phib'ppi the CTangelists are accused of teaching Jewi
customs, at Thessalonica of treason against Caesar. (2) Achaia. At Athe
Paul is chai^ged with breaking the city's law by the introduction of straiii
deities: In reply he gires his gospel for the educated Gentiles and Gre
philosophers. At Corinth is forged the first definite link with Rome throu|
the meeting with Aquila and Prisdlla ; on the other hand there is a seooi
broach wiUi the synagogua At Corinth, for the first time since leaTil
Antioch, Paul settles down for prolonged work and his action is sanctioni
by an appearance of the Lord. (3) Ana, After 18 months at Corinth Paul
Indicted in the proconsul's court for teaching an 'unlawful religion': he lea?
(Jorlnth and touches at Ephesus, whither he shortly returns for permane
work. Meanwhile the acts qfApollos bring out the relation of the church
lm|H>rfeot forms of Christianity, such as 'the way' of John the Baptist C
Paul's return a special outpouring of the Holy Spirit is the dirine preface
tlio work at Kphosus, which succeeds to Antioch as the third metropolis •
mother city of Cliristianity. A breach with the Jews leads to the oiganisatM
of an Independent church with a body of presbyters, and in two years tl
goNiwl sprtMMU through the whole province. The presence of the Spii
vlntlUmtuN itself by a conTiction of superstitious practices without and
p\irlfloatlou of the church within : and the yictories of the churdi at Ephew
mark the climax of its advance. In the next division the personal elemei
predominates. For

Division ill (xix 21-xxviii) condudes the book with the 'passing' of Pac
With 8. Paul the licadquartors of Christianity moves on from Ephesoa 1
Rome, and tlie main subject is the Apologia or Defence of Pau^— that is, j
etToct, of Christiuuity. (1) First, on the fulfilment of his work, his fiioe
directed by the Spirit Romewards. (a) The work at Ephesus is cut short by
conflict with the jKigan worship of Artemis ; the Christians are for the fir
time aocuseil of impiety towanis the goddess, Leu the later charge of *athdsn
(6) After flnisliiug his work in Macedonia and Achaia, Paul goes up to Jemsalei
thence to make a new start for Rome. On his way he makes a defence of h
apostolato to tltc church of Ephesus, which contains at the same time his Hai

§2 ITS ANALYSIS Ixv

words' and his gospel for the Christians. (2) At Jerusalem Paul is arrested
and his process begins, (a) First the unity and brotherhood of the church is
Tindicated in his reception by James. Then the riot in the temple calls forth
his d^ence to the Jewish people. Failmg to disarm their hostility, Paul
dissociates himself from Judaism by claiming his Roman citizenship. This
strong action, with his lino of defence in the Sanhedrin, is approved by a
consolatory vision of the Lord. Then his cause is taken out of the hands of the
JewS) and the apostle himself 'delivered into the hands of the Romans.' (6) At
Caesarea the Jews indict him in the Roman court, and Paul makes his defence
to the procurator. There is a private preaching to Felix ; then, failing to obtain
jnstioe even from a juster judge, Festus, Paul appeals to the supreme court, to
the Caesar at Roma His final defence, ' before kings and governors and the
people of Israel,' is answered by the third declaration of his innocence on the
part of the Romana (3) The journey to Rome proves to be a 'going down
into the deep' : but 8. Paul is brought out of it by a great deliverance. An
interval of quiet rest at Malta follows. Next spring, the season of resurrection,
the voyage is resumed: Paul reaches Puteoli, is welcomed by the Roman
Christians, and enters the city of Rome. At Rome the lesson of the past
history is summed up in a final rejection of the gospel by the Jews with the
consequent turning to the Gentiles. Then the whole book ends with two
years' quiet work : though a prisoner, Paul exercises his apostolate in the
a^ital of the kingdom of Caesar by preaching the gospel of the kingdom
of Jesus to all men alike ' without any hindrance.'

For convenience of reference the analysis is given in tabular form at the
end of the Introduction, pp. cix-xi.

§3 The chronology

We have already noticed that in the earlier part of the Acts there are
no fixed dironological data. To the early Christians, expecting the immediate
retom of their Lord, chronology was supremely unimportant ; and there was
no Luke among them. So by his time uncertainty had crept in. Indeed we
may doubt whether 8. Luke himself knew the date of the crucifixion ; otherwise
we are left to wonder why he did not give us the date of the great Pentecost
in ch. ii, to correspond with his date for the baptism of Jesus in the Gospel
(Lk iii 1).

In the second part, however, he gives several dc6nite notes of time:
eig. xi 26 a tehole year, xviii 11 a year and six months, xix 8 three months^
10 ifto years, zx ^ the days of unleavened bread (cp. xii 3), 16 the day </
Penteeosiy 31 three years. There is a regular diary of the journey marked in
XX 6, 14, 16, xxi 1, 4, 7 ; and of the early proceedings in Paul's case in xxi 27,
xxii 30, xxiii 11, 12, xxiv 1, 11, 27 {ttoo years\ xxv 1, 6. Finally, we have
xxvii 9 the Fast, 27, xxviii 7, 11 three months, 12-14, 17, 30 two whole years.
These notes enable us to construct a more or less certain chronological scheme
for the ktter part of S. Paul's work, viz, from ch. xv (or even xiii) to xxviii.
With the aid of two data given us by the apostle in the Epistle to the

Ixvi THE HISTORY CH.

CkUatians^, we can carry our scheme back to his conversioD and the martyrd
of B. Stephen, and so include within it ch. vi-ix. What we want, howersi
to connect this scheme with secular chronology, or to find out the dates of
years after Christ Now among all the points of contact between the i
and pro&ne history, there is only one fact of whose date we are certain ; I
is the death of Herod Agrippa in aj>. 44. And unfortunately S. Luke hasi
us without any definite links of time between chapter xii, where that OTen
recorded, and the chapters which follow and precede it.

There is indeed an event whose date, if ascertained, would at once
on the chronology of the Acts to that of secular history. That date \
perfectly familiar to S. Luke, but unfortunately he has omitted to spei
it. It is the date of the succession of Felix by Festus as procurator
Judaea (xxiv 27, xxy 1). Arguing in the main from the supposed requiremt
of Jewish history as recorded by Josephus, Wieseler fixed it at aj>. 60 ; I
this date has been adopted by Bp Lightfoot and the majority of Eng^
scholars. Little attention was paid to the fact that we had the informal
already giren us. Eusebius had put the date down in his Chronicle, wta
gives the second year of Nero. The Chronicle, however, was not compi
until the fourth century, and it has only come down to us in Armenian i
Latin translations ; and so its evidence was disregarded. But quite recM
Professor Hamack has argued strongly in its favour. He accepts its date
Festus' arrival at Caesarea, viz. 56, and on this basis has drawn up a chro
logy of the Acts. His scheme, however, appears to make most of the eve
fall a year or two too early ; and Mr Turner, who has since examined 1
whole subject with the greatest care, selects the year 58 for Festus* I
pointment'.

Mr Turner, however, has himself given a hint for a solution, which i
enable us to accept the Eusebian date and at the same time to advance t
clironology by the required year. By acute calculations he claims to hi
made the discovery that Eusebius reckons the first regnal year of an empei
fi-om the September next after his actual accession. The second year of Ns
who succeeded Claudius in Oct 54, would then be Sept 56~Sept 57, and
we can take 57 for the date of Festus' arrival^.

From this date, a.d. 57, for xxiv 27-xxv 1, we can work forward aa foll<y
Ch. xxv-xxvi fall in the summer of 57, the voyage (xxvii-xxviii 6) in \
autumn; the stay at Malta lasted from Nov. 57 to March 58; the pil
arrived at Rome in the spring of 58, and the two years at Rome extend
from the spring of 58 to the spring of 60, when the Acts closes. EuseU
puts S. Paul's martyrdom in 68, which will allow eight years for the laboi
subsequent to his liberation, which are implied by the Pastoral Epistles. I

' i 18 three yean^ ii 1 fourteen years : but there is an unoertaiuty as to whetl
these dates are mutually inclusive or exclusive. ^ In Hastings' DieHonary

the Bible : art. Chbokolooy. ' Mr Turner's theory leads to the somewl

strange result that Nero must have reigned 11 months before his first regnal j4
began. But it is quite easy to imagine that by some diflerenoe in reokoning I
regnal years, Eusebius should be just a year out

§3 ITS CHRONOLOGY Ixvu

tbngh Bp Lighifoot accepted this date, there are reasons (abo traditional}

tot lopposing that here Eusebins made a mistake. He has in fact put the

Fin of Borne in that year. But the date of the fire was 64 ; and if S. Paul

was pot to death in the same year as the fire, Le. in the persecution which

flDRied upon it (as is implied by Eusebius' reckoning), then S. Paul was

Birtyred in 64, and an intenral of four years is left after hia liberation for the

Pastoral Epistles.

Working backwards from 57, the last journey to Jerusalem (xx 6-xxi 26)

fiJb between Easter and Pentecost of 55, and the riot in the temple (xxi 27 foil.)

liappened immediately after Pentecost Winter 54-55 was spent at Corinth,

the summer of 54 in Macedonia (xx 2-3), and S. Paul left Ephesus about

PentecoAt 54 (xix 21-xx 1). Accordingly he arrived at Ephesus about the

autumn of 51 (xix 1, 8, 10) ; and in the spring of that year he left Corinth

(xTiii 12-21). This fixes his first arrival at Corinth to the autumn of 49

(xviii ly 11). The summer of that year was occupied in the first visit to

Macedonia and Achaia (xvi 6-xvii), and the preceding spring and winter

48-49 were spent in Qalatia, Cilicia, and Syria (xv 36-xvi 5). If Paul and

Silas left Antioch in the late summer of 48, the council at Jerusalem would

have been in the same year, probably about Pentecost, and the disputation

had raged at Antioch during the preceding winter 47-^48 (xv 1-35). Allowing

18 months for the first missionary journey, if Paul and Barnabas returned to

Antiodi at the close of the sailing season of 47, then they started at the

opening of the sailing season, Le. in the spring, of 46 (xiii-xiv). We have

now got back to chapter xii and Herod's death in 44. The mission of Paul

ind Baniabas to Jerusalem probably took place in the intervening year 45

(xii 25) ; and the visit of the prophets to Antioch, which is closely connected

with Herod's persecution, was paid in 43, the year before his death (xi 27).

Tbea the whole year of xi 26 will be 42-43, and Barnabas fetched Saul from

Tanas in 42. From Gkjlatians ii 1 we learn that Paul's visit to Jerusalem in

ix S5-dO took place 14 years before the council of 48, viz. in 34. This was

<Arw years c^fter or in the third year <\fler (Gal i 18) his conversion, which

therefore fell in 32 (ix 1-19). This year will also be the date of Stephen's

death and the persecution, or vi 8-vii ; and Philip's work in ch. viii will fall iu

H Ai 8. Luke generally writes in order, the baptism of Cornelius (ix 31-

^ 18) probably followed Paul's visit of 34, but very soon after, so as to

&0 within the days qf the beginning (xv 2). Allowing some interval for the

wanktaj of the Seven (vi 7), we may put their appointment in 31 (vi 1-6).

hkisg 29 for the date of the crucifixion and therefore of the first Pentecost

(i-ii)^ we have left two years 29-31 for ch. iii-v.

Ibis chronology will agree very well with our other data^
Thns (1) it appears that Aretas king of Arabia (2 Cor xi 32) could hardly
have been in possession of Damascus before 33-34. According to this scheme

1 For anthoriiies and fuller information I would refer to the article on Ghbono-
LOST in Hastinga* Diet, of the Bible.

e2

Ixvui THE HISTORY ch.iv

S. Paul wa« Met down in a basket bj the wall' in 34 (ix 25) : in the preceding
interFal 32-34 he had visited Arabia (Gkil i 17).

(2) It is Buppoeed from the order of events in Josephns that the famine
mider Claudins (xi 28) could not have taken place before 46. We place it
in 45. Josephns fi^ves no dates at all, and there is nothing to prevent oar
supposing it to have been due to the £ulure of the harvests of 44 and 45.
S. Luke closely connects it with the death of Herod in 44.

(3) We know the names of the proconsuls of Cyprus for the years 51 and
52: as Seigius Paulus is not one of these, he must have been proconsul either
after 52 or before 51. In this scheme he was in Cyprus in the year 46.

(4) Orosius, a late historian, assigns the expulsion of the Jews from Rome
by Claudius (xviii 2) to his ninth year, viz. 49 ^ We make Paul arrive at
Corinth in the autumn of 49 and then he could quite well have found Aquila
and Priscilla lately come from Italy,

(5) Qallio's brother Seneca was in banishment before 49 ; and it is not
likely that, while Seneca was in disgrace, his brother should have been treated
with honour. Seneca was recalled in 49. Acts xviii 12 seems to imply that
Gallic was a new governor, and according to our plan he would have arrived
at Corinth at the beginning of 51 or the end of 50.

(6) Paul speaking in 55 says to Felix thou hast been qf many years a
judge unto this nation : as Felix was appointed to Judaea in 52 this only
gives three years which are hardly many. But according to Tacitus' Felix
had previously been in command of Samaria, while Cumanus was procurator
of Judaea.

(7) In 62 Nero married Poppaea, a Jewish proselyte. It is, then, not
very likely that he would have acted fairly to S. Paul in 62. Besides, in 60
(our date for his liberation) Seneca and Burrhus still had influence.

Pro£ Ramsay has made an ingenious calculation which would fix 57 for the
final journey up to Jerusalem. He calculates that the apostolic party left
Philippi on a Friday, and therefore the passover that year must have fallen
on a Thursday (xx 6). Now this was the case in 57, but not in 55, 56, 68,
59' Mr Turner has examined his aigument and comes to the conclusion
that it is not convincing, but that it leaves a certain presumption against the
year 55. However, considering the general uncertainties of chronology
due to the possibility of mistakes, intercalations etc, and considering the
uncertainty of many points about the passover in particular, such an align-
ment is too minute to carry conviction or seriously disturb a scheme which
otherwise satisfies the requirements. The greatest objection to Prof. Ramsay's
theory is that there are points in the journey where our diary fails us ; thus
for instance at the outset, we do not know for certain that the party left
Philippi the next day after the passover.

An objection which may be made to our scheme is that it allows only

1 ClandiuB acceded Jan. 41. His actual ninth year was from Jan. 49 to Jan. 50 :
according to Mr Tnmer, in Ensebius' reckoning it would be Sept. 49 to Sept. 50.
^ Ann. xii 64. » Paul the Traveller pp. 259-GO.

13 ITS CHRONOLOGY Ixix

three jeun, 29-32, for the development of the church at Jeruialem as

rocQfded in ch. i~Tii, and that this time is not sufficient By reckoning the 14

jevB of Gal ii 1 as inclusive of the 3 years of Gal i 18, we might advance

& Panics conversion to 34 and thus get two more years ; but we do not really

wuki them. In &ct three years seems the outside limit of time required.

Far (1) sodi a long period of quiet deyelopment as five years would have

been almost impossible. It is incredible that the church could have been

g^rowing for sudi a time without a conflict with the Jewish authoritiefli

After the crucifixion of Jesus, how could they have allowed Peter to go on

preaching in the temple and using such language as is recorded in ii 23, iii 15 ?

The arrest of iy 1-3 must have followed speedily. Moreover the language of

the priests in y 28 shews that at the later arrest the crucifixion was still a

recent eyent A second time the apostles were threatened and admonished.

But they did not obey (v 29, 42), and we cannot imagine tliat the high-priests

would far long have tamely submitted to such defiance. Further (2) the rapid

growth of the church elsewhere shews how short a time was needed for the

development at JerusalenL S. Paul had only stayed for 18 months at Corinth,

and the church there had only been founded about four or five years,

when he wrote I and II Corinthians. At Ephesus his work, which resulted

m the spreading of the word all over Asia, did not exceed three years. But

there is a better illustration. Our Lord's active ministry only lasted for little

more than one full year, or on the outside reckoning two years.

The results of the scheme are arranged in tabular form at the end of the
Introduction, pp. cxii-xy, and there the references to current events will make
fvttier explanations unnecessary.

CHAPTER V
The Theology of the Acts

In the Acts we find the religion of Jesus Christ as originally set forth in
tbetesching of the apostles. This consisted of: (A) A bearing witness to, or
prodamation of, certain facts, viz. the death and resurrection of Jesus and the
sift of the Holy Spirit This message was the Word^ and it will be found to
tofnaponA werj much to our Apostles' Creed. (B) A practical appeal for
coodnet whidi should result from these facts : and in this appeal is contained
the apoatlei^ account of salvation and of the Christian life.

§ 1 (A) The theology

Ths word qf Ood in the main part consisted of the enumeration of the
fiMts about our Lord which are contained in tho Apostles* Creeds But
the remaining articles of the creed can also be gathered firom this book.

1 The chief passages are U 22-4, 82-8, iii 13-6, 18, iv 10, v 80-2, x 86-48,
iiiiS7-Sl.

Lxx THE THEOLOGY ch,

(i) I believe in Qod the Father Almighty, Maker of heaven and earl
The Jews already possessed the doctrine of the one Ood, so now it ib pi
claimed to the Gentiles — the educated at Athens, the uneducated at Lystn
What the Jews needed was a more spiritual conception of the divine Data
and a less material one of the divine kingdom (yii 48-50). That we are ti
ofbpring of God is taught at Athens (xvii 28): but the doctrine of his Fatbi
hood is one of the inner mysteries of the brotherhood. The name of i
Father occurs only in i 4, 7, and ii 33^ To the Gentiles God (the Fathi
is presented as Maker qf heaoen and earth^i to the Jews he is the (h
of the Old Testament — the Ood qf our faihevMy qf the people lerael^ ai
qf the glory or the ' shekinah/ the divine dwelling placed

(ii) And in Jesus Ghrist his only Son our Lord.

The apostles preached ^Jenu'^ both to Jews and Gentiles. To the form
they vindicated lus claim to be the Messiah or Chriit, and therefore Lord
their message to the latter was that this Christ was anointed to be Lord
€UP, To the Christian he was generally the Lord, or the Lord JesuSy or oi
Lord Jents Christ. 8. Paul reached the climax when he proclaimed Jte
that he is the Son qf God (ix 20).

The facts of the crucifixion and resurrection are the core of the gosp
The crucial event was the resurrection, and to bear witness to this was t
special function of an apostle^ For steered, see i 3, iii 18, xvii 3, xxvi 23 : und
Pontius Pilate iii 13, xiii 28 : was crucified ii 23, iv 10, v 30, x 39, xiii S
dead ii 23, iii 15, v 30, vii 52, x 39, xiii 28, xxv 19 : and buried xiii 29, cp. ii i
xiii 36 : he descended into hell {hades) ii 31 : rose again the third day x *
Ch. i narrates the Lord's ascension, which was his exaltation, his being tak
up (i 11, 22) or exalted (ii 33, v 31) by the right hand qf Ood (ii 33, v 3
At that right hand he is now sitting (ii 34) or standing (vii 55-6). A
thence he shall come again (i 11, iii 20-1) to judge the quick and the de
(x 42). This last doctrine, as one of the elementary principles of religi<
is declared chiefly to Gentile hearers, e.g. in x 42, xvii 31, xxiv 24-5.

(iii) I beUeve in the Holy Ghost.

The Acts may be described as the gospel of the Holy Spirit, as will
shewn below (p. Ixxiv). It begins with his descent, and is a record of his wo
This work is manifested in the Church, The Spirit acts through men w
form a society — a brotherhood or kingdom. And when this society is baptii
with the Spirit at Pentecost, then at once it shews signs of a divine vitality.

The church is holy as composed of the holy\ i.e. those who by the gift
the Spirit have been consecrated^ to God. The great controversy of the A
arose out of the vindication of the catholic character of the church, vis. that

1 xvii 22-Bl : xiv 15-7. « Cp. Lk x 21-2. » xiv 16, xvii 24: cp. iv 1

vu 50. « iii 18, xxii 14, xxiv 14 : xiii 17 : vii 2. » viii 35, xvU 3, :

xix 13. • ii 36, iii 20. v 42, viu 5, ix 22, xvu 3, xviii 5, xxvi 23. ' x S

cp. ii 86. 8 i 22, ii 24, 82, iU 15 (26), iv 10, v 80-2, x 40-1, xiii 80-3, xvii

18, 81, xxii 15, xxv 19, xxvi 8, 23 : cp. I Cor ix 1, xv 8-8. * or saints ix :

32, 41, xxvi 10. ^ i.e. made holy or tacred xx 32, xxvi 18.

§1 THE DOCTRINE OF GOD Ixxi

ii open to all men, to Jew and Gentile alike, without respect of persons *; and
Uie history ahewB the gradoal translation of this ideal into fact The church is
'ipostolic' also, as founded by the apostles and cleaving stedfasUy to their
laidHog (ii 42), its very history being comprised under the acts qfthe apostles.
Listlj it forms a eommunian 0/ saints : there is one common life of the whole
body, in which each member has a common share in the privileges of the in-
beiittnoe of God, and which is manifested externally in the common sharing
of their worldly goods'.

The entrance to the churdi was through baptism*. This baptism was
for the forgiveness of sins (ii 38) : and the offer of forgiveness with the
•oeompanying gift of the Holy Spirit was the 'gospel,' or 'good tidings of
grett joy,' brought to men through the work of Christ^

The resurrecticn—firom the dead^ of dead men, both of just and unjust,
ii the natural consequence of the resurrection of Jesus, the representative
80D of Man^ As being closely connected with the doctrine of the judgement
to oome it was preached mostly to Gentiles. Among the Jews, being already
held by the Pharisees, it was mainly preached in opposition to the scepticism
of the Saddacees*. The belief in eternal life (xiii 46-8) flowed, not necessarily
from the doctrine of the resurrection, but from the character of the life already
ooouDunicated to and enjoyed by the church (v 20): for this life is that of the
Spirit, divine and therefore eternal But the Christians still walk by hope^,
bectoae the promise, i.e. the ideal, is not yet fully realized. They still wait
for the return of the Lord, who will bring in the restoration of all things or ' the
world to oome '(iii 20-1).

It ti evident from the Acts that the fundamental doctrines of the Christian
foith— of the Trinity, the Incarnation, the Atonement — were not taught by the
■poiUes dogmatically; they were rather contained implicitly in their teaching.
^ forms another point of resemblance to our Apostles* Creed. The reason
ii foirly obvious. Life comes before thought ; action before reflection upon it.
The church had first to live upon the doctrines before she preached them ; to
nioifeit and verify them in her living experience, before she attempted to
ttilyie and define them.

Thus the doctrine of the Trinity, of the three Persons in one God, is
lovbere asserted in the Acts in plain terms; but it is implied throughout, and
v&hoat it the mutual relations of the Father, of the Son, and of the
8ratiT, would be inexplicabl&

For (1) the three Persons are often mentioned as cooperating in the same
act : in many more places the names are found in dose proximity, as if they
were inseparable. An instance occurs in the opening paragraph (i 4) where

1 ii 21. X 43: xviii 5, 10, xx 21, xxvi 19-28 : x 84. * ii 42: xx 82, ii 44-5,

tv 32. > ii da, 41, viii 12-8, 88, ix 18, x 47-^, xvi 15, 88, xviii 8, xix 5, xxii 16.

• ▼ 31, X 43, xiii 88, xxvi 18. b iy 2, xvii 18, 82, xxiv 15, 21. • i.e. the

BBwuigctiop of men apart from that of Jesus: cp. iv 2, xxiii 6-8, xxvi 8. ' xxiii 6,
xxiv 15, xxvi 6-7, xxviii 20.

kxii THE THEOLOGY ch.v

Jesus says JVait for the promUe of the Father which ye heard from, me.
The other instances are found for the most part in S. Peter's speeches^ ; but
also in those of S. Paul, and in the narrative^.

(2) The same functions are indifferently assigned to different Persons.
Thus {A) the Fatheb and the Son alike pour out the Holy Spirit (ii 17-33X
chooee (i 2-xiii 17), appoint (xxii 14~xxyi 16) and ffive commandment to — the
apostles (i 2-xiii 47), and deliver (yii lO-xxvi 17, xii 11) by their presence
(vii 9-xyiii 10, cp. xiv 27). Other instances will be given below. Each of
these Persons is alike the Lord: and this causes ambiguity as to the paraHelsL
We have, for instance, the grace (xiv 26-xy 40, xx 24-32, xi 23-xy 11,
xiy 3-xiii 43), word (viii 14-26, xiii 46-49, xiii 6-xy 36, xiii 7-xix 10,
yi 7-xix 20), way (xviii 25-26), and will (xxi 14-xxii 14)— both of God and
(fthe Lord: compare also giving eigne (xiy 3-xy 12, cp. ii 19), and turning to
(ix 35, xi 21-xxyi 20). In many of these cases it is undoubtedly Christ who
is referred to tts the Lord : but the yery fact of the ambiguity is itself the
strongest argument Most striking of all, the Spirit qf the Lord (y 9, yiii 39)
is the Spirit of Jesus (xyi 7). {B) Both the Father and the Spntir
spake through tfie prophets (i 16-iy 26, iii 21-xxviii 26, ii 17-xxi 11), call to
work (xiii 2-xvi 10, cp. ii 39), set or appoint (i 7-xx 28). A lie to the Holy
Ohost is a lie unto God (v 3, 4) : at one time S. Peter speaks of tempting the
Spirit qf the Lord, at another of tempting Grod (v 9, xy 10). (C) Between
the conversion of S. Paul and the baptism of Cornelius there b a remarkable
parallelism : one is distinctly the work of the Lord (Jesus), the other of the
Spirit. So the Son as well as the Spirit is holy (iii 14, iv 27, 30, cp. also
Lk i 49) : and the word promise is used of both (i 4, ii 33-xiii 32). Baptism
is generally in the name of Jesus Christ, but it is also in the Holy Ghost (i 5,
xi 16); and this sacrament is the great occasion for the cooperation of these
two Persons (ii 38, xix 6-6, cp. ix 17). A similar coordination is found in
yii 51-52 and ix 31. (D) Sending and witnessing are predicated of all three
Persons in turn. See xy 8-xx 23-y 32, cp. xiy 3 : x 36-ix 17-x 20, cp. xii 11,
xxii 21, xxyi 17.

(3) Functions that are unmistakeably divine are ascribed to the Son and
the Spirit, as we shall see. But at the same time the unity of God remains
unquestioned, as an axiom.

The doctrine of the Incarnation is similarly implicit No doubt the
apostles themselves did not fully realize at the first all that was intellectually
contained in their attitude towards their Lord. But they lived by their fiuth
in him, and it is easy to trace the gradual unfolding to their conscious under-
standing of what that faith meant

At first Jesus is the apostles' master — the Lord Jesus (i 6, 21). At Pente-
cost S. Peter proclaims him as Jesus qf Nazareth, the man approved qf God
and his holy one : he (as a true Adam) has been anointed to be the head of
the human race, ia the Christ, the Lord and Conqueror, who sits on the throne

1 i 7-8, ii 33, 38-9, iv 8-10, 30-1, v 30-2, x 38, 4fr-8, xi 17, xv 8-11. " xx 23-4,
28: vU 66, xi 23-4, xvi 6-10, xxviu 23-5.

§ 1 - THE DOCTRINE OP GOD Ixxui

of Darid^. In the next sennou he is th^ Servant qf the Lord, holy and ■
righteous^ Le. the fulfiOer of the law^ : the PHnce qf life and Saviour, i.e. |
the gi?er and restorer of life both bodily and spiritual, or a greater Joshua 3:7
the Prophet like unto Moses, ie. the revealer of God's will^: and the Seed q/f^^
Abr<iham, the source of blessing and the fis^ther of the new Israeli Before th^j
Sanhedrin Peter declares Jesus to he the Stone, the foundation of €K>d'stempl#|;
or the Jewish polity, now exalted to be its crown or the Head qf the comer jL
i.e. head of the renonited temple or church of God (iv 11). S. Stephen adds J
by the way of figure, the title of Redeemer or Deliverer, the office of BiUefi
and Judge, and the position of Mediator*. He also declares the perfect
hamanity of the SON qf MAN: to which the complement is given (whether
by Philip first or Saul) in the climax of the SON qf QOD\ This name
however had been already implied in the name of the Fathbe in i 4,

7, ii 33. S. Philip sees in Jesus the Lamb led to the slaughter (viii 32).

8. Paul, in his first sermon, finds in Jesus the fulfilment of the Promise — as,
later on, he is the Hope—<^ Israel ; and by inference gives him, as the true
David, the supreme title of KingK The whole revelation is summed up, in
the lost verse of the Acts, in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ,

Some of the functions of the Son mentioned above are divine. But it is
the position of Jesus which cannot otherwise be explained without blasphemy.
For he is at the right hand of God, in the divine glory or ' shekinah,' and
receives prayer (vii 56, 59, 60). To the Jews the revelation of God was summed
xxpixi the Naxae, La the divine name of jhvh which might not be uttered^:
but in the Acts the Name is always that of Jesus Christ; the Christians caU
upon his name (as upon that of jhyh), and his name is borne by them^^.

The church is the kingdom of God, but it is Jesus who restores it and is
its king^; and in appointing Paul to be an apostle, his choice is identical with
that of the God qf our fathers^. If God is Lord qf heaven and earth, Jesus is
also Lord of all *.. and if God giveth life to all, Jesus is the Prince qfl\fe — he
18 the Living one^. But what exceeds all, he bestows the divine Spirit ; and
this Spirit qf the Ia>rd is his own spirit, t^JSpirit of Jesus. Instances have
already been quoted of the way in which Jesus impercepGBIy, as it were, glides
into the phice of the Lord (Jehovah) of the Old Testament^^ The crucial
passage of course is xx 28, where we read of the church of God which he
purchased tcith his own blood. We may possibly translate with blood which
is Ms very own. But taken plainly as it stands, unless we are to make S. Paul
speak of the blood of the Fatheb — which is an impossible thought, — the passage
must mean that Christ is God.

In this connexion we must notice that there is one point where the

1 u 22, 27: 31,36: cp. Lki32. > iiilS, 14; iv27, 30; vii 62, xxu 14. Holy
hereisa different word from that in ii 27. * iii 15, v 31 ; i 6, iv 9, 12, v 31, ix 34,
ziii 23. « iii 22, vii 37. ^ iii 25-6: xiii 17, 26. S. Paul speaks of the Seed of
David xiii 23, Bom i 3, cp. Acts ii 30. • vii 35, 27, 88. ' yu 66, viii 37 AV,

ix20. • ziu 23, 32, xzviii 20 : xiii 22. • See Lk i 49, zi 2. iov42:

a 14, 21, xxii 16 (ii 21) : ix 16 (xv 17). " i 6, iii 20-1, xvu 7. » xxvi 16— xxu 14.
» xvu 25— X 30 : xiv 16— i 3. " See especiaUy u 33—17, i 24— iv 29, xviii 10.

Ixiiv THE THEOLOGY CH.^

coincidence of the Acts and the Apostles' Creed falls. The Acts is siliil
as to the article Wfto was conceived by the Holy Ohost, bom qf the Ftr^
Mary, But the Acts is only a second volume, and the first began with ^
explicit narrative of the facts of the miraculous conception (Lk i-iiX
reason for the silence in the Acts is the same as for the silence in the
sequent chapters of the Gospel. The Jews had to learn the meaning of
person of Jesus from his own revelation of himself in his words and woi
To have begun with proclaiming the story of his miraculous birth would hn^
created prejudice and hindered the reception of that revelation. Similarly I
the Acts, both Jews and Gentiles had first to learn in the experience
the life of the church tchat Jesu$ had done and iaid (i 1). Only wl
they had learnt that^ was it time to go on and ask Who was he? and whei
came he ? Accordingly the preaching of the gospel by the apostles began y
the Lord's baptism, with which their own experience had begun ^. For in
the apostles could not bear personal witness of the miraculous conception
the same way that they could of the crucifixion and resurrection. They 1
that he was the Son of God, and for the present it sufficed to declare
Ood had raised him up\ We may notice however that Mary is called
mother qf Jeeue^ and Jesus was of the seed of Abraham and David ;
there is no allusion to a human father'.

The doctrine of the Atonement is also implicit No theory or e]
nation is given, but we have the fact that through the death and resi
of Ohrist there has been won for x^eaforgirieMse of tine and peace with God|
The necessity that the Christ should suffer is also asserted ; and the law liki^
wise holds for his followers^ S. Stephen implies that he is the great redeem^!
like Moses who delivered Israel out of Egypt : S. Paul teaches that he pui^
chased or acquired the church with his own blood". But the early church dH
not require a new theory. The doctrine of atonement by vicarious sufferii^
however it may be explained, was enunciated in the Old Testament^ especiatt
in the great prophecy of Isaiah liii. And the apostles made its teaching thel
own, when Peter odled Jesus the Servant qf the Lord, and when PhilH
declared him to be the sheep led to the slaughter and the larnb dumb (</bH
his shearer'^. The disciples however had no wish to theorize on the pail
They were content to receive the forgiveness of their sins, and their mindl
were occupied with the present work of Jesus. This work is represented by

The doctrine of the Holy Spirit. The Acts is the gospel of the Spiria
It contains almost as distinct a manifestation of the Spirit, as the Gospel doip
of the Son. There is a new revelation of the Holt Ghost alike (1) in his owi
person, (2) in his relation to man, and (3) in his relation to the divine nature.

(1) The reason is clear, for the Spirit is the intermediary between Go|
and man. God is Spirit; and it is only in the Holy Spirit that man can hoU

M 22, X S7, xiu 24, Mk i 1. > iii 26, xiii 23. • i 14, iii 25, xiii 2^

* u 88, xiii 88 : x 36. • iu 18, xvii 8, xxvi 28: ix 16, xiv 22. • vii 86|

XX 28. » iii 18, 26, iv 27. 80: viu 82.

§ 1 THE DOCTRINE OF GOD Ixxv

communion with him \ just as it is in his Spirit that Jesus is present in and
works amongst men. We might almost say that the Holy Ghost is Qod (or
rather, God in Christ) working in the world. But we are saved from Sabol-
lianism (the idea that the Son and the Spibit are only names for different
aspects of God) by the distinct assertions of the Spirit's personality. He
speaks with an emphatic first person : *go with the men, for / have sent them/
' separate >br me Barnabas and SaulV He is not only given by the Father
and poured out by the Son, he also comes and falls upon man as of his own will'.

(2) The 'gospel' of the Acts is the gift of the Spirit, or his new relation
to man. In the OT he had acted on or through man as an external force.
The Gospel deals with his relation to Jesus the Son of Man. In the Acts he
is given to man and dwells in man, as his very life. So close is the communion
that at times (as in S. PauFs Epistles) we do not know whether to vmte ipirit
with a big or little S*. The human spirit is absorbed into the divin& The
gift of the Spirit, then, makes the Christian. The Christian is one filled with
the Spirit^ But this normal indwelling does not exclude Ri)ecial inspirations',
nor special gifts or manifestations of the Spirit, such as the working of signs,
speaking with tongues, and prophecy^. As there is but one Spirit, so all who
receive the gift are made one body, the church; and the reception of the
Spirit efiects or completes admission into the church^. The essential fruit
of his presence is unity and fellowship'; indiridualism is the contradictory of
the true spiritual condition. And so the church is the great sphere of the
Spirit's activity. The Acts is the history of his work in the church ; and it
is to be noticed that there is no allusion to any action of the Spirit outside
the church. By his descent at Pentecost he fills the church with life and
power ^^ He starts it on its living course ; and he acts as its guide, manifesting
himself at every critical moment and initiating every new departure ^^. As the
Paraclete he nurtures the church ; as the Spirit of truth he guides it into the
truth ^'. In the OT his great work had been speaking by the mouth of the
prophets; so now he inspires the apostles and prophets of the new covenant ^.
And lasUy, as the giver of spiritual gifts and the source of inspiration, his special
care and charge is the ministry of the church : he, as God, appoints the bishops
to tend the church of God^^

(3) This revelation of the work of the Spirit proves him divine. Equally
with the Son and the Father we find the Spirit directing the cliurch^^ ; and
as in the Gkwpel blasphemy against the Spirit is the most heinous sin, so in the
Acts tempting the Spirit is equivalent to a lie against God^^ The relation

» tU 66. » X 19-20, xiii 2: cp. viii 29, 39, xi 12, xiu 4, xvi 6-7. » i 8,

xix 6 : viii 16, x 44, xi 16. « as in vi 10, xviu 26, xix 21. » ii 4, ix 17,

xiii52: viS, 6, vii 65, xi 24. • iy 8, 81, xiii 9. ' Powers cp. i8,vi8:

tanffues u 4, x 46, xix 6: prophecy xi 28, xx 23, xxi 4, 11. ^ Ym 16-9, ix 17,

X 44-8, xv 8, xix 2-6. » See ii 1, xv 26 and 28. ^^ i 8, iv 33 and v 32, vi 6

and 8, X 38 : the Spirit reaUy is the Great Power of God (viii 10). ^> See ii 4,

iv 8, vi 8, 6, viii 16, 29, 89, ix 17, x 19, xiii 2, xv 28, xvi 6-7 (xix 1 Bezan), xix 21,
XX 22. " ix 31 : xv 28. " i 16, iv 26, xxviii 25 : op. vii 61-2. " xx 28 : cp.
the Utyiug on of hands in vi 6, xiii 3. ^ x 20, xiii 2. i* Lk xii 10, Acts v 3, 4, 9.

Ixxvi THE THEOLOGY oh.

between the three Persons of the Blessed Trinity is also dear. Tlie Spir
proceeded from the Father and the Son, He is the promise and the gi
of the Father. Jesus the Son of Man is first anointed by the Father with tl
Spirit and power. Bat having thus received the Spirit in his human natnr
as soon as he is exalted to the Father's right hand and glorified, Jesus the So
of Ood pours forth the Spirit upon the church^.

^ 2 (B) The ioteriology

The practical appeal of the apostles is the best commentary on the thir
paragraph of the Apostles' Creed. As expressed in S. Peter's first sermon, th:
appeal is unmistakeably clear.'; and we can distinguish three stages in th
process of becoming a Christian. (1) Repentance^ This is the name for
change of mind in relation to God (xx 21) and to sin. True repentanc
necessitates a corresponding change in the outward life which shews itse
in works, i.a a manner of life, worthy qf repentance (xxvi 20). Hence it
pentance involves, or may be described as, a conversion or turning of th
whole being to God'. (2) This change finds its public expression and divin
ratification in Baptism into the name of Jesus Christ^. Baptism itself ha
two sides. Outwardly it is the public profession of faith in Jesus made b
the individual, and the church who receives him makes response in th
symbolical signs of washing with water and of blessing by the laying on c
hands. Inwardly it is the conveyance of a firee gift and a blessing from God
viz. the forgiveness of sins and the gift of the Holy Spirit^ The latter gif
was conveyed by the laying on of hands, which usually followed immediatel;
upon the ' washing ' ; but an interval might occur, as in Samaria^ (3) By this glf
man is brought into a new relation to God. He is made 'holy' or sanctified
i.e. he is made one of God's people and called into communion with him. He i
also brought into a new relation to the rest of those who have been sanctified
La he is added to the fellowship of the apostles^. In other words, baptism i
the entrance into the Church, And henceforth the life of the baptized is lifi
in the church. For the church is a toay or mode of living. The way, as seei
firom without, is the common life of the brotherhood ; to walk in it is to wall
in the ways qf life, which means eternal life ; and so the church can hi
described as this Hfe^, To be walking in the church, then, brings safety foi
the individual He is in a state of salvation or being-saved ; and the churcli
is the way qf salvcUion or this salvation^. The spiritual foundation of thii
new life in the individual is faith in God through Jesus Christ; so the
members of the church are the faithful or believers, and the new life oi
salvation is also called thefaith^\

§2 THE DOCTRINE OF SALVATION Ixxvii

Ab time advanced, reflection and the experience of life brought into g^roater
prominence the sabjective side of this process, and that in three ways, in each
of which we can feel the personal influence of S. Paul (1) The faith of the
believer by which he took hold of Jesus is discovered to bo the crucial
element in baptism; it is that which enables the gift of Qod to become
effective in him. Hence faith is regarded as the instrument; in baptism God
deansei the heart by faith (xv 9, cp. xxvi 18). Similarly the word faith sums
up the process of repentance : besides Repent and turn we have Believe and
turn (iii I9-xi 21). S. Paul's formula also runs Believe on the Lord Jesue
Christ and thou ihalt be saved (xvi 31). Now two tenses are used in the
Greek for the English believing — the present which describes a continuous
state, and the aorist which denotes an act which takes place at a definite
moment In this case the definite moment when a man believed will be that
of the public profession in baptism, and so S. Paul's process is the same as
S. Peter's. The three stages are expressed in xxvi 18: (a) conversion or
repentance, (p) forgiveness of sins, which is given through baptism, {e) the lot
among the sanctified, or life in the church : and the whole is by the faith
which is in me. This expression which emphasizes the personal element, viz.
faith in Christ Jesus, is characteristic of S. PauU. (2) Corresponding to this
is the greater emphasis on what we may venture to call the subjective side
on God's part, Le. his marvellous kindness in giving such gifts so freely, in
other words the grace of God in this redemption. To S. Paul the teord of the
Lord becomes the word qf his grace or the gospel (f the grace qf God : and
to continue in the grace qf €hd corresponds to continuing in the faiths
(3) The growing experience of the new life soon shewed tiiat baptism was
bat a beginning, and after it there still remained a struggle. The life of the
Jews was regulated by the Law of Moses. From this the church after a
struggle won its emancipation. But life cannot be lived without law, even
though it be a law of liberty or a royal law. And the solution of the difficulty
inTolved in the requirement of obedience was found by S. Paul in the doctrine
of justification by faith, which he declares in xiii 39 — by him every one that
beiieveth is justified from all things from which he could not be justified by
the law of Moses.

But these ideas were not novelties, they were implicit from the beginning ;
nor was their expression wholly new or confined to S. Paul. S. Peter echoes
the doctrine of justification by faith when he says We believe that we shall be
saved (from the yoke qfthe law) through the grace qf the Lord Jesus Christ :
it was 8. Peter also who spoke of cleansing by faith. Long before this he had
borne witness that it was faith in the name of Christ which had healed the
lame man : and this faith he characterizes in an expression which corresponds
to, and is as fundamental as, S. Paul's faith in Jesus— it is the faith which
is through him\

1 XX 21, xxiv 24, xxvi 18. » xiv 3, xx 24, 82 : xiU 48— xiv 22. » xv

11, 9: iu 16 : and tot faith op. ii 44, vi 6, xi 24.

Ixxviii THE THEOLOGY ch. v §

^S The will qf God

Behind these doctrines and processes lies the ultimate problem of tl
relation of Qod and man, which is presented to us as soon as we raise tl
question of man's free will. The supremacy of the will of Qod was the foui
dation doctrine in the theology of Uie Jews ; and their own selection by Uu
will, with the absolute and irrevocable character of that choice and vocatic
(Rom xi 29), was their favourite and most accepted deduction. In dealiv
with the great scandal or stumbling-block of the cross the apostles ha
recourse to the same doctrine : it was the plan and will of God. This doctrlE
was also the basis of the Jews' reverence for the scriptures. The inspire
writings revealed the will of God, the prophets unfolded his plan and purposi
The scriptures then must be fulfilled (i 16) ; and for the apostles it was
sufficient explanation of the crucifixion — a sufficient answer to the Jews an
satisfaction to their own faith — to prove that it, with the resurrection thf
followed, was according to the scripturesK

Among the Greeks there was a belief in an overruling Necessity or Fat<
and so S. Luke would not be unprepared for the doctrine of an ovemilin
will of God. The divine vocation, appointment, and foreordaining held
prominent place in the teaching of the apostles ; no one has expressed thei
ideas more forcibly than S. Paul himself ^ And in this matter S. Luke prove
a ready disciple. No writer can altogether conceal his own predilectioni
And so we find him using in his narrative expressions which bear a stroi^
predestinarian sound, e.g. in xiii 48, ii 47 ; and cp. xxii 10. But when th
Greek is accurately translated and carefully examined, it will be foun
impossible to build upon them any doctrine of predestination which ignore
or overrules the free will of man. For the very point of the context of thes
passages is that man— even the chosen people, even an apostle chosen by Jesn
himself, — ^retains the power of resisting and rejecting the call to salvatioi
which is offered by God'. But when this proviso is carefully safeguarded
the doctrine that the will of Gt)d lies at the bottom of the world's history an
of man's salvation remains as one g^reat lesson of the Acts of the Apostles.

CHAPTER VI
The Church a/nd Ministry in the Acts

The Acts is the history of the establishment of the kingdom of Ckx
(i 3, xxviii 31) or, as we generally call it, the church. And as the organizatioi
and constitution of the church is ever a matter of practical importance, th<
history needs careful study. The best method will be to study the historica
development in its various stages.

1 ii 23-3, 34, iu 18-21, iv 26-8, xiii 22, 27-9. 36. M 2, 24, ix 15, xiii 17

iii 20, xxii 14, xxvi 16: ii 23, iv 28, x 41, xvii 26, 31: and cp. Bom viii 28, 29
ix 20 etc. » i 2, 24-6: xiii 40-1, 46, xviU 6, xxviii 26-7.

CH. VI § 1 CHURCH AND MINISTRY Ixxix

§ 1 General surrey of the history
a. Preparation (ch. 1)

The Acts beginB with the twelve apostles. The list of their names is
giTOD, and the only event recorded before Pentecost is the filling up of the
vacant place. It is tme there are other disciples or 120 namet, but S. Luke's
opening words make it clear that the recipients of the special commandments
and promises of the Lord were the apostles whom he had chosen}. We find
then (1) the twelve apostles : (2) certain bodies closely attached to them —
Mtf women who had seen the Risen Lord, Mary the mother of Jesiu^ and
bis brethren^ among whom James had also 'seen the Lord' after his resur-
rection : (3) the remaining disciples, who are simply the brethren^ Among
the last must have been many who had companied with the apostles since
John's baptism, and who had been of the number of the Seventy. In the one
event recorded the apostles consult the brethren, and all act together as one
body : yet the initiative lay with the apostles, the decision was left to the
divine ordering, and the result was the numbering of a new ' apostle ' with the
Eleven. This action is a striking vindication of the authority given by the
Lord to his disciples to act as an independent church — ^the more striking that
it happened before Pentecost.

This unique position of the twelve apostles will be quite intelligible, if we
remember that the Acts is but the continuation of the Gospel of S. Luk& In
the Gospel the Lord begins after John's baptism with proclaiming the near
advent of the kingdom', and his ministry is the preparation for it. Epochs in
this preparation are maiked by (1) The choice of the Twelve, to whom the
Lord gave the name of 'apostlea' These are always with him, and are 'the
disciples' par excellence; they receive special instruction in private, for to
them it was given to know the mysteries of the kingdom of God^ (2) The
nussion or sending of the Twelve : they receive authority to cast out devils
and heal diseases, and a charge to proclaim the kingdom of God, — which are
the exact features of the Lord's own ministry^ 8. Luke also adds, and he
alone, a similar mission of seventy disciples. Nothing more is heard of these
seventy, but their i4>pointment is typical of the appointment of other officers
besides the Twelve ; they will help to account for the appearance of apostolic
powers outside the Twelve ; and the Twelve and the Seventy suggest the later
'aposUes and prophets ^'

As the Lord's work developes, the position of the Twelve becomes more
dearly defined. (1) A special confession of faith is won from them, and this
qualifies them to hear the first, and privately uttered, prophecy of the

^ i 2, q>. lik vi 18. ^ (I) i 13, (2) verse 14— cp. Lk xxiv 83 the eUven and

they that were with them, (3) verse 15— cp. Lk xxiv 9 the eleven and all the rest.
>Lkiv4d,vi20,x9,ll: op. Mt iii 2, lik i 16. « Lk vi 18-6 (Mk iii 14) :

viii 2 : viii 9, 10 (Mk iv 10, 34). > ix 1-6, 10. « x 1-20 : other analogies

—with the presbyters (ep. the 70 elders of £xod xxiv 1) or the Seven— may be
piefecred*

Ixxx CHURCH AND MINISTRY ch. v

pasdon : from S. Matthew we learn that Peter, their spokesman, was rewardei
with a promise that he should be made the foundation of the church an*
receive the keys of the kingdom of heaven with the power of binding aii<
loosing ^ (2) S. Peter evidently assumes that the position of the Twelve i
distinct from that of the rest^ and in response the Lord characterijces it as i
stewardship : vnth this we may connect the carrying of the keys, a steward'
office*. (3) Some special teaching about offences and forgiveness is given t
the apostles. Comparison with S. Matthew shews that this refers to ih
exercise of discipline in the church, and it leads to another promise of iba
power of binding and loosing'. (4) It is evident that the Twelve wen
looking forward to offices of high authority in the kingdom which the^
expected to be shortly established : the request of the sons of Zebedee is ai
illustration. They had indeed in a special sense left all and followed Christ
and in reply to Peter's question the Lord promises them an abundant reward
Comparison with S. Matthew again shews that in particular they were to Ix
judges and rulers of the twelve tribes of Israel^.

It is however the closing scenes of the passion and resurrection whicl
give the definite seal to the authority of the Twelve. (1) The Lord specially
associates them with himself in the going up to Jerusalem, and repeats tc
them privately the prophecy of what was to come to pass^ (2) The apostlei
alone sit down with him at the last supper^. (3) They accordingly receive
the command to celebrate the Eucharist in his memory, vnth what is added
by S. John — Hhe new commandment' of love'^ (4) Special teaching is given
as to the conduct of officers in Christ's kingdom, and enforced by the symbolic
washing of feet^ (5) A definite legacy of the kingdom is made to them, and
in his testament the Lord entrusts to them its disposition. In the kingdom
theur part will be to eat and drink at his table — which is the pledge of
communion and shews that they are no longer servants but in the place oi
masters— and to sit on thrones as judges of the twelve tribes of Israeli
(6) The great discourses in S. John, containing the promise of the Paraclete,
were spoken to the apostles; and they were the special subject of the Lord's
great intercession, by which he sanctified them^^. (7) On the morning of the
resurrection the Lord calls them his 'brethren' and sends them a special
messaged Others were with them when he appeared in the evening, but it
is evident that the manifestation was directed specially to the Eleven ^
(8) S. Matthew and S. Mark make it clear that the commission to preach
the gospel and make disciples of all nations was given to the Eleven in the

1 ix 18-23 (cp. xvii 6) : Mt xvi 13-20. » Lk xu 41-8 (q). the key of knowledge
xi 52). 8 xvu 1-7, Mt xviii 1-20. * Lk xix 11-28 (op. Acts i 6), xxu 24,

Mk X 85-45, ix 34-6, etc. : Lk xviu 28-^, Mt xix 27-8. » Lk xviii 81-4 (cp.

Mk X 32). « xxii 14. ' xxil 19 : Jn xiU 34. « xxii 25-7, the aposUes

are contrasted with the kings of the Gentiles and they that have authority over them:
Jn xiii 4-20, in this passage the word apostle oocurs — the only time in S. John's
Gospel. • Lk xxii 28-^0. i*» Jn xiv-xvi : xvii 6-19, cp. Lk xxii 31-2.

" Mt xxviii 10, op. 16 : Mk xvi 7 : Lk xxiv 9, 10, Jn xx 2, 17-8. " Lk xxiv 33,
Mk xvi 14.

§ 1 GENERAL SURVEY Ixxxi

fint placed S. John gives the foUest account of their commiuion. (a) The
Lord sent them to be his apostles, Le. representatives, as he was the apostle
of the Father. Thus they are definitely clothed with the authority which the
Son of Man enjoyed on earth. This included {b) authority to remit and
retain sins ; and (c) the office of being shepherds and rulers of the flock'.

Thus the Gospel entirely confirms the later Christian tradition which
looked upon the twelve apostles as in a unique sense the founders of the
church. In the Apocalypse, on the twelve foundations of the Xew Jerusalem
corresponding to the twelve tribes, S. John saw the twelve names of the
twelve apostles of the Lamb^.

b. The church at Jertualem (ch. ii-v)
Accordingly, after the descent of the Holy Spirit and the establishment
of the kingdom in power, the church seems embodied in the apostles. The
first stage of the history is simply the record of what the Twelve said and
did. Of course there were others^ 'the body' or the mvUiiude, but their
very existence as a society is based upon the Twelve. The church is the
society of those who toere cleaving to the teaching and fellowship qf the
apoetlee (ii 42). In detail we find that the apostles (1) preach or speak the
word to the outside world^ : and (2) teach the people^, giving like rabbis regrular
iDstmction, and their teaching is the test of the truth. (3) They preside
at the meetings of the Christian society for the breaking of bread and other
purposes*. (4) They work signs and wonders, which appear to be a special
mariL of apostolic authority ^ (6) They form a kind of coll^;e separate from
the rest id the brethren : meeting both at home for consultation and special
prayer, and in the temple where, like other rabbis, they have a special place
of resort in Solomon's Porch ^ (6) As presidents of the Christian assemblies,
they administer the funds of the conununity*. (7) On Joseph the Levite they
ooniier a special name, Barnabas, which probably marks the conferring of
some office in the church or his official recognition as a prophet ^^. (8) In
the case of Ananias and Sapphira we see Peter exercising discipline as judge,
with fwoportionate effect on the whole society, which is filled with awe and
here for the first time is called the church^K (9) When the Sanhedrin
detennines to put down the new sect of Nazarenes, they arrest the ' apostles'
as r^nresentatives of the Xame and the recognized rabbis of the society^'.

1 Mt xxviii 16, Mk zvl 14 : Acts i 2 f . shews that Lk xziv 44-9 was specially
directed to the apostles. ^ (a) Jn xz 21 ; cp. xvii 18, xiii 16 and 20. (&) Jn

XX 83 ; op. Lk y 24 with ix 1 {authority), (c) Jn xxi 15-7 : the charge is given to
Peter, bnt he is representative of the Twelve. ^ Bev xxi 14. Cp. Eph ii 20 ;

Jnde 17, II Pet iii 2; and the titles of the early manuals of instruction and
discipline — the Didaehe of the Twelve ApottUi, the Didascalia of the ApostleSt tfie
Canons of the ApoMtlee etc. * ii 14, 87, 41, iii 12, iv 29, 31, v 20, 42 (evange-

Ute) : ii 32, iii 15, iv 2, 88, v 32. ^ i.e. both the people of the Jews and their

own, ii 42, iv 2, v 21, 26, 28, 42. « ii 42, iv 35, 37, v 2 (cp. xxii 3). ^ a 43,

iii 4-7, iv 10, v 12, 15-6: op. II Cor xu 12. 8 («) jy 23-dl^their own (23) is

eontratted with the multitude (32) : (b) v 12, the regt of the Nazarenes hold aloof,
op. 21, 25. > iv 84-v 10, the money is laid at their feet, ^^ iv 36.

" V 1-11, cp. vui 18-24. ^ V 18, 2S, 40.

Ii. A. /

Ixxxii CHURCH AND MINISTRY ch. vi

(10) This position Peter accepts, and he claims for the Twelyo a special gift
of the Holy Spirit enabling them to fulfil their work^

Thos in the first stage the apostles are practically the church, and the
repositories of aU authority: it is they who 'act and teach' (i 1). But this
state of things obviously could not last (a) The Twelve by themselves would
be unequal to the work ; (b) in the rest of the body would rise up men
of great gifts and new ideas, men who might receive divine inspirations;
(e) bodies of ' Nasarenes ' would spring up in cities fur from Jerusalem and
outside the limits of the Holy Land. Hence the remainder of the Acta is
the history of (a) the devolution of apostolic authority, (6) the differentiation
of function and adjustment of mutual harmony, together with (c) the pre-
servation of the unity of the body.

c. Firgt expannon qf the church (ch. vi-viii)
The next stage opens with a scene which is typical of the devolution of
apostolic authority. It is the appointment of officers with definite authority
in the church outside of the Twelve.

(1) We start with the multitude — in which we already discern the
beginnings of organization in the mention of the widow* and the younger
men\ — and they choose the Seven. But the proposal had been submitted to
them by the apostles, who also appoint the chosen candidates by laying on
hands with prayer'. The growth of the body, however, is iUustrated bj the
fact that in this section we read almost for the last time of the apostles acting
alone^ (2) As the scene, so the Seven are typical They are generally
regarded as the first deacons. But their office rather seems to stand as a type
of all the higher offices which subsequently appeared in the church below the
apostolate^; and in this they correspond to the Seventy. Their office however
was quite definite. They were to superintend the daily service at the
common table and the distribution of alma Prayer and the service of the
word were to be reserved to the apostles. And yet the apostolic laying on of
hands is not without effect in this direction also, (a) Both Stephen and
Philip work signs and wonders; {h) they speak the word, proclaim the
kingdom, evangelise; and {c) Philip baptizes". (3) Stephen and Philip are the
first examples of new ideas and independent action in the church. But this
action is prompted by the Holy Spirit, and Philip is a striking tyi)e of a
Christian prophet'. (4) Their independence, however, only brings out more
clearly the differentia of apostolic authority. We note that the apostles
remained in Jerusalem during the persecution ; that Philip's new departure
in Samaria required their sanction; and that they exercise judgements But
the most significant point is that Philip's work in Samaria could be com-
pleted only by the apostles : for in spite of his prophetic gifts Philip could not

1 V 32, cp. iv 8, 31. a yi 1 2 : V 6, 10. « vi 2-6. * viu 14: in

iz 27 Barnabas brings Saul to the apottles. " Barnabas' position at first was

rather oharismatio thui official. * (a) vi 8, viii 6, 7, 13 : (&) vi 10, vii 2 f.,

viii 5, 12, 35, 40 : (c) viii 38, op. 12, 16. ' vi 3, 5, 10, vii 55 : viu 26, 29, 39.

• viiil: 14: 20-3.

§ 1 GENERAL SURVEY Ixxxiu

convey the Holy Spirit, bat — as it is now laid down as a general principle —
by the laying onqfthe hands qfthe apostles the Holy Ghost is gioen\

d. Extension to Antioch (ch« ix-xii)
The problem of the next stage (which chronologically overlaps the pre-
ceding) is rather that of extension in space. (1) We begin with hearing of
disciples at Damascus, among whom is a brother of some importance,
Ananias*. Then the church is spread over the whole of Judaea and OalHee
and Samaria ; bnt it is still one, the church, and a hint as to the maintenance
of unity is supplied by a visitation of S. Peter throughout all parts. Similarly
other apostles are throughout Judaea^, But the section ends in the far more
distant city of Antioch. Here grows up a body which appears almost on a
level with the church of Jerusalem. Its founders shew very independent
action in preaching to the Greeks ; it is spoken of as fA^ church ; in sending
alms it acts towards the church at Jerusalem as a sister^ and its delegates are
men of almost apostolic rank^

(2) This extension was largely due to individual action under divine
g^dance. Ananias (who may have been one of the Seventy) by special com-
mand of the Lord exercises the apostolic function of laying on of hands, that
Saul may he JiUed with the Holy Ohost\ Besides Philip others had gone as
evangelists. Such were the men qf Cyprus and Cyrene who had founded the
diurch at Antioch, and who marked a new departure by speaking the word
unto the Greeks also, but their action received the divine sanction of signs
and wonders^ More striking and more pregnant with future development
is the appearance of Saul, himself a man of as great a position in the world as
any of the church, and nothing less than an apostle bom out qf due time.
This he was made by the vision of Jesus, which raised him to the level of
the Twdve as an eye-witness of the resurrection ^ For the time, however,
the ftdl significance of this is not realized. After an interval he preaches and
teaches in Damascus, as a rabbi vrith his disciples. Then he disappears
from view at Tarsus; but at the close of the period Barnabas brings him
to Antioch, and there together, as recognized teachers, they consolidate tiie
dnirch^

(3) The new developments, however, still require apostolic sanction.
SaoTs poeition, for instance, is not fully assured until he has been brought
to the aiKMtles and received by them into fellowship*. Philip's work at
Gaeearea (as in Samaria) is followed by a visit from S. Peter. S. Peter's
admlsaion of Cornelius into the church, according to a divine revelation, gives
apotlolic sanction to the new preaching to the Gentiles^. And finally, the
new dqwrture at Antioch has to be ratified^. At the same time^ except
in the case of Peter (who did in feict take six witnesses with him), we no
Xoagn find the apostles acting by themselves alone. News of Peter's conduct

1 Tiiiie. a ix 2, 10-8, xxii 12. » ix 31, 32 : xi 1. < xi 20-1, 26.

29-30. " ix 17, cp. viii 18. • viii 4, xi 19-21. ' i Cor xv 8, ix 1 ;

Aels ix 17, xxii 14-5, xxvi 16. ^ ix 20, 22, 25 : xi 26. » (going in and

out wUh them) ix 26-^ : cp. Gal i 18. ^^ x-xi 18. " xi 22-4.

/2

Ixxxiv CHURCH AND MINISTRY OH-vi

at Caesarea roaches the apostlet and the brethren thai were throughout JudoM^
and they qf the circumcision (probably holding some official position) even
rebuke the apostla The report of Antioch came to the ears qf the church
which was in Jerusalem, and they sent Barnabas, like Peter and John on
a former occasion* The Antiochenes send their alms to the presbyters {elders\
and Peter the news of his deliyerance to James and the brethren^

(4) The last references are very significant for the history of the devolution
of apostolic office, (i) We now find a body of church rulers at Jerusalem,
called, after Jewish precedent, the presbyters. This body has taken the place
of the Seven, a college which was probably broken up by the persecution.
It is clear that as the ruling body it includes different classes, e.g. among
them are chiff men and prophets^; and the term the presbyters when it
stands by itself (as in xi 30) may include apostles, who sometimes call themselves
by this name'. These presbyters are no doubt the brethren of zi 1 and
zii 17 (cp. xxi 18). (ii) Even more significant is the mention of James : he
appears to take the place of the apostles as president of the churdi in
Jerusalem, and later he acts as their equal in the coundL He belonged
indeed to one of those bodies of special dignity — the brethren qfthe Lord-,
he also had seen the risen Lord^ Thus, as it also includes the story of
Saul, this stage is marked by the appearance of two who could be reckoned
apostles in the strictest sense, although their position was only gradually
recognized by the church. With S. James and S. Paul we might join
S. Barnabas. At present he ranked before Saul, and being sent to Antioch
as an apostolic delegate^ he was probably sent with apostolic powers, e.g. to lay
on hands.

e. The churches qf the Circumcision and qf the Gentiles

(ch. xiii-xvi 4)

'The church of the circumcision' seems now fully equipped. There is a
body of rulers : provision is being made for the permanent continuance of
iq)ostolic authority : and the church at Jerusalem forms a centre of unity.
The problems are opened afresh by the springing up of definitely Oentile
churches outside of Jewish cirdos — or the 'church of the uncircumdsioa'
This is the subject of the next stage.

(1) The start is made from Antioch; and as the church at Jerusalem
arose out of the apostles, the churches of the Gentiles need the same
foundation of 'apostles,' i.e. men sent by the Lord to represent him and to
bear witness to him, to 'make disciples,' and to exercise his authority in the
building up of the church. Accordingly at Antioch we begin with an
enumeration of the heads of the church, who stand in the next rank to the
apostles as prophets and teachers^. Of these two, Barnabas and Saul, have
already some primd facie claim to possess apostolic authority. But to make

1 xi 1-2: 22-3: 30: xii 17, cp. the. brethren in ix 30. « xv 29, 82,

» I Pet v 1, II Jn 1, III Jn 1. M 14, I Cor ix 5, Gal i 19 : I Cor xv 7

* i.e. like Peter and John to Samaria. The mention of the Holy Spirit is signifi
cant (xi 24). « xiii 1.

§ 1 GENERAL SURVEY Ixxxv

all certaio, by a special divine inter?entioii they are set apart by the laying
on of hands, and henceforth they act as, and are called, apostles, and the
TweWe recognize them as brothers ^ In their work among the Gentiles they
speak the word, evangelize, 'make disciples,' work signs and wonders, exercise
the power of judgement, and on their own responsibility deliberately Hum
to the GentilesV

(2) They also make provision for the due administration of the churches
in their absence, and that on the same linos as in the church of Jerusalem :
they appoint a body of presbyters in every church. Personally attached to
themselves we find ministers — first John Mark, later Timothy'.

(3) How to preserve the unity of the church, is taught by the history
of the relations of the two mother churches — Jerusalem and Antioch.
Disputes had arisen out of a divergence of teaching, and the matter was
settled by a great meeting at Jerusalem. The apostles and presbyters of
that church were gathered together, and with them delegates from Antioch
of similar rank, apostles and no doubt presbyters. This council is, as it were,
the Senate or Sanhedrin of the new i)eople, — ^their high-priests and elders*.
The presbyters discuss, the aposUcs sum up the discussion, the president of
the church at Jerusalem acts as chairman, the people give their consent, and
the unanimity of the assembly proves the guidance of the Spirit. The decision
of the council, which is practically that of the church of Jerusalem, is con-
veyed to the multitude of the church at Antioch, who joyfully accept the
conclusions ^

1 Consolidation of the churchss of the Gentiles (ch. xvi 5-xix)

The great crisis is now past, and the next stage — which is the history of
the founding of the churches of Macedonia, Achaia and Asia — only illustrates
church organization incidentally. (1) It centres round the apostolate of
S. Paul, which is now brought into unquestioned prominence. He acts and
teaches with independent authority, exactly like S. Peter in the early church
at Jerusalem. He works miracles, he breaks the bread, but above all he
possesses the special apostolic power of conveying the Holy Spirit by the
laying on of hands ^. (2) The unity of discipline and order in the churches
is vindicated by the treatment of Apollos and the disciples of John^.
(3) In the ministry of the church we find (i) some who might be reckoned
as ' apostolic men' (corresponding to the Seventy of the Gospel and those w/io
toere with ths apostles^ of the early years) such as Silas, and also Apollos —
a teacher, who was ranked by some of the Corinthians as the equal of S. Paul
and S. Peter'. Then there were Aquila and Priscilla, who instructed Apollos ^^

1 xiii 2-8 ; xiv 4, 14 : XV 12, 25. « See xiii 6, 82, xiv 7, 21, 25 : xiv 8, 9-10:

ziii 9-11 : xiii 44-8. » xiv 23 : xiii 6, xvi 3. * v 21, iv 28. » ch xv,

q). vv. 2, 4, 6 : Peter, Barnabas, Paul, James are the only speakers mentioned :
w. 19, 22-3, 80-1, xvi 4. « Cp. especiaUy xix 6. ' xviii 24-xix 7, on

which see commentary. > Gp. all the brethren which are with me (Gal i 2), and

Acts XX 34. 'I Cor i 12. S. Paul almost recognizes this position, cp. iii 4-

iv 13 (esp. we apostles), ^'^ xviii 26. They had a church in their house.

Ixxxvi CHURCH AND MINISTRY ch. v

Besides these there were a number of disciples specially attached to S. Paal-
they who were with him, they who ministered to him, — whom he aasc
dated with himself in his work and used as delegates. Such were Timotb
and Brastus, Aristarchos and Gains, and S. Lnke himself ^ Such companion
are represented in the body of the seven * messengers ' of the Gentile chnrdie
who accompanied S. Paul to Jerusalem and who correspond to the Seyei
of ch. yi'. (ii) For the normal administration of the diorch we find th*
same provbion as heretofore, riz. bodies of presbytere\ (iii) Besides offick
ministries there is evidence that the Gentile churches were richly endowe<
with charismatic gifts of the Spirit, such as prophecy \ (iv) In the mentioi
of Lydia, Prisciila, and Philip's daughters, there are signs of an active ministry
of women*.

This picture is abundantly confirmed by the notices in S. Paul's con
temporary epistles. In the Thessalonian church there were thote who laboure(
and presided, who among other works helped the weak\ In the Epistle to thi
Galatians we read of him who instructs (catechizesy. The Epistles to thi
Corinthians afford a very rich picture. (1) There is a long discussion as U
the spiritual gifts, which are thus enumerated — the word of wisdom, the wort
qf knowledge, faith, gifts qf healings, workings of mirades, prophecy, die
cemings qf spirits, kinds of tongues, interpretation qf tongues^ (2) Th4
hierarchy of the church is also given, in which chaiismatic gifts are not ye(
clearly distinguished from official position,— -apostles, prophets, teachers, then
miracles, then gifts qf healings, helps, gocemments, kinds qf tongues^
(3) There is much discussion as to the authority and qualification of th€
apostolate^®. (4) Much light is thrown on the position of Timothy and Tituf
as S. Paul's delegates, and also on that of other delegates or apostles of thi
ehurehes^K (5) The house of Stephanas set themselves to minister unto thi
saints, and the Corinthians are urged to submit themselves to such, and tc
everyone that helpeth in the work and lahoureth^. In the Epistle to the
Romans (1) there is another enumeration of charismatic f^^A— prophecy^
ministry, he that teaeheth, he that exhorteth, he that distributeth, he thai
presideth, he that sheweth mercy^. (2) S. Paul commends Phoebe a deaeonest
qf the church at Cenchreae^*. (3) In the list of salutations we find fellou
workers, Prisca and Aquila, Urbanus and Timothy ; women who laboured^
Mary, Tryphaena and Ti^phosa, and Persis ; while Andronicus and Junias are
conspicuous among the apostles^K Finally we note that each epistle is ad-
dressed to the church as a whole, and in response each church is to act as one
body, in judging, exercising discipline, and so forth.

^ xiz 22, 29, xz 84 : for the association cp. zvi 13 wt spake, II Cor i 19, and
the addresses of the Epistles. ' xx 4 (op. xxi 8). * e.g. at Ephesos xx 17.

« Cp. XX 28, and esp. I Cor xii-xiv. • zvi 14, 40 (op. PhU iv 2-8), xviii 2, 18,

26, xxi 9. * I Thess v 12-5, ep. Acts xx 35 {labour and Mp the weak).

7 Gal vi 6. » I Cor xu-xiv; xu 8-10. » xii 28. i« e.g. I i-iv, esp.

iv 1, 9, 15, ix 1-6, xii 28-9, xv 5-11 ; n x-zii, esp. xi 5, 13, 23, xii 11-4), cp. also
Gal i-ii. ^^ I iv 17, xvi 10-1 ; H vu 6-16, viii 6, 16-24, zii 17-8. i« I xvi

15-6. " Bom xii 6-8. " xvi 1. ^ xvi 3, 9, 21 : 6, 12 : 7.

§ 1 GENERAL SURVEY Ixxxvii

g. Conclusion (ch. xx-xxviii)

The conclofiion is for the most part a narratiye of S. Paul's sufferings, but
it is important for our present purpose as containing his own account of his
call to the aposUeship^. The narrative also brings out the unity of the church.
Thus (1) Paul and the SeveUy the representatives of the Qentile church, are
received by Jamts and the presbyters of the Jewish church^. Again (2) Paul
is received by the Roman Christians, the great and independent church of the
west ; and in Rome he continues to exercise his apostolate*.

Further, one of the great texts on the ministry occurs in S. Paul's address to
the Ephesian presbyters. He is taking farewell of the church of Ephesus and
providing for its administration in the future. The presbyters are to rule the
church as its shepherds, and it is very remarkable that S. Paul makes use of a
new word bishops : Take heed... to all the flock in the which the Holy Ghost
appointed (or set) you bishops to tend the church qf GodK The solemnity of
the occasion and the occurrence of the new name might almost suggest the
^pointment of some (or all) of the presbyters to a higher grade of oflSce ;
nor is the speech itself without indications that the apostle has in view different
groups of persons. But the words of the text, taken in their simple and obvious
sense, plainly declare that the presbyters are bishops. Bishop and presbyter
are used as synonymous terms, and it is clear that S. Paul looks upon this body
of presbyter-bishops as sufficient for the local admiuistratiou of the church.

The review of the Acts must be completed from the other writings of the
NT in their chronological order. First, within five years of this date S. Paul
writes to Ephesus from Rome and now describes the ministers of the
church as apostles, prophets, evangelists, sJiepherds and teachers^ In the
Philippians he addresses aU the saints together with {the) bishops and
deacons^ At Oolossae Archippus had received a ministry in the Lord''.
The Epistles of S. Peter and S. James cannot be very distant in time. S. Peter,
also writing from Rome, calls the Lord the Shepherd and Bishop qfour souls ;
and as sl fellow pred^ter he gives a charge to the presbyters, who fill the place
of shepherds and rule the flock ^ S. James is more explicit about the
presbyters of the church. They visit the sick and anoint them with oil ; they
pray over them ; and the closely connected allusion to confession and forgiveness
of sins implies that they also exercised that power of discipline committed to the
Twelve in John xx 23 ^ The Epistle to the Hebrews speaks of your rulers
or ehi^ men ; and that is the title given to those who had first spoken the
word of God to them and now were dead^".

1 xxii G-21, xxvi 12-23. » xxi 18. « xxviii 16, 80-1. * xx 28.

The word bishopric (epiacopi) had been applied in i 20 to the ofBoe of Judas, one of
the Twelve. ' Epb iv 11, the catalogue of eharinmaia of I Cor is now omitted.

• PhU i 1. 7 diaconia, Col iv 17, Philem 2 ; q). Acts xx 24. » I Pet ii 26,

T 1-4. * Jas V 14-6 ; the Twelve also anointed the sick toith oil in Mk vi 18.

^ Hebr xiii 17, 24 ; 7. The word is used of Judas Barsabbas and Silas in Aots
XV 22: it also ocours in xiv 12, Lk xxii 26, Mt ii 6.

Ixxxvui CHURCH AND MINISTRY oh. V

The Pastoral Epistles mark a later stage, not so much in years as ii
matter. S. Paul, in view of his speedy departure, deliberately arranges for tb
organization of Uie church, and we may sum up the position thus : (1) There i
the final yindication of S. Paul's own apostolate — his office is that of a herali
and apostle and teacher qf the Oentileeh (2) Timothy and Titus have noi
definitely, as it were, stepped into the apostle's place. Like S. Paul they tead
and preach, rule and organize the church'. Accordingly they hold a positioi
of authority over the presbyters, whom they appoint by laying on of hands an<
oyer whom they exercise discipline'. One of their functions on which S. Pan
lays most stress is that of guarding the deposit (of faith) and holding th
pattern qf sound words. This is evidently with a view to the future, when th<
apostles shall have passed away ; and Timothy is specially charged to provid<
for a succession of teachers — ^to commit the faith to faithful men who will Ix
able to teach others aiso\ For his work Timothy had received at the laying
on qf hands a special charisma which was the same Spirit which S. Paul
had received^ (3) The presbyters are appointed by laying on of hands : bul
the presbytery had itself taken part in the laymg on of hands upon Timothy.
The presbyters preside^ and among them are different offices ; thus some ol
them specially labour in the word and teaching, and those who nUe toeli
receive a double portion of honour or honorarium ^ (4) Besides the pres-
byters we hear of the bishop, and his office of oversight or bishopric. He ii
spoken of as taking care qf the church qf €hd, as a steward qf Ghd, and at
having a special responsibility in the matter of teaching and the preservation
of the true doctrine^. From Titus i 5-7 and the position of tfie bisJvop io
1 Tim iii 1-7 it is plain that, as at Ephesus, bishops and presbyters are still
identical officers. Perhaps, if the presbyters was a general term for the whole
body of the church's hierarchy, the title of bishop was given to those presbyter-
bishops who ruled the local church, in distinction from those ministers whose
sphere of ministry was not local but universal (such as apostles and prophets),
and from those whose ministry was local but did not include any special
authority of government (5) The di<iconate now appears for the first time
as a definite office®. Lastly (6) there is abundant information about the
organization of widows and the conduct of women ^.

A long interval separates off the vmtiugs of S. John. In his second and
third epistles he writes as the presbyter, and in the church to which he ad-
dresses the third epistle one Diotrephes loveth to Jtaee the preeminence and
acts as an arbitrary ruler of the church (vv. 9-10). Whatever conclusion we
may come to about the date of the Revelation, it concludes the New Testament
In the opening epistles to the seven churches, each church is represented by
an angel or messenger, — a word very kindred to apostle or one *en^,— and this

1 I Tim i 11-6, u 7, Hi 11. « Cp. e.g. I Tim i 3, iii 16. iv 6-7, ll-».

16, vi 2, 17 ; n ii 14-6, iv 2 : Tit i 6, ii 1, 16, iii 10-1. » I Tim v 1, 17-22.

Tit i 6. * I Tim vi 14, 20. 11 i 13-4 : H ii 2. » I Tim iv 14, U i 6-7.

• I Tim v 22 ; iv 14 ; V 17. 'I Tim iu 1-7. Tit i 7-9 : the qualifications of the

bishop much resemble those of the slave of the Lord^ i.e. the apostolio man, II Tim
ii 24-6. » I Tim iii 8-13. » I Tim v 1-lC, iii 11.

§ 1 GENERAL SURVEY Ixxxix

suggestft a single ruler of each 8e?eral church. In heayen ronnd the throne of
Grod are ranged four and twenty thrones on which sit/our and twenty preibyiet%
in the goise of kings and priests. The picture is prohably taken from the seats
of the presbytery in the local churches, but the presbyters in heaven are ob-
yioosly 'apostles' — twelve for the church of the Old Jerusalem and twelve for
that of the New.

After this brief surv^ we may sum up its leading features thus.

i The church b^^ in the twelve apostles, who as the accredited
witnesses and representatives of the Lord, sent by him with a definite
commission, are the repositories of all doctrine and authority in the church.
At the same time, on the principle of the unity of the church, the church
generally acts as one body. The apostles and other officers are members of
the one body.

ii From the beginning the apostolic ministry is supplemented by (1) the
rich outpouring of charismatic gifts from the Spirit— of which the most
conspicuous was prophecy, — and by (2) groups marked by special privilege,
e.g. the brethren of the Lord, the women who had seen the risen Lord, those
who had oompanied with the apostles from the time qf John's baptism, those
brethren besides the Twelve who had seen the risen Lord.

iii As time advances, the need for a more definite official organization in
view of the ftiture makes itself felt. And first, there are unmistakeable signs
that the apostolic office is to continue in the church. Besides S. Matthias,
S. Paul and 8. James become apostles in the strict sense. There is also
8. Barnabas, and other 'apostolic men' on the borderland such as Silas.

lY Under the apostles we find from early times a definite body of church
rulers or ministers. After Jewish analogy they are called the elders {presbyters)
of the church, and such a body is found universally. It was some time before
official titles became fixed; and later on S. Paul calls the presbyters in his
churches bishops. Probably, in ordinary language the expression ' the elders
of the church' would often have been used to denote the whole body of the
dmreh's higher ministers, such as apostles and prophets, pastors and teachers;
and therefore for the sake of distinction the title bishop was confined to those
elders or 'presbyter bishops' who bare rule in the local churches. As the
diurch extended, the question of government became more and more important,
and ultimately led to further restriction in the application of the word bishop,

y Before their departure from the world the apostles had to make
provision for the continuance of apostolic oversight There were already
'apoatolic men' (iii); and then we find S. Paul definitely using Timothy and
Titas as his delegates. For the same purpose the chief presbyter-bishops
in the local churches were evidently very suitable persons ; and for apostolic
representatives the name of bishop {overseer) was most appropriata Thus
from sUch successors of the apostles— apostolic delegates and the chief rulers
of the local churches — ^have descended our present order of ' bishops.'

Ti Here and there are scattered in the Acts hints of lower ministries and

xc CHURCH AND MINISTRY CH. M

sernoea (specially attached to the aposUes), which by the time of the Pastoral
Epistles haye been eonsolidated in the order of deacons.

yii Lastly, there is mnch eyidenoe of the ministry of women.

§ 2 OfBLces and ministries

It will be convenient to group the evidence and references under eadi title,
but before doing so certain cautions must be given.

(1) The characteristic which marked the birth of Christianity was the
outpouring of the Spirit This was exceedingly rich and abundant: like
Jordan in time of harvest, it overflowed all its banks. The Spirit, then, flooded
the church with an outburst of spiritual gifts, of which prophecy was most
typical ; and it took some time for this river of living water to work out for
itself regular channels, so that the spiritual gifts should be recognised as
the proper and normal endowments of Christian character and of ecclesi-
astical offica Naturally, at first, there could hardly be drawn a sharp
line between individual spiritual gifts and official position. Further, the ex-
pectation of the immediate return of the Messiah, with the establishment of
his kingdom in glory, would cause less attention to bo paid to the need of the
organizing a permanent ministry.

(2) Similarly in the terminology, there was an interval, so to speak, of
experiments and local divergence before the question was finally settled by
the survival of the fittest terms. Thus we find different meanings of apottle^
various synonyms for presbyters^ different titles for the twelve apostles etc^
Further the terms used had not as yet become technical. Presbyter was
indeed already technical, but a presbyter was still as a rule an elder; an
apostle was one sent, deacons were those who served, presidetits those who
presided etc.

(3) The final terminology was practically the creation of Christianity. It
is true that, as was natural, the organization of the Christian communities was
more or less modelled upon the lines already familiar to them in their old
national life. There were bishops (episcopoi) among the Greeks, and presbyters
among the Jews. But apostle and deacon are certainly new terms : bishops
also were officials so rarely found, and of so little importance, among the
Greeks that the title as well as the office was practically a new creation.
Presbyter is the only term which remains to mark the continuity of the
church under the Old and the New Covenants.

Apostles
The Lord himself bestowed this title upon the Twelve, and by so doing he
marked them out as his representatives. The word is similar in meaning to
angel, but is found only once in the Greek OT'. In the NT it occurs diiefiy
in the writings of S. Paul and S. Luke, elsewhere only eleven times. In the
Acts it is most frequent in the early chapters ; it ceases altogether after xvi 4.

^ Compare the variety of terms in nse to-day for a clergyman : priest, pastor,
minister, rector, vicar, incumbent, curate, clergyman, clerk in holy orders etc.
3 I KiugB xiv 6.

§ 2 OFFICES xci

In the rtrictest sense — viz. that which prevailed in Christian tradition,
and is abeady established in the New Testament (in the Reyelation, II Peter
and Jade, and Ephesians^) — ^the apostles were the twelve founders, or rather
foundations, of the chnrch. This they were in virtue of two qualifications.

(1) The distinctive work of the Twelve in the early chapters is to bear
witness to the resurrection^. This they were enabled to do in virtue of
having seen the Risen Lord with their own eyes* This, then, was the first
essential for an apostle; when S. Paul wrote I Corinthians it was plainly
accepted as such, and the appearances to S. Paul and to S. James were the
charter of their (^[KMstokte'. Other disciples however shared this privilege, —
indeed more than five hundred had seen him — ^and to such in one or two
places S. Paul seems to give the name of apottle*. But what these other
witnesses lacked vras

(2) The definite apostolic commission from the Lord. How this com-
mission was conveyed before the day of Pentecost, and how the history after
Pentecost illustrated its content, has been fully shewn. In this aspect the
apostles were the rulers of the church, and this function of their apostolate
could be continued in the church. A hint of this is given at the outset by the
appointment of & Matthias to Judas' vacant place. The office of apostle
included implicitly all the offices which were subsequently evolved out of it ;
and it IS noticeable that in the Acts it is called an apostolate, episcopate and
diaeanate^: while in various places of the NT apostles speak of themselves as
witHesses, prophets, teachers, presbyters, heralds (i.e. preachers), deacons,
ministers, ministers-at'the-^tar, servants (la slaves) of Jesus Christ^: they
evangelize, prophesy, speak tvith tongues, they have knowledge, revelMons,
gifts qf healing, they help, etc^ These various 'parts and duties' were by
degrees communicated to others ; but one gift was reserved as the special
'difierentia' of apostolic authority: through the laying on qf the apostM
handt the Holy Ghost is given\

But the term apostle was used of others than the Twelve, and its uses may
be distinguished thus.

(1) It denotes the Twelve. This is the general use in the NT outside of
S. PnuL S. Luke uses it in a wider sense only twice ^, and the rest of the
writers of the NT only three times out of 11, and of these passages one applies

1 Bev zviii 20, zxi 14, Jude 17, U Pet ill 2 : Eph u 20. iii 5. > See the

references given on p. Ixx note b, and add xxvi 16. ' I Cor iz 1, zv 7, 8.

^ In I Cor zv 7 all the apostles seem to be a larger body than the twelve of verse 5 :
psdiaps this explains Aidronious and Jonias, who were in Christ before S. Paul,
being eonspieuous among the apostles (Bom zvi 7). ' i 20, 25, zz 24. < Op.

t^^Bevi2, 9, zizlO, zzii9: I Tim ii 7,11 i 11: I Pet v 1, II, lUJn 1 : nCorvi4,
Bph iii 7, Col i 25: Acts zzvi 16, Lk i 2, I Cor iv 1: Bom zv 16: Bom i 1, Jas i 1,
n Pet i 1, Bev i 1. ' Cp. e.g. v 42 ; ii 17, Bev z 11; Acts ii 4, 1 Cor ziv 18,

n Cor zii 1 : Acts zz 35. ^ viii 18, ziz 6. In I Cor iz S. Paul speaks of the

right (authority) of an apostle to be supported by the church (cp. I Thess ii 6):
in n Cor zii 12 he speaks of signs and wonders and powers as the credentials
(riynf) of an apostle. * Acts ziv 4, 14 (of Barnabas and Paul).

xcii CHURCH AND MINISTRY cbli

it to Christ and another uses it in the general sense of one 9mt\ S. Pa
claims the title for himself also in this strict sense, — i.e. as being on a le?
with the Twelve, — when he speaks of himself as an apostle qf Jents €fhru
or the apostle qf the Gentiles : and he gives the title in the same sense i
S. James. S. Luke extends the term to include both S. Barnabas and S. Paul

(2) In 1 Cor i? 9 S. Paul uses the term in the plural and his argnmei
seems to rank Apollos with himselt Then in 2 Cor z-xiii we have the groi
controversy about certain teachers who claimed to be apostles qf Christ, ai
questioned S. Paul's apostolate. S. Paul calls them false apostles, and no
distinguishes the Twelve as the very chi^est apostles. In Rev ii 2 we fii
(&lse) teachers claiming to be apostles. This use of the term for teachers <
high authority other than the Twelve is reflected in the Didachf, wfaei
apostles and prophets are two very similar orders of wandering teachers, <
chief authority in the church^.

(3) Lastly, the word is used in its literal sense of messenger, i^ fii
delegates of the church. The brethren sent to Corinth from Macedonia \
the matter of the collection were apostles qfthe churches, EpaphroditoSi wli
brought the contribution of the Philippians to S. Paul at Rome, was the
apostle\ This is the sense in which it came into use among the Jews later oa
after the final expulsion of the Jews from Jerusalem in the second centur
Their ' apostles' were the messengers who collected the half shekel which evei
Jew continued to pay to the central national authority in Palestine.

The consideration of the apostolate raises a further question as to rank aa
office among the Twelve themselves. As S. Peter was called the rock o
which the church was to be built, so in the early chapters of our book li
certainly acts with a prominence and independence which might imply thf
he had some superior authority as head of the apostles. But further coi
sideration shews that this was not the case. It is the teaching and fellowshi
of the apostles, and not of S. Peter, which is the test of the church. It is li
the hands qf the apostles, and not of Peter only, that signs are vnx>ught and tli
Holy Spirit is given. Tlie apostles form a college, they are and act cUl togethe
(v 12) : but every college must have its chairman and spokesman, and it is i
that capacity that S. Peter acts. In ii 14 we are told explicitly that PeU
stood up together with the Eleven; and his hearers answered Peter an
the rest of the apostles (verse 37). So in iv 19 Peter and John, and in v S
Peter and the apostles, made their defence before the Sanhedrin^. Furthei
the power of the whole apostolic college over individual apostles is shewn i
viii 14 where the apostles who were in Jerusalem sent Peter and John on
mission to Samaria. Again in xi 1 S. Peter's action at Caesarea Ib even calle
in question by them that were qf the circumcision, i.e. some of the apoUU

1 Heb iii 1, Jn ziii 16: the third instance is Bev ii 2. ' Another ose of tb

term by S. Paul in I Cor xv 8» Bom xvi 6 has been noticed above, p. xo
* n Cor viii 23, Phil ii 26. « A comparison of Acts ix 27 and Gal i 18-9 shen

that S. Peter's action is valid as representing the apostles.

§ 2 OFFICES xcffi

cmd the brethren that were in Judaea, So whatever authority Peter assumes
in taking the lead is representatiye authority.

It is true that S. Paul seems to assign a preeminence to S. Peter. He
implies that the apottieship cf the circumcision had been entrusted to
8. Peter : he went up to Jerusalem to visit — not the Twelve but — Cephas^ :
in 1 Cor ix 5 he writes as if S. Peter had a special position — the rest qf the
apostles and the brethren qfthe Lord and Cephas, But if this is varged as a
proof of Peter's single headship of the church, it proves too much. For the
whole point of S. Paul's argument is that he had been entrusted with the
sameaposUeship among the Gentiles which Peter held among the Circumcision ;
if the argument implies headship, the conclusion will be that there are — not
one but — ^two heads of the church of equal rank. Paul claims to be not a
whit behind 'the very chiefest apostles,' and his daim is supported by the
history of the Acts. We cannot fail to see that Paul occupies in the second
part precisely the same position that Peter holds in the first parti All that
Peter does he does, and more also. He acts with the same authority and
independence; we might even say greater, for among the Gentiles there is
no college of eleven fellow apostles to act as a restraint upon his action.

Nor is this alL As the history advances, Peter's position in Jerusalem seems
to recede, and, in proportion, another personality comes into view. This is
8. James. As the eldest of the ^brethren of the Lord,' and fiBivoured by a
special api)earance of his risen 'brother,' he enjoyed great honour in the church.
Soon we find him acting as president of the local church at Jerusalem (xii 17) ;
and in that capacity at the great meeting of the Christian Ecclesia in ch. xv he
acts as chairman, giving his decision after S. Peter and S. Paul have spoken.
Further, his extreme piety and asceticism won for him an immense personal
authority in the Jewish side of the church. The extreme partisans looked
upon him as head of the church rather than Peter who was half a Pauline at
heart*. At any rate this became the tradition among the Judaistic section
subsequent to NT times. For in the ClementiDes, the anti-Pauline literature
of the second and third centuries, James, as bishop of Jerusalem, is the bishop
qf bishops and the head of the church, to whom Peter himself is subject.

In treating of S. James we have already mentioned t?ie Brethren of the
Lord, To ask what the relationship actually was belongs to a commentary on
the GkMipels, but it is obvious that it gave them a special place of dignity in the
churdi (which was handed on to their descendants). This is shewn by Acts i 14,
1 Cor ix 5 and the Epistle of S. Juda The Twelve was a common designation
of the original apostles. It occurs 22 times in the Gospels ; also in 1 Cor xv 5
and Acts vi 2 {the Eleven in Acts ii 14, i 26). The typical character of the
Seven (xxi 8) has already been pointed out. There is no aUusion to them
outside of the Acts. Accordingly we pass on to the body which generally
ranked next to the apostles, viz. the

^ Gal ii 8, i 18. ' See pp. xlviii-iz. On one oooasion S. Paul withstood

Cephas to the face (Gal ii 11). > Cp. Gal ii 12.

xciv CHURCH AND MINISTRY CH.1

PropheU

A prophet is one to whom the word of the Lord comes and who 'speaks :
forth.' He is the subject of special inspiration ; and so in the OT the prophet
were the chief medimn of reTelation^. There, as in the NT, we already find ti
classes : (1) great inspired individuals, who are ' the prophets' par excdlene
(2) a class of professional prophets. In this Israel and Jxhotah wa« w
peculiar, for prophecy was not confined to them« Jezebel had her proj^ets i
Baal and of the Asherah, and the surrounding nations had thdr prophet
who were like the modem dervishes. In the Greek world also the prophi
was a fiuniliar figure', but he was rather the interpreter of the god than th
immediate forthteller of the divine word. The staff of an Egyptian tempi
also included prophets; and at the commencement of the Christian ert
prophets, soothsayers et hoc gentu amne abounded in the eastern half c
the empire.

Prophecy formed a great link between the Old and the New Testameol
For prophecy had not ceased. As we learn from Josephus, there were prophei
among the Jews, especially among the Essenes^. Caiaphas uttered a propheq
on one occasion ^ The Jews expected the kingdom of the Messiah to b
preceded by the return of Elijah or one of the prophets; and this expectatio]
was answered in the ministry of the Forerunner, John the Baptist, who wa
the greatest, as he was the last, of the OT prophets^ The birth of the Obria
took place in an atmosphere of prophecy. Zacharias prophesied at the birth o
the Baptist ; Simeon received a warning from the Holy Spirit ; and Anna wIm
spake of the infant Jesus was a prophetess^. Jesus himself was regarded far;
the people as a prophets

If sudi was the preparation, the kingdom itself was first established ii
power by a great outpouring of the Spirit and consequent outbunt o
prophecy. Indeed one mark of the new kingdom is what we may call the neii
prophecy. For the gift of the Spirit was to be no longer something ezceptloDa
or extraordinary: it was to be 'poured out on all flesh,' so all should prophes]
and see visions, even slaves and handmaidens (ii 17-8). Accordingly Um
whole church is richly endowed with spiritual and prophetic gifts. A1
Pentecost all spake with tongues, and the community lived in a state ol
ecstasy or spiritual exultation (ii 46). The discussion of the spiritual gifts in
I Cor xii-xiv, with their enumeration in xii 8-10, shews that at their birtk
the Gentile churches also eigoyed a like endowment of the Spirit : at the
Xmblic meeting there was hardly one who had not a psalm or a teaching or t
revelation or a tongue or an interpretation (xiv 26). For prophecy was hot

^ n Pet i 21. 3 S. Paul calls Epimenides of Crete a prophet (Tit i 12).

The ' prophet * of Apollo at Chalcedon was one of the great magistrates of the city :
so was the prophet of Apollo of Branohidae in Bfiletos. The enmneration of the
Egyptian hierarohy on the Bosetta stone begins with The Mgh-priesU and prophett^
whidi is a parallel to * apostles and prophets.' ' Gp. Ant. zv 10. 5 for Mena-

hem'e proj&esying. ^ Jn xi 61. * Mk vi 15, iz 11, Jn i 21 : Lk i 76, vii

26-8. • Lk i 67, u 26, 86-8. ' Mt xxi 11. Jn vi 14, vii 40, ix 17.

§ 2 OFFICES xcv

the greatest of those spiritoal eharUmata — siieaking with tongues, seeing
TiaonSy receiying revelatioiiSy etc., — ^with whidi it was closely allied and of
which it is the type. Prediction was not the distinctive function of the
prophet^ though that power was sometimes given to him^. Prophecy rather
denotes the effect of the inspiration of the Spirit, as it finds utterance in
exhortation, instruction, ^couragement, and consolation, — aids which are
now conveyed by means of preaching. The Revelation of S. John was a
prophecy ; and the true spirit of prophecy was evinced in bearing witness to
Jesus'.

Prophecy, then, was confined to no class. S. Paul says Ye all can prophegyy
just as all spoke with tongues at Pentecost' ; and the gift of the Spirit, as
recorded in the Acts (whether the occasions indicate what normally happened
or no), was always followed by prophetic phenomena, even in the case of
Gentfles like Cornelius*. Nor was it confined to men. Women prophesied ;
and there were women ' prophets,' such as (apparently) the daughters of Philip,
who correspond to Anna and the OT prophetesses ^ Some however would
possess the gift in a higher degree than their fellows ; others again would
sperially devote their lives to the exercise of prophecy. In either case then it
would be natural to speak of such men as Prophets ; and those who possessed
the gift most abundantly, as being specially inspired by the Spirit, would rank
next the apostles*. In the Acts we find the following instances of prophecy.
Whether S. Barnabas' name is correctly interpreted as Son of prophecy or
no, he was undoubtedly a prophet Philip is not called a prophet, but his
aetion was exactly like that of one of the OT prophets. Agabus and those who
came down to Antioch from Jerusalem are definitely called prophets, Agabus
appears again; and on each occasion he utters a prediction enforced by a
symbolic action, which was a common method of prophetic teaching^. At
Antioch a body of prophets and teachers — Barnabas, Symeon Niger, Lucius,
Manaen, and Saul — presided over the church and led the public worship I
Two chi4^ men in the church of Jerusalem, Judas Barsabbas and Silas, were
also prophets. Lastly we hear of Philip^s daughters as prophesying^.

Like apostle, the word prophet acquired a double signification.

(1) The leading prophets of the first era soon won a preeminent position
hi Christian tradition. The Twelve themselves were no doubt prophets as well
as apostlesL Paul and Barnabas were prophets ; so probably were Philip and
Stephen (who ms/tdl of the Holy Ghost vi 5, vii 55), besides the others just
mentioned. Such early prophets were closely associated with the apostles as
founders of the church, and seemed to keep up the succession of the OT
prophets. Thus we find the phrase, the apostles and prophets, in Eph ii 20,
iii i. Rev xviii 20, where the order of the words shews that the Christian

1 zi 28, zx 28, xxi 11. > Bev i 8, ziz 10, I Jn iv 1-8, I Cor zii 3.

s I Cor ziv 81. « Acts ii 4, viii 18 (fatr), z 44-6, ziz 6. ^ n 17-8,

I Cor zi 5 ; Aote zzi 9, Lk ii 86 ; cp. the false prophetess Jezebel in Bev ii 20.
* I Cor zii 28, Eph iv 11. ^ zi 27-8, zzi 10-1 ; for other symbolic aoUons cp.

ziii 61, zviii 6. ^ So in the DidaehB the prophets offer the euoharist (z 7), ' for

th^ are your high-priests ' (ziii 8). ' ziii 1-3 : zv 22, 32 : zzi 9.

#

xcvi CHURCH AND MINISTRY ch.vi

prophets are referred to^ : later on, when Christian prophecy was puiiiig
away, or rather was changing its character, the phrase was interpreted of the
OT prophets.

(2) Besides these there had arisen a class of less eminent prophets who
were, so to speak, more professional. These abounded: we find them at
Thessalonica, in g^reat numbers at Ck>rinth, and in every city (zx 23). Of mdi
prophets Agabus is perhaps the type, and they correspond to the order of
wandering prophets in the DidachS, This class gradually dedined in repute ;
as early as a.d. 49 S. Paul has to exhort the Thessalonians not to detpiie
prophesying (1 Thess v 20). This is easy to understand. As a charismatic
gift, prophecy was from the nature of the case independent of regulatioii and
oflScial control Accordingly it aflforded a great opportunity for self-adyertise-
ment, or other forms of self-seeking' ; and the weaker men could not always
rise superior to the temptation. Again, the ecstatic utterances of the prophets,
when heedless of control, caused great disorder in the public meetings of the
church, and they received a sharp rebuke from S. Paul'.

What howeyer brought most discredit upon prophecy was its counterfeit
False prophets abounded, both of greater and lesser reputation. Such were
Simon Magus and Barjesus, Theudas and the Egyptian, and in the next
century Barcochba^ False prophets even found their way into the church,
where their presence was a great danger. Claiming to speak from the Holy
Ohost and so to be above criticism^, they would lead astray the unwary'.
Hence there was a great need of the discernment of spirits — a fiaculty
enumerated among spiritual gifts. S. Paul and S. John both give a test of
true and false prophecy — ^the test consisting in the testimony qf (ie. witness
to) Jetm^. Labouring under these diflSculties, it is easy to understand how
'prophecy' gradually died away in the Christian church. Men like Ignatius
and Polycarp were 'prophetic'; but as a special dass 'the prophets' passed
away, their place being taken by teachers and preachers of special power and
capacity.

Teachers

In xiii 1 we hear of prophets and teachers^ and the connexion seems
obvious. The man to whom the word of the Lord comes has the best
authority to impart it to others ; and thus the OT prophets had their 'schools
of the prophets.' On the other hand the preacher is not always the best
teacher; and beside the word of the Lord there was another subject of

^ So probably in I These ii 16, whore S. Paul is speaking of the perseoution
of Christians. In the Bevelation the prophets are gener^lj Christian prophets.
Compare the order of the Tt I)eum\ apostles, prophets, martyrs. On the other
hand Lk zi 49 (before Christian prophecy) has prophets and apostles. ^ The

Didaehe shews now. If a prophet orders a table (i.e. an agape or feast), says
in the Spirit *give me money or something else,* or does not practise what he
teaches, he is no true prophet (oh. xi). 'I Cor xiv 26-33. * Op. the

false prophet of Bev xiii 11-7, xiz 20, xx 10. '^ Cp. Didaehe xi 7 'every

prophet speaking in the Spirit ye shall not try nor prove.' ^ Mt vii 15, xxiV

11, 24. 1 Jn iv 1. ' »ev xix 10, I Jn iv 2, II 7. 1 Cor xii 3.

§ 2 OFFICES xcvii

teaefaing, Yic. the law. Thus under the old coTenant the priest's lips also
' kept kQOwledge ' and they ' songht the law at his mouth>/ Later, when the
Law of Moses was codified and revelation enshrined in books, a new class of
teachers arose, yiz. students and interpreters of the written scriptores. These
were the 'scribes' and 'lawyers' of the NT. The greatest of them became
heads of schools with disciples. They were known as 'rabbis/ and in the
popular religion held the most prominent position; for they were practically
the authorities on religious doctrine and practice. When the Lord came
he i^ypeared as a new rabbi with his disciples; and the popular comment
was at first A new teaching/ The Lord accepted the position, and the
disditoi generally called him Eabbi or Maeter, Le. Teacher*.

When the Lord was taken away, the twelve apostles stepped into his
place as it were. They became the rabbis of the new teaching or school,
and were formally recognised as such by the people and their rulers'. Thus
Ohristianity took over, with the prophecy of the old dispensation, its teaching
also ; but at the same time it made it new. The newness lay in its subject
This oompiBed, (1) in its forefront, the facts of the crucifixion and resur-
rection, together with (2) the report of aU that Jesus said and did ; and the
cycle of teaching fixed by the apostles and handed on by oral tradition is the
basis of our first three Gospels. (3) Such tradition also included the Lord's
moral teaching — ^the new and expanded interpretation of the Commandments.
(4) Besides this the apostles would have to decide practical matters of worship
and observance ; and their teaching on these subjects, ag. concerning baptism
and the laying on of hands, would contain the 'first principles' of church
worshq), ritual, and di8cipline^ (5) Lastly, there would gradually be given
deeper teadiing about the Lord's person — such as S. Paul alludes to^ and
sudi as is found in S. John's Gospel^

It is obvious that much of this teaching could be devolved on others ; and
atoo that the church would need more teachers than the Twelve. So we can
trace the growth of a class of teachers. First, the apostolic function is exercised
by Paul and Barnabas, who teach (xi 26, xv 35, xxviii 31) : S. Paul calls himself
the teacher (rabbt) qf the GentileSf as the Twelve were the rabbis of the
drcurndsion. Then in xiii 1 we hear of the five prophets and teachers at
Antioch^ Li xv 1 certain who came down from Jerusalem taught ; and so
did ApoUos (xviii 25). Outside of the Acts the teachers appear more definitely
as a class. In I Cor xii 28 they rank next to prophets. Later, in Eph iv 11
they are in the fourth rank together with shepherds. This shews, as we
learn from elsewhere, that those who taught had a definite position among
the presbyters : the presbyters who Idbcmr in teaching are worthy of double
honour, and capacity to teach is required of the bishop {episcopus)\

The necessity of preserving the right teaching was obvious. At first

1 Mai ii 7. « Mk i 27: cp. e.g. Jn iii 2, xiii IS. » See above, p.lxxxi.

« Cp. AotB XV 1, xxi 21 : Heb vi 1-2. » I Cor ii 6-16, op. Hebr v 11-4.

' and also in the synoptiBtB, as in Mt xi 27 and parallelfi. ' So Jezebel the

CUse prophetess taught. Rev ii 20. ^ I Tim v 17, ii 2, Titus i 9.

B. A* a

xcviii CHURCH AND MINISTRY cn.vi

the apostles were the only anthorized teachers, and their teaching was the test
of the church's fiaith (ii 43). As the office was more and more delegated to
others, diyergences of teaching would arise, of which xv 1 giyes an instance.
We also hear of false teachers^, as well as of false apostles and false prophets.
This explains the important place held by teaching in the functions of the
presbyterate ; and the true teaching was to be preseryed by handing down
the tradition in an authorized succession — the things which thou hoit heard
from msy the same commit thou to /ait/^ul men toho shall be abls to teach
others also (II Tim ii 2).

There was howeyer a great deal of teaching to be done which did not
require teachers of such high authority ; and in later times the work of our
schoolmasters and sunday-school teachers was performed by a class of *cate-
chists/ This word does not occur in the NT ; but when S. Paul speaks of
him that instructs in Qal tI 6, and S. Luke of Theophilus* instruction^ they
are using the corresponding verb and so giving indications of the beginnings
of such a class. These must have been early ; for oral teaching in the elements
of the faith, if less interesting, was most necessary for the new converts.
Indeed, before the Gospels had been written, the knowledge of what they
contain must have been preserved and handed down, in the main, by such ond
instruction or catechizing \

Evangelists

In the apostolic ' speaking of the word,' besides the bearing witness to the
resurrection in particular, brides the teaching and exhorting of the faithful,
there was also the more general duty of evangelizing^ those without, i.e.
proclaiming to men the 'gospel' or glad news of the kingdom of God, or
(what was equivalent) of Jesus, or of 'the word^' This work was shared
by others, first by Philip and the Hellenists who reached Antioch, then by
Paul and Barnabas ^ For, to use modem expressions, this evangelizing was
the great mission work of the church. Those who excelled as missionaries
were known as evangelists^ like Philip Vie evangelist^ ; and, as the sphero of
mission work expanded so rapidly, those who had a special vocation for it
tended to form a class like our modem missionaries. Thus in Eph iv 11
S. Paul ranks evangelists next after apostles and prophets, and before the
shepherds and teachers who tended the local churches. The apostles were
the great missionaries, and the work of the missionary required i^KMtolic
authority, for it involved the founding of churches : so, when S. Paid is (as
it were) handing on his office to Timothy, he bids him do the work qf an
evangelist^ We may see another such evangelist in Epaphras who brought
the gospel to Colossae^ Eusebius has a chapter on the important work done

^ n Pet ii 1, op. Acts xx 30. ' The important part whioh such * cateohists '

may have played in the formation of the Synoptic Qospels has been vigorously put
before us by tiie Bev. A. Wright — primarily in his Compositicm of tfie Four Qotpels
(Maomillan 1890). » v 42, viii 26. * Cp. Lk viu 1, xvi 16, Acts viU 12 :

v 42, viii 36, xi 20 : vui 4, xv 35. » viii 4, 12, 35, 40, xi 20 : xiii 32, xiv 7, 16,

21, X? 36. • xxi 8. " n Tim iv 6. ^ Col i 7.

§ 2 OFFICES xcix

by ' the eyangeluts' after the times of the apostles^. In the NT however the
terminology of evangelisty evangelize etc. is ahnost confined to S. Luke and
a PaoL

Chi^ men
Jndas Barsabbajs and Silas are called chief or leading men among the
brMren (xv 22). They were in fact prophets (ver. 32), and eyidently persons
of oonseqaence in the church of Jerusalem. But the use of the word in the
Epistle to the Hebrews (xiii 7, 17, 24) for the authorities of their church, or
those that have the rule over them (as it is translated), shews that the word is
not a mere complimentary title. It would seem to have been a competitor with
the word preebyter for the designation of the rulers of the church— especially,
we may suppose, in churches among the Jews (e^. at Jerusalem), where it
disUngnished the Christian rulers from the Jewish presbytera This brings us
tothe

Presbyters {Elders),

— a subject of very practical importance; for this is the office or, to speak
strictly, designation which has become permanent in the church, — the word
presbyter being the same as our priest.

The association of authority with age seems part of man*s natural eonstitu-
tion. In the history of most nations we find authority originally resting with
the aged. The Romans were governed by their Senate of seniores or elders ;
Gre^ dties had their Oerousia or council of gerontes {old men). As time
advanced such bodies either lost their political power, or the titles elder
and old became merely technical terms. But the terms remained. And at
the time of the Acts in many Greek cities the members of the gerousia
were also called presbyters {elder s)\ In Egypt presbyters seem to have
been the chief village authorities, like our modem churchwardens ; and in
the papyri from which this fact has been learnt, there is mention of presbyters
in the college of priests attached to the temple of the god Soknopaeus in the
Fayy&m'.

Among the Jews however this conception or principle of authority had
especial vitality. We find it throughout the OT. Inhere sjce elders {presbyters)
of villages, of towns, of tribes, and of the whole people of Israel. The
institation finds its typical representation in the council of Seventy Elders,
who were appointed by Moses and filled with the Spirits In the NT the system
is still in fidl vigour. The chief seat of authority for the whole nation is tho
Banhedrin or Presbytery \ where sat together tJhe high-priests and presbyters
qf the people. In the towns there were local bodies of presbyters^ who ad-
the local afiairs, and acted as magistrates, with authority over the

^ E.H.m 37. ^ e.g. at Ephesos, Chios, Cos, Philadelphia, and Sinope,

as we learn from inBoriptions. ' Berlin Papyri vol. i, nos. 16, 387, 392, 433 :

ep. Detssmann Neue Bihelstudien pp. 60-2. An insoription (CIG 4717) may confirm
the ezistence of such presbyter-priests elsewhere. * Ezod zxiv 1-11, Nam xi

16-410. ' lik xzii 66, Acts xxii 5: it is aluo called the Qeroutia in v 21.

<Lkvu3.

9^

1

0 CHURCH AND MINISTRY CH^Vi

synagogue also : for among them were induded the arehitynoffdgos and tki
rtden^ and they sat in ' the chief seats in the synagogue/ and exercised religiod
disdplina The same organization prevailed among the Jewish oommnnitiel
of the Dispersion ; though according to Bchiirer the word presbyter was nol
used among them as an official title till late^. With such a system prenuHqi
in the Jewish nation and communities, which were the birthplaces of tbi
Christian societies, it was natural that the latter should almost insenriU^
deyelope a similar organization. For this indeed the Lord himself had set i
precedent, when besides the Twelve he appointed other Seventy also, after tin
pattern of the old covenant

Accordingly (1) we soon find, in xi 30, a body of pre^tere at Jemsalen
In chapter xv we have the church and the apostlee and ths pretibyters, or lA
apnetlee and the preibytere toith the whole church (w. 4, 22). The asaemb^
there described in part corresponds to the Jewish Sanhedrin or Presbytery—
the apoitlee and the presbyters were gathered together, as elsewhere amoii|
the Jews the high-priests and the presbyters of the people*. Very likely tb
use of the term presbyters was avoided by the Christians before the decisive
break with Judaism (in ch. vii-viii) in order to prevent confusion with th
presbyters cf the people who sat in the Sanhedrin. In xxi 18 the Christiai
presbyters are associated with & James', who in his epistle speaks of them a
the presbyters of the church,

(2) Secondly, the local churches outside of Jerusalem were, like the loci
Jewish communities, governed by presbytera Paul and Barnabas establishet
them throughout Galatia, and no doubt universally, since we find them also a
Ephesus^ The references to presbyters in the other NT books have alread
been given. S. Peter gives them a charge, S. James mentions an importao
detail of their work, the Pastoral Epistles deal with the office most fullj
S. John calls himself ths presbyter, and lastly we have the picture of th
four and twenty presbyters in the Revelation.

In drawing some conclusions as to the office of the presbyters we mm
remember the ambiguity attaching to the term. It was still used in i1
primaiy sense of elder men^; it denoted Jewish as well as Christian mien
and it is used of themselves by the apostles, e.g. S. Peter and S. John.

(1) In the earliest days — to judge firom Jewish usage — the presbyters wi
probably a general term, which denoted not so much a particular order <
officers as the whole body of church rulers. Among the Jews the presbytei
(elders) of a village and the presbyters of the Sanhedrin must have bee
officers of a very different standing ; so among the Christian presbyters wei
probably included prophets, teachers, shepherds, presidents, 'helps,' ao

1 Jewish People etc. Index, p. 39. ' Cp. iv 6, 8, 23, vi 12 : xxiii 1

^ Henoe the presbyters are probably the brethren of xii 17. With James and tl
presbyters of the church contrast the high-priest Ananias and the presbyters <
the Jews (xxiv 1, xxv 16). « xiv 23, xx 17. ^ Hence arises some amt

guitv, e.g. in I Tim v 1. Also among the Jews, the elders stands for tfie aneien
in the expression the tradition of the elders.

§ 2 OFFICES ci

'govenimentB^.' The composition of the church at Jerusalem is summed up
^us — the apostls9 and the presbyters and tlie church : and among the
jnresbyiers were included 'chief men who were also prophets.' Indeed, a
body consisting of apostles and presbyters together might be called Hhe
presbyters'; as is shewn in the Revelation, where the twenty-four presbyters
are the chief representatives of the church or apostles. When S. Paul enume-
rates the hierarchy of the church, neither in I Corinthians nor in Ephesians
does he mention presbyters, — no doubt because it was the general term which
stood for all the prophets, teachers, and pastors alike. In the Pastoral
Biristles there seem to be different classes or grades among the presbyters :
there are those who preside, and those who teach ; some receive more
' honour' than others ; and if episcopus is not simply a convertible term with
presbyter, then the bishops will be another class among the presbyters. In
this connexion it is not without significance that we do not hear of a
preebyter (in the singular) until we get to the Pastoral Epistles; similarly,
while there are words for the office of apostle, episcopus, and deacon^, there
18 no mention of the presbyterate.

(2) Later — and the Pastoral Epistles represent the transitional period —
the general word was specialized and confined to a definite class, — ^though not
absolutely, as long after NT times we find bishops calling themselves 'pres-
byters.' This came about, we suppose, in some such way as this. On the one
lumd the president of the college of local presbyters became the apostolic
delegate, ie. to him were committed the special apostolic powers of govern-
ment; his position therefore became much more distinct and the title of
episcopus was confined to him. On the other hand, as the requirements of
such ministries as the ' serving of tables ' increased, the deacon became, like
the 'bishop' with whom he was closely associated, an officer with a very
definite position. Between these two, the body of presbyters would tend
to become more uniform; and this process would take place more rapidly
as the special charismatic gifts became rarer, and different functions fell to
the lot of the same individual. The final result was the emergence of one
definite 'order' (to use a technical term) of Presbyters or Priests^

(3) The Presbyters, then, were in NT times the body of local church rulers
under the apostles. Accordingly the apostles associate them with themselves
in general church government, summoning them to theur deliberations, for
instance about the matter of the Gentiles in chapter xv. As church rulers
they administer the finances 1 S. Paul in his farewell to the Ephesian
presbyters says that they were appointed to tend or rule the church, i.e. as

^ but not 'ministers' such as deacons. There is an analogy in modem
usage. Our present order of Priests includes pastors, misBionaries (both home
and foreign), teachers in schools and colleges, officials such as deans and arch-
deacons, members of collegiate bodies each as canons and fellows, members of
religious orders, etc. ' viz. apostoU^ epUcope, diaconia. * The problem

to be accounted for is really not the origin of the order of bishop*^ but of the order
otprUsU. * zi 30, zxi 18.

di CHURCH AND MINISTRY CH. vi

shepherds, and he leaves them in charge of the church as its watchmen and
stewards. In the Pastoral Epistles we find that they teach, and iHreside, —
which probably means at the agapd and encharist Further, they share the
spiritual powers of the apostles. The presbytery joined S. Paul in the laying
on of hands upon S. Timothy: and from S. James we have already learnt
(p. Ixxxvii) of other spiritual functions — praying over and anointing the sick,
and exercising the ministry of reconciliation.

(4) They were definitely appointed to their ofiSce by apostles, e.g. Paul
and Barnabas, or by ^apostolic men' like Timothy and Titus ^ The method
was by laying on of hands, by which on all analogy the Spirit was conyeyed.
In this they answered to the Seventy of the old covenant who reoeiyed the
Spirit which was in Moses ^

In conclusion, while speaking of the presbyters as rulers of the church, we
must remember to qualify this by the wholly new principle of authority and
rule in the Christian church laid down by the Lord (e.g. in Lk xxii 25-7) : he
who is chief shall be as he who serves, and the Christian ruler is the shepheid
who tends his flock. Nowhere in the NT is the usual Greek word for ruUr^
used of Christian officers.

Episcopi (Bishops)

Episcopus, visitor or overseer, is a title even more important than
presbyter ; for it is the same word as our bishop, and over it have raged great
battles of controversy. Avoiding controversy we shall simply try to suggest
what may be gathered from the NT itself, where the word only occurs five
times in all. We may say at once that it has not yet acquired the definite
sense which it holds in the letters of Ignatius (c. a.d. 115) and which it sUll
holds to-day, viz. of a single ruler of a diocosa From Acts xx 28, Titus i 6-7,
and comparison with I Timothy iii 2 f, we should conclude that episcoput
was simply a synonym for presbyter, and that the two offices were identicaL
As long, however, as 'the presbyters' was used in a general sense for the
whole body of the higher ministers of the church, the episcopi would denote
the more definite class of local church rulers, or 'presbyter-bishops' (as we
may call them).

The term first appears in the Greek churches, viz. in those of Ephesus,
Philippi, and Crete; and it has been supposed to have been borrowed, together
with the office, from contemporary Greek institutions. But episcopi are found
in the Syrian (or Egyptian) Didach^ ; and though there were episcopi among
the officials in Greek cities, their office was neither widespread nor significant
enough to account for the Christian use of the terml The word really came

1 Acts xiv 23, Titus 15. ^l Tim v 22 : op. I Tim iv 14, U i 6, Acts vi 8,

viii 17 etc. : Nam zi 25 (op. zxvii 18, Deut xxxiv 9). ' archon ; among the Jewish

presbyters were archontes and archUynagdgi, ^ Two insoriptions tell us that
there were some officials of this name in the Athenian confederacy in the 5th oen-
tory B.C. bat no information is given aboat them beyond the mention of their name.
At Rhodes in inscriptions of b.o. 40 and 50 ejpiteojpi appear as magistrates of the

§ 2 OFFICES ciii

into the church through the Greek version of the OT, though there were no
special officers of this name in the old history to suggest its adoption.

The new use of the word, then, was a Christian creation, although the
underljing idea was Jewish and derived from the OT. The idea of the
visitation of God was deeply implanted in the Jewish mind, i.e. the idea of
God coming to man, inspecting him and searching him out Such a visitation
involved on the one hand judgement, for God will convict and punish what
was wrong. On the other hand to the righteous it brought comfort and
strength. By visiting his clients a powerful patron shews his interest in and
care for them, and by staying with them he assures them of his protection.
So ^e tititor passes into the overseer ; and therefore visitation is connected
with the offices both of judge and shepherd. It was in this latter sense that
the Jews expected and longed for the visitation of God — ^for God was their
EpiseoptuK Now the joy of the gospel was that God had visited his people:
the coming of the Christ was 'the time of visitation V This meant judgement
for the unbelieving Jews, but for the believing joy and comfort ; for in visiting
them God came to abide with them. First he separated them out from the
goats to be his flock, and henceforth he would preside over them as their
shepherd — for Christ is the ihepherd and bishop qfour eotds (I Pet ii 25).

Naturally the term would also be given to one who visited or presided
as the representative of GknL In the Greek OT the term is applied to various
overseers or officers, none however of any striking significance^. But there was
one text which would make a great impression on Christian teachers, vis.
Isaiah Ix 17 / y^iU make thy officers (Gk archonles) peace and thine exactors
(Gk episcopi) righteousness. Further, when it was seen that Ps cix referred
to Judas, it was found that his office was called an episcopi or bishopric
(Acts i 20).

Now when S. Paul was taking his farewell of the Ephesian church and had
to make provision for the future he calls the presbyters episcopi (bishops).
Hitherto he had been their episcopus^ visiting them and exercising the
oversight ; now he commits this office to the presbyters. We feel very much
tempted to imagine that at this solemn scene he actually conferred upon them,
or some of them, a new privilege or gift of the Holy Spirit : but while this
idea can only remain in the region of conjecture, there is no necessity to
suppose that because these presbyters are episcopi (Le. presbyter-bishops)
and sufficient for the oversight of the church, therefore all presbyters every-
where were in the same position. Again, the Epistle to the Philippians (i 1)
shews that the same provision had been made at Philippi ; and S. Peter,

eity in the third rank, after generals (ttrategi Acts xvi 22), and treasurers. An
tpiaeoput is also mentioned in a list of the officials of a temple of Apollo at Camirus
in Bhodes. ^ Job xx 29 (lxx), Wisdom i 6. ^ Lk i 68, 78, vii 16 : op.

Acts XV 14 : Lk xix 44. * Eleazar had oversight of the tabernacle (Num iv 16) :

other overteerM were oonneoted with the temple, U Kings xi 18, U Chr xxxiv 12, 17,
Neh xi 9, 14, 22. On the military side we have overseers of the host in Nam xxxi 14,
U K xi 15. Judges ix 28 completes the list.

r

civ CHURCH AND MINISTRY ch.vi

writiDg shortly after, calls the Lord tlie shepherd and biihop qf 90uU\ whidi
implies an office of great dignity in those who were 'shepherds and bishops'
under liim.

Lastly, we have the Pastoral Epistles. Here we most remember that the
work of Timothy and Titus was to leave their churches fully equipped for the
future — ^to commit the teaching to faithful men able to teach others aisa.
In Grete Titus was to appoint presbyters in every city, and after some
general qualifications 8. Paul continues For the epiecopus mtut be — and then
follow qualifications, among which faithfulness in a divine stewardship and
in the preservation of the right teaching is prominent. In I Timothy the
apostle speaks again of the episcopS as a * noble ' work, and of the qualificar
tion of the episcopta (in the singular) : here too it appears that the work ol
the episoopus is to take care qf the church qf €hd. If then the predfytera
was the general title for church officers, it is quite possible that the epiecopue
was the one among them selected to preside and act as the chief ruler of the
church. As Timothy and Titus represented S. Paul, so the epiecopiu was to
represent them, and to fulfil their office in their respective churches. Thus he
too would be an * apostolic man ' ; and the epUcopi as a class would be ranked
with those men of eminence in the early church whom we found exercising
apostolic authority besides the Twelve. Like them they would be successors
of the apostles ; and if this is a fair representation of what happened, it is easy
to understand how from such ancestry was developed the 'order' oif diocesaa
bishops as it is found fully established in the second century.

Attetidants: they that minister (serve)

It is noticeable that the word deacon (servant or minister) does not occur
in the Acts^; but there are several traces of subordinate ministries or services
which we will briefly collect

In V 6 and 10 appears a body of t?ie young men or younger men who
bury AnftTiiftji and Sapphira. The words' are interesting and illustrate the use
of ihe elder m^en (presbyters) with which they stand in contrasts If 'the
presbyters* stand for the body of church rulers, 'the youngrer men' would denote
the body of church servants. The phrase is not confined to young men in
our sense of the term ; it rather stands for men in the prime of lifo as distin-
guished from the definitely elder men.

Elsewhere (p. 86, on vi 1-6) we shew reasons for supposing that the Seven
were appointed to an office which was considerably more important than that
of deacons. In &ct the 'daily ministration' (vi 1) implies the previous

1 It is interesting to note that Christ is called apottle, high-priest^ episeopus^
deacon^ mimster-aZ-the-aUar (leitawrgosy-Ami never pretiyter. He was in fact
still a younger man at the time of his omcifixion — and is so represented in
early Ohristian art. ' except in the Bezan text of vi 1. * Two

different (though similar) words are used in the Greek. ^ e.g. in I Tim v 1,

I Pet V 5.

§ 2 OFFICES cv

existence of a class of ministers to serve the i^ostles in the distribation of
food and drink at the agap^ and eucharist.

On their first joomey Barnabas and Paol take John Mark as their (jUtendani.
This word had not high associations. It is the Greek word for the ehazzan
or sacristan of the synagogue, who hands the scriptures, executes the judge-
ments of the synagogue courts and so forth ^; it is also used for the servants
and officials of the high-priests and Sanhedrin who arrested Jesus and the
apostles^. The word reminds us that the Christian synagogues must have
required some such functionaries at an early date. John Mark however was
an attendant on the ^>ostlcs, rather than on the church ; and one service which
he rendered may have been to baptise'.

On his second journey S. Paul took Timothy with him (xvi 1-3) ; and we
find him usually surrounded by a company who minister unto (serve) Am,
like Timothy and Erastns*. Of such ministers we hear much in the Epistles,
and they are typified for us in the company of the Seven in the final journey
to Jerusalem ^ Such were no doubt personal attendants on the apostle like
S. Mark: but we see signs of a wider service. Thus the Seven were chosen by
the churches of the Gentiles to convey their alms to Jerusalem. Again
S. Paul often employed them as his delegates and lieutenants; and this
association with the apostle would win for them an important status in the
church ; just as in later times deacons presumed to place themselves before
presbyters, and the diief (or arch-) deacon became the special ruler of the
cleiig^. Some of them, e.g. TimoUiy and Titus, were loft by S. Paul with
a definite commission of apostolic authority.

We are not siurprised, then, to find that by the decade 60-70 tliese
various ministries have given rise to an order of deacons^ whose qualifications
are laid down by S. Paul in I Timothy iii 8-13. As these ministers were in
the first place attendants on the apostles, so we find the deacons closely
associated with bishops — first in Phil i 1 (cp. I Tim iii 1, 8), and afterwards
in the DidaM^ and church history.

Elsewhere we hear of Phoebe a deaconess qf the church at Cenchreae:
at Corinth the household of Stephanas addicted themselves to the ministry
(Gk diaconia) qf the saints : and in S. Paul's last letter he asks Timothy to
bring Markyor he is profitable/or the ministry (Gk dictconia) — ^he may at last
faHSl the office of a minister which he surrendered in Pamphylia^

The use of deacon for an official was the creation of Christianity. The
word means servanty denoting a higher status than slave (doulos). In the
Qospela it was used (1) of sendee at table,-~as of the servants at Cana in
Galilee, of Peter's wife's mother, and of Martha': (2) from supplying with

1 Lk iv 20, Mt V 25. « Cp. e.g. Mi xxvi 68, Jn vii 82, 46-6, xviU 12, 18, 22 :
Aate V 22, 26. > for apparently the apostles did not nsually baptize themseWes,

■eepagsSS. « xix 22 : cp. xx 84, Gal i 2. • xx 4. •e.g.o.xv:

'Bleot for yooxielves Hshops and deacons.* ^ Bom xvi 1 : I Cor xvi 15 :

n Tim iv 11. B Jn ii 6, 9, Lk iv 89, Jn xu 2 : op. Lk xli 37, xvii 8,

xzii 26^7.

r

cvi CHURCH AND MINISTRY CH.V

food and drink, it came to include sapplying with neoeasaries of IH
generally, — so certain women ministered to the Lord of their subBtanoe^
(3) then it denoted personal service — the Lord speaks of my 9ervant, an
we have your iervtmt^ $&rvant €f God, qf ChrUt, qf the church^, Thei
ministries in the Gospels and Acts correspond exactly to the fonctiona c
the later deacons. (1) They were primarily 'ministers of meats and drinki
as S. Ignatios^ phrases it: they served the table and the bishop by dii
tribating the food at the agap^ and also at the encharist (2) They all
served the bishop in the administration of the alms, distributing them t
the i>oor and needy. (3) They were generaUy the officers of the bisho]
As such their office grew greatly in importance, and the inferior forma <
attendance or service were left to lower officials, to subdeacons, doorkeepen
and acolytes.

The Women: Widowe: Virgine

It would take us too tax afield to discuss the ministry of women in th
church, but we may put together the notices in the Acts.

(1) In i 14, next to the apostles are grouped the toomen and Maty tA
mother of Jesut, These women were they who had ministered to the Lor
and had seen him risen. In fact they were the first 'witnesses' and 'evangelisti
Hence they held a special place of honour in the church.

(2) As early as vi 1 we hear of toidows in the church, and a body <
widows is also found at Joppa in ix 39. This oi^ganization was mainly fc
purposes of relief ; but in return for support the widows served the chordi b
their prayers and in other offices. This system had its origin among the Jewi
but in the church the organization of widows — especially for purposes of goo
works— developed rapidly and is the subject of careful regulation in I Tim
3-16. Anna is the type of the widow devoted to prayer; and Dorcas of Jopp
of the Christian woman devoted to good works ^ As the widowe speciaU
Uunented the latter, she may have had some connexion with them — ^periiap
while not needing support, she ranked as a 'widow.'

(3) In the missionary work of S. Paul women play a great part (a) Lydi
was a kind of mother to the church of Philippic ; and in founding that churc
other women kboured with the apostles^ (&) Priscilla or Prisca, the wife c
Aquila, was another great [worker. S. Paul, who puts Prisca first, calls thei
together his 'fellow- workers': they had a 'church in their house,' and the
instructed ApoUos in the way of the Lord, (c) The First Epistle to th
Corinthians illustrates the position of women in the Gentile churches. The
prayed and prophesied, even in church : but this practice S. Paul stroi^

1 Lk vui 3, Mt xzvii 55. > Jn zii 26 : Mt zz 26, zxiii 11 : Bom ziii i

II Cor vi 4 : n Cor zi 23 : Bom zvi 1. As the deacons waited on the bishopf
so the apostles were the deacons of the Lord : the Lord himself was the deaoot
of the Father; and in him Ignatius finds the type of the diaoonate (Magn, 6)
cp. Mt zx 28, Bom xv 8. > TraU, 2. « Lk U 86-7 : Acts iz U

* Mother of the eynagogue was a complimentary title in vogue among the Jewi

• zvi 14, 15, 40 1 PhU iv 2, 3.

2 OFFICES cvu

yrbade^ At Cenchreae there was a deaconets qf the church, Phoebe : and in
Tiling from Corinth to Rome & Paul mentions the names of many women,
Dme of whom lab(nired in the LordK

(4) On the way up to Jerusalem, we meet the four daughters of Philip the
vangelist, who were virgins and did prophesy. Of wonoen prophets we haye
Iready spoken (p. xcv) ; and now virgin appears to denote a definite state of
fa In pagan religions there was a recognized place for ' yii^ns ' among tbo
iiimsters of the gods: bat virginity had not received any special honoor
mong the Jews. It was otherwise in the church. In the Gospels we find
he parable of 'the ten villus'; and Mary of Bethany figures as a type of
irginity. As early as A.D. 54 the question of celibacy for the sake of similar
attendance upon the Lord' had been the subject of much discussion at
/Orinth, and in his first epistle to that church S. Paul lays down regulations
specially concerning the virgins*.

[Priest]

We have found the {mrallels to the prophets, presbyters, and rabbis, of the
lid eoclesia in the new. But there is one term which in the Acts is only used
»f the Jewish rulers, — viz. priest (Gk hiereus). Here we must distinguish,
ks in the other cases, between (1) the ordinary priests (vi 7) who did not hold
k prominent place in the life of the nation, and (2) the high-priest^ the head
if the nation, or — ^when grouped with his (eilowB—the high-priests. Of the
soiTeqx>ndence in reality in the Christian church there was no doubt, for in
dii 2 8. Luke applies to Christian prophets the word which was used of the
aoerdotal service in the temple ; and S. Paul similarly describes himself as a
meat offering at the altar (leitourgos)\ In the Revelation the four and
twenty presbyters are both kings and priests^: and when we compare the
priests and prophets of the OT and the higfi-priests and presbyters of the
Fews in the NT with the apostles and prophets, apostles and presbyters, of
iie church, there can be no doubt that the apostles are the priests (or high-
3rieats) of the new ecclesia*. The absence of the name is not hard to explain.
1) There was the danger of confusion with the Jewish priests and high-priests,
IS also with the pagan priests in the cities of the (Gentiles. (2) The popular
ileaa of priesthood were associated with the slaying of animals. But the
[Christian sacrifice was no longer the slaying of animals, and 'the priesthood
WBB changed': as the church had a new altar, so the priesthood likewise was
lew^ (3) There is a deeper reason. Christ united in himself the supreme

^ In I Tim ii 11-6 8. Paul has again to oheok the evident desixe of women to
ipeak in ohoroh and be teachers. Op. the false prophetess Jezebel who also
taught (Bev ii 20). ^ Bom xvi 6, 12. Labouring is a special mark of

ministers of the church, Acts zx 35, I Thess v 12, I Tim v 17. * I Oor

rii 35-40. See p. 490. ^ Bom xv 15-6. > Bev iv 4 : cp. i 6, v 10.

» All Christians are priests, but that does not exclude a special order of inriests :
^hey can all pn^hesy, they all know all things (IJn ii 21, 27 etc.), but this does
oot exclude special prophets and teachers. ' Heb vii 12, xiii 10.

/

cviii CHURCH AND MINISTRY CH.VI

embodiments of authority. He was High-Priest and King. Now, great as u
the emphasis laid on the kingdom in the Acts, the title of king is never applied
to the apostles : they are rather the princes of the church. For the same
reason they are not called high-priests. As members of the Lord's body and
representatiyes of his authority, they share his royalty and priesthood ; but it
is only at the end that they will be manifested, sitting on their thrones and
clothed in white, as kings and priests.

THB ACTS OP THE APOSTLES
i 1-5 Prebuse

I THE ACTS OF PETEB

THl CBXTBOH OV THS OIACUMCISION AKD PB00BBS8 TBOM JERUSALBM TO AHTIOCB

I The baptim and establiihment qf ths church at Jeriualem

(1) The preparation

i 6-11 the afleension of the Lord

12-14 the waiting disciples

15-26 the filling up of the apoetolate

(2) The baptism of the ohnroh at Pentecost

ii 1-13 the descent of the Holt Spibit

14-40 the preaching of Peter

41-47 the church *of the beginning'

(3) The consolidation of the church at Jerusalem

iii 1-iv 4 the sign of healing and Peter's sermon, followed by the arrest

iT 6-22 Peter and John before the Sanhedrin

23-31 the prayer of the church and confirmation of the apostles

32-37 the common life of the church: Joseph Barnabas

▼ 1-11 the entrance of sin : Ananias and Sapphira

12-16 signs and wonders, followed by

17-42 the arrest and trial of the Twelve

n The extension qf the church to AvUioch and admimon qf ths Oentilee

(1) The acts of Stephen and the first persecution

vi 1-7 the ordination of the Seyen

8-15 the ministiy and arrest of Stephen

Til 1-60 his defence and martyrdom

▼iii 1-3 the consequent persecution

(2) The things that arose about Stephen

(a) The acts of Philip

4-13 his preaching in Samaria

14-25 its confirmation by the apostles with the gift of the Spirit, and

their conviction of Simon Magus
26-40 the baptism of the eunuch and arrival at Gaesarea

(&) The acts of Saul

iz 1-9 his apprehension by the Lord

10-19 his baptism

20-25 his preaching to the Jews at Damasous

26-30 his reception by the apostles at Jerusalem

ex

ANALYSIS

31-43

X 1-22

23-48

xi 1-18
19-26

(c) The act of Petor in opening the door to the first Gtoiilo

the peace of the chnroh and preparatory signs

the preparation of Cornelius and of Peter

Peter at Caesarea, and his gospel for the Gkntiles: the

descent of the Spirit and baptism of Cornelias
Peter's defence to the church at Jerusalem

(d) The acts of the Hellenists

the foundation of the church at Antioch ; and preaching to
the Greeks, which is confirmed by Barnabas

III The patring of Peter and transition from Jerusalem to Antioch

27-30 the mission from Jerusalem to Antioch

zii 1-17 the second persecution, and the deliverance of Peter

18-24 the judgment of Herod, and peace

25 the mission of Barnabas and Saul from Antiooh to Jemaalem

n THB ACTS OF PAUL

THS CHTTBCH 09 TH1C UNCIRCUMCIBION AND PBOOBBSS FROM ANTIOOH TO BOMB

I The
xiii 1-3

4-12
13-52

xiv 1-7
S-18

19-28

XV 1-6
6-29
30-35
36-xvi

foork of Paul and Barnabas and its ratification by the church

(1) The Holt Spirit separates Paul and Barnabas

(2) The work of Paul and Barnabas in opening the door to the

Qentiles and founding the churches of Galatia

Cyprus Sergius Paulus and Barjesus

QaUtia Antioch of Paul's gospel for the Jews, and

turning to the Qentiles
the work confirmed by miracles
Paul's gospel for the Gentiles, and

his stoning
return and organization of the ohurohes

(3) The oonfirmation of Gentile liberty by the whole church

the oontrorersy at Antioch and Jerusalem
the ooundl at Jerusalem, and its letter
its acceptance at Antioch and peace
4 its acceptance in Syria, Cilicia, and Galatia

Antioch of

Pisidia
loonium and
lystra

n Extension qf the church in the Roman empire : the churches of

Macedonia^ Achaia, and Asia

The divine call to new work
(1) Macedonia Philippi

xvi 5-10

11-18
19-40
xvii 1-9
10-15

16-34
xviii 1-4
5-11

12-23
24-28
xix 1-7
8-10

11-19
20

(2) Achaia

(3) Asia

Thessalonica
Beroea

Athens
Corinth

Ephesus

the women and the *pytho'
imprisonment and Boman citizenship
hostile Jews
friendly Jews

Paul and philosophy

a link ¥rith Borne

breach with Jews and vision of the Loid

Paul before Gallio : he touches at Asia

the acts of ApoUos

Paul and John's disciples

the breach with the synagogue and

spread of the church
Jewish magic and Christian repentance
the triumph of the word

ANALYSIS cxi

m The patting af Paul and hit dtfence of the gospel

(1) The fulfilment of his work and joomey to Jerusalem

21-22 the Spirit directs him Homewards

23-41 the not at Ephesas : Paol and the worship of Artemis

1-3 a year in Macedonia and Aohaia: the start for Jerusalem

4-16 from Philippi to Miletus: the raining of Eutyohus

17-38 Paul's defence to the ohurch of Asia

xzi 1-14 from Miletus to Caesarea

(2) Paul the prisoner and his process
16-26 (a) Paul and the church at Jerusalem

(6) Paul and the Jews at Jerusslem

27-40 the riot in the temple and arrest

xzil 1-22 Paul's defence to the Jewish people, and

23-29 claim of Boman dtizenslup

30-xxiii 10 his trial before the Sanhedrin, and
zziii 11 eonsolatoiy vision

12-35 the conspiracy of the Jews and delivery of Paul to the governor

(e) Paul and the Romans at Caesarea

xziv 1-28 Paul's defence to the Romans, and

24-27 his preaching to Felix

xzv 1-12 the trial before Festus, and appeal to Caesar

13-27 the visit of A^ppa, and

Paul's defence to the world

(3) Paul and Some

xxvii 1-8 (a) the journey towards Italy

9-xxviii o the shipwreck and deliverance
xxviii 6-10 the winter at Malta

11-15 {h) the voyage to Italy and reception by the Boman Christians

16 Paul's entry into Bome

17-28 bis appeal to the Jews and taming to the GentileR

80-^1 Epilogue Paul preaching the kingdom at Bome

CHRONOLOGY OF

(Rome)

[14] TIBERIUS
emperor

(PaUttine)

[26] PONTIUS PILATUS
procurator of Judaea
Joeeph Caiaphoi high
priett

(The Jewt)

37 Maroh 18
CAUOULA
emperor

86 MARCBLLU8 procura-

tor
Jonathan, eon of Annat,
high prieet

87 MARULLUS procurator
Theophilm, eon ofAnnae,

high priett

41 Jan

CLA UDIUS
emperor

41 HEROD AQRIPPA I
king of Judaea
Simon Cantheras
Matthi€u, ton of Annatt
and two othtrt
high priettt

^}

86 Pilate oaases slaughter of
Samaritans at Oerizim and
is sent to Borne by Vitelfins
prefect of Syria
Herod Antipas is defeated by
Aretas king of Arabia

86-37 Vitellias at Jemsalem,
treats the Jews with favour

37 Herod Antipas is banished
to Qanl and sncoeeded by
Herod Agrippa I

88 Persecution of the Jews at

Alexandria
Philo*s embassy to Caligula

89 Caligula orders his image to

be set up in the temple:
great consternation among
the Jews
41-44 Golden times for the Jews
under Agrippa

44 CUSPIUS FADUS
procurator

THE ACTS

(JeruioUm) The Church {S. Paul)

29 FoMMover: The Craciftzion

PenUeo§t: DeaoeDt of the Spirit
29-32 Growth of the ohnieh in Jem-

Bftlem (i-T)
82 MartTrdom of 8. Stephen and per-

eecQtion 82 ConTeraion of Saul who retires to

Scattering of the charch in Jem- Arabia

salem

Philip preaches in Samaria
Peter and Jolin visit Samaria

and the Shephelah
Hellenists preach in Phenioia and Cypma

Peace and recovery of the church

at Jerusalem 84 Sanl preaches at Damascus

34 Saul at Jerusalem visits Jerasalem

retires to Tarsus

Hellenists reach Antioch and preach to Greeks

Peter viaits Caesarea and baptizes Coroellns

Baniabaa sent to the church at Antioch

41 Agrippaimlavonrablatothecharoh

42 Barnabas fetches Saul from Tarsus
The apostles leave Jerasalem to Antioch

42-48 One year's work at Antiooh

43 Prophets go down from Jerusalem to Antioch

44 Easter : Herod beheads James and

imprisons Peter
Peter leaves Jerusalem
James, the Lord's brother, head of Collection made at Antiooh for the

the church church at Jerasalem and sent by

Herod's death restores peaoe to the Barnabas and Saul

church

B. A. h

i

0X1?

CHRONOLOGY OF

(Rome)

(Palettine)

TIBERIUS ALEXAN'

DER procurator
AnaniMfion o/Nedebaioi,

high priest

48 VENTIDIUS CUMA^
NUS procurator

49 Seneoa reoallad from
baniehment
EzpolBion of the Je wi
from Borne

{The Jewt)

45 Helena queen of Adiabene

visits JenunJem
Famine in Judaea, Helena's

great generosity
Alexander execntes the soxui

of Judas of GalUee (v 87)

Conflicts with Boman autho-
rity under Ventidius Cuma-
nus

Herod Agrippa U made king
of Ghalcis

Collisions between Jews and
Samaritans lead to fall of
Ventidius Cumanus

C2 ANTONIUS FELIX
procurator

64 Oct. NERO
emperor

55 Nero murders Britannicus
his brother
Pallas (Felix* brother)
loses his influence

67 PORCIUS FESTUS
procurator

Felix marries Agrippa'a sisteir

Drusilla
Felix suppresses the brigands
Assassination of Jonathan,

son of Annas, and growth

of the Sioarii
The Egyptian Jew (xxi 3d)

Biots between Jews and Gen-
tiles at Caesarea cause recall
of Felix

69 Nero murders his mother Agrippina

c. 69 Itmaelf Joseph Kahi, Anamtt ton of
-70 Annatf aiid othere, high priettt

61 ALBINUS procurator
62 Death of Bnrrhns

Nero marries Poppaea
a Jewish proselyte

62 0ES8IUS FLORUS

procurator

64 Great fire of Bome and per-

secution of Christians

65 Conspiracy of Piso and

dea& of Seneoa

68 June 9 : Death of Nero

66 Outbreak of Jewish war
70 Destruction of Jerusalem

THE ACTS

cxv

IJenuaUm)
45 Barnabas and Baal at Jernsalem

The Church

(S. Paul)

4S Connoil at Jerusalem

51 Faol's fourth yisit to Jernsalem

46 tpring : Paul and Barnabas start for
their first journey, visit Oynms
and Galatia, retom to Antiocn in

47 autumn: Disputes abont oireomd-
sion ; (? Peter at Antioch ;) delegates
sent to Jerusalem

48 autumn: Paul and Silas leave An-
tioeh, visit Gilioia and Oaiatia,

49 MacedoniaandAohaia,reachCk>rinth
by winter

(I II Theualoniant)

50 Paul at Oorinth

51 tpring: Paul leaves Corinth, visits
Jernsalem and Antioch {iOala-
tiam), traverses (Hlatia, and

Apollos at Ephesus and Gonnth

autumn: comes to Ephesus
52-58 Paul at Ephesus

55 PenUcoit: Paul comes to Jerusalem
His arrest and despatch to Caesarea
55-57 Paul in custody at Caesarea
{^EpittU of James)

67 Paul is tried by Festus and appeals
to Caesar, and
late Mumnur: is sent to Bome

61 In the interval between Festus'
dAsth and the arrival of Albinus
Ananus son of Annas causes the
death of B. James

(5. Mark*i Qotpel)
{8. Matthew's Gotpel)

68 Flight of the church of Jerusalem
to Pella

54 ivring: (I Corinthiant) Biot at

Ephesus; Paul leaves the city
tum$ner: in Ifaoedonia [lOalatiatu)

{II Corinthiaru)
winter: at Corinth {Romatui)

55 Easter: Paul sails f^om PhiUppi for

Jerusalem

57 autumn: the shipwreck
57-58 winter: at Malta

58 spring: arrival at Bome
58-tiO Paul in free custody at Bome

iPhilippiaTis)
Ephe*ians,Oolossians,Philemon)
CO Paul liberated

Misflionory journeys

{S, Luke's Gospel and Acts)
(PoMUyral Epistles)

64 Martyrdom of S. Paul
(J Peter)
Martyrdom of S. Peter

{J Epistle to the Hebrews)

A

ADDENDA

Page Ivii (2). It shotild have been made clear that the garrison of Judaea was
drawn, not from the legions, bnt from the auxiliary forces, which were to
some extent raised locally (Monmisen in Hermes xix (1884) p. 217).

p. 170. The Latin form of Christian^ the reappearance of the term in Festns'
court at Caesarea (xzyi 28), and the quasi-official epithet of tnott exeelUnt
giyen to the Theophilus to whom the Acts is dedicated, — these data incline
many scholars to look to the circle of Latin officials at Antioch for the
origin of the name of CHRISTIAN.

p. 802 note *. Mr Worrall has informed me that the quotation in the commentary
is taken from the description of the city of Euryodmis, at the opening of a
Greek novel 'Concerning Hysmine and Hysminia,' which was written by
a certain Eumathius or Eustathius (in Didot's Erotiei Scriptaret). Very
little is known of this Eumathius, except that he wrote at a late date —
*not later than the twelfth century* {DicL Clauie, Biography), Henoe
the words were not 'spoken of Athens by an ancient writer' — unless indeed
Eumathius borrowed his sentence from a classical author. The same
must be said of a quotation from Petronius, which is often met with in
comments on Acts xvii 16, to the effect that [at Athens] one could sooner
find a god than a man : in the original there is no reference to Athens.

p. 857. To the names given on this page should be added that of Philip
the apostle, who— according to Polycrates of Ephesus (quoted by
Eusebius, H. E, iii 81, ▼ 24)— was buried at Hierapolis, together with
two of his daughters ; a third daughter being buried at Ephesus. There
may however be some confusion here with Philip the evaugelist.

THE ACTS OF THE APOSTLES

PART I

(Ch. 1-12)

THE ACTS OF PETER

THE CHURCH OF THB CIRCUMCISION

AND

PROGRESS FROM JERUSALEM TO ANTIOCH

/

/

DIVISION I

(=Ch. 1-5)

THE BAPTISM AND ESTABLISHMENT OF THE

CHURCH AT JERUSALEM

'rom e. A.D. 29 to 32, Tiberitu being emperor qf Borne, Pontius Pilate
governor of Jvdaea, Herod Antipas tetrareh of Galilee and Joseph
Cainphas high priest.

SECTION I (= Ch. 1)
The Preparatioii

hitroductory

*The former treatise I made, 0 Theophilus, concerning
uU that Jesus began both to do and to teach, 'until the day in
^Iiich he was received up, after that he had given command-
Uient through the Holy Ghost unto the apostles whom he
had chosen : to whom he also shewed himself alive after his
passion by many proofs, appearing unto them by the space
of forty days, and speaking the things concerning the kingdom

^ Qk The firtt word: cp. Lk i 1-4. ' The Btartiug point is not mentioned

^ some Bezan texts read here in the day when he chote the apostles through the
H0I9 Qko»t and commanded them to preach the gospel, to whom etc. In verse 5 also
Mn)« read— bu/ ye sliall baptize with the Holy Ghost wliom ye are also about to receive,

1—2

4 INTRODUCTION i i-s

4 of God : and, * being assembled together with them, he
charged them not to depart from Jerusalem, but to wait for
the promise of the Father, which, said lie, ye heard from me :

5 for John indeed baptized with water ; but ye shall be baptized
with the Holy Ghost not many days hence.

1 S. Luke begins his second Word, as he had begun the first, with
a loDff prefatory sentence. This sums up the conclusion of the
Gospel and gives the three keynotes of the treatise to follow.
(1) The subject of the Acts is the same as that of the Gospel, viz.
the words and deeds of Jesus. For the Gospel was only the beginning :
it contained what Jestis began to do and to teach up to his as-
cension. This word began, which is frequent in the first three
gospels and is still characteristic of the Acts', teaches us that the
worK of the church now to be described is still the work of the

2 Lord, although he has now been taken up into heaven. Before
his ascension however he had (2) given commandment to the
Apostles, who were to represent him and wliom he had chosen for
that purpose out of the larger circle of disciples as recorded in
the Grospel'. The commanchnent was, as the Bezan text adds,
to preach tlie gospel^] and the Acts is the history of the fulfil-
ment of their commission. Once more (3) this commandment was
given through the Holy Ghost, which is another keynote of the Acts.
The Lord had himself been * anointed with the Spirit,* and all he
did and taught in the gospel was in tliat 'power' (x 3S\ On the
evening of me resurrection when giving his charge to tne apostles
he had breathed on them and said * Receive ye the Holy Ghost,' and
henceforth all his work in the church through the apostles is to be
in the same power.

3 For fulfilling the command the apostles needed special pre-
paration. (1) They had to bear witness of the resurrection and
so needed full assurance for themselves. Accordingly during an
interval of forty days he appeared or rendered himself visible
unto them* on several occasions, and proved himself to be
living by incontestable evidence, e.g. such as that afforded by touch
and bv eating*. (2) They had to establish the kingdom qf God, and
therefore needed instruction concerning it. Of tiiQ instruction
which the Lord gave the Gospels afford us specimens, though but
fragmentary ^ ftom them we learn that it included (a) a summary
of the gospel, viz, the death and resurrection of tiie Christ and
forgiveness of sins through his name, which gospel was the key to

1 Marg eating with tJiem. * See especiaUy i 22, x 37 : op. ii 4, viii 85, xi 16,

xviii 26. « Lk vi 13 : cp. Jn vi 70, xv 16. * x 42. The oommand ifl

recorded in the Gospels — Mt xxyiii 19, 20, Mk xvi 15, Jn xx 21 and Lk xxiT 47
which is almost a summary of the Acts. ^ The Gk is a rare word, speoiaUy

appropriate to heavenly appearances : cp. xxvi 19, Lk i 22, xxiy 23, 11 Cor xii 1.
> The Gk word (ftigns) is technical for this kind of proof: cp. Lk xxiv 39, 43, I Jn
i 1. ' Cp. Mt xxviii 18-20, Mk xvi 15-18, Lk xxiv 44-49, Jn xx 21-23.

I s-5 INTRODUCTION 5

the true interpretation of the Old Testament : (6) a command to
preachy this gospel to all the world and to make disciples,
'baptizing' and 'teaching' them : (V) a commission to represent the
Lora as ne had represented the rather, and this representation
carried with it the power to forgive and retain sins. (3) For their
difficult work the apostles needed a personal equipment. As the
Lord had been baptized with the Spint and power, so they needed
a baptism to make them new men full of strength, and to enable
them to represent tlie Lord with authority.

4 With a special view to this last need the Lord appeared to the
apostles. The occasion may have been some solemn meal to which
S. Peter may allude in x 41 : for the Greek word for being assembled
together (a very rare one) may be taken, as by S. Chrysostom and
the margm, as while eating with them. On this occasion then the
Lord gave them a definite charge to wait at Jerusalem /or the
promise of the Father, i.e. the Holy Spirit ^ This promise the
Lord had plainly given for the first time in his discourses at the
last supper as recorded by S. John. S. John however does not use
the wora promise, which belongs to S. Paul's vocabulary. But the
title the Father is very Johannine, and its occurrence here and in
verse 7 is a sign of the genuineness of the narrative', just as the
sudden change from indirect to direct speech (said he is not in the
Greek) is characteristic of the dramatic style of S. Luke. The

5 Ijord himself explains the promise as baptism in the Holy Spirit,
The preparation for the gospel had been a baptism of repentance*.
This nad been preached by John the Baptist, and some at least of
the apostles liad received that baptism. But John had only bap-
tized with water, and the tnie baptism is * of water and the Spirit *
(Jn iii 5). Such baptism had hitherto been impossible, for *the
Spirit was not yet, because Jesus was not yet glonfied ' TJn vii 39),
i.e. he had not ^et ascended to heaven and in his glorifiea humanity
received that gift for men.

§ 1 The Ascension

The ascension of the Lord is a connecting link between the Gospel
and the Acts, and so it occurs in both. It is the end of the Lord's
'sojoaming' on earth: it is also the immediate preparation for the
descent of the Holy Ghost. The two cardinal events however are the
resurrection and the gift of the Spirit at Pentecost : and the ascension
holds an intermediate position. There was not much reference to it in
the earlv apostolic teaching, and apparently it did not at first mark
sach a break as it does to us now. The apostles did not know but
that the Lord might shew himself again at any moment, as he did in
fact to S. StejAen, to S. Paul and S. Jolm : and in I Cor xv 5-8

^ ii 33, Lk xziT 49. ' Elsewhere in the Acts it only occurs onoe, ii 33.

< Cp. X 37, xiii 24. For John's work see Mt iii, Mk i 2-11, Lk iii 1-22, Jn i
19-36: and for references to it in the Acts see i 22, x 37, xi 16, xiii 2i-^,
ZTiii 24-xix 7.

i

6 THE ASCENSION 1 5-6

S. Paul ennmerates the appearances after the resurrection without
allusion to the ascension. The 'great forty days/ which preceded the
ascension, occupy a similar intermediate position, and this may account
for the scantiness of our information concerning them. It is clear that
the apostles waited in Jerusalem until the 8tn day after Easter, when
the Lord appeared to them the second time (Jn xx 26). Then they
went to Galilee where they saw him for the third time (Jn xxi 14). At
some other appearance in Galilee the Lord must have directed the
Eleven once more to return to Jerusalem. For the scene of his
exaltation on the cross — his own city — must be the scene of his
exaltation in gloiy ; and * the law must go forth out of Zion and the
word of the Lord, from Jerusalem ' (Isai ii 3). In Jerusalem he met
them once more — perhaps in the same upper chamber which was the
scene of the last supper. And then, after a farewell discourse, the
Good Shepherd *led them out' of the city across Cedron to the
mount of Olives (as seven weeks before he had led them by the same
path to Gethsemane) and there was parted from them in the manner
now to be related.

The other accounts of the ascension are given in Mk xvi 19 and
Lk xxiv 50-53 ; we must also bear in mind the kindred scene of the
transfiguration in Mt xvii 1-8, Mk ix 2-8, Lk ix 28-36 together with
the ascension of Elijah in the OT (II Kings ii).

6 They therefore, when they were come together, asked him,
saying. Lord, dost thou at this time restore the kingdom to

7 Israel ? And he said unto them, ^ It is not for you to know
times or seasons, wliich the Father hath 'set within Iiis own

8 authority. But ye shall receive power, when the Holy Ghost
is come upon you : and ye shall be my witnesses both in
Jerusalem, and in all Judaea and Samaria, and unto the

9 uttermost part of the earth. And when he had said these
things, as they were looking, he was taken up ; and a doud

10 received him out of their sight. And while they were looking
stedfastly into heaven as he went, behold, two men stood by

1 1 them in white apparel ; which also said, Ye men of Gralilee,
why stand ye looking into heaven? this Jesus, which was
received up from you into heaven, shall so come in like

1 2 manner as ye beheld him going into heaven. Then returned
they unto Jerusalem from the mount called Olivet, which is
nigh unto Jerusalem, a sabbath day's journey o£

6 The apostles' (question shews how much they need the enlighten-
ment of the Spirit. Still, in spite of the lesson of the crucifixion,

^ Bczan No one can know — a Johannine phrase. ' Marg c^poinUd 5y.

1 6^ THE ASCENSION 7

they retain the old Jewish idea of the Messianic ' kingdom of God *
as a glorious empire of Israel : and now after the resurrection they
are still more confident than when on the journey up to Jerusalem
they had thought that it was * immediately to appear' (Lk xix 11).
Their expectation was indeed to be realized, but m a very different
way to wbat they expected ; the Acts ends with the establishment
of the kingdom even at Rome, but at the cost of the rejection of the
old Israel. They now ask if the time has come for the restoration
to Israel of the kingdoniy which God in his original purpose had
destined for Israel and which he had promised throughout the OT.
The glorious promises in the prophets shewed that the 'restoration'
of this kingdom would be the consummation of the present world, in
tact the 'restoration of all things^' This restoration is nothing else
than the manifestation of the glory of the Messiah, so the apostles
really are repeating a (]juestion which they had asked beiore* —
*when shall be thy coming and the end of the world?'

There was among the Jews much curiosity as to the time of ' the
age to come*' : just as at a later time a siimlar curiosity vexed the

7 Christians at Thessalonica. But the Lord once for all rebukes such
curiosity or impatience, It is not for you to know times or seasons.
To the view of the Father of all things lay open the whole plan of
creation, the times or critical moments of its history and the seasons
or epochs of its orderly development : but these he had set, i.e.
reserved, within his own authority. The translation of the mardn
which he hath appointed by his own authority* makes them equally
lie within his sole jurisdiction. The time of the final hour had
not even been revealed to the Son in his humanity. Authority
had been given him to execute the judj^ement (Jn v 27) but not to
know the time. And as he had come into the world not to satisfy
cariosity but to give life : so he was sending his apostles not to

8 utter predictions but to proclaim the gospel of salvation. For this
work they needed divine assistance or power, which they would
receive when the Holy Ghost came upon them. The gospel itself
was simply the message of what Jesus had done. The apostles had
simply to bear witness to what they had heard and seen, and in

Krncular to the crucifixion and resurrection of the Lord. So the
rd gives the definition of the apostolate which lies at the root of
the Acts of the Apostles. The ' apostles ' are simply ' witnesses of
Jesus' ' ; and as the resurrection was the crucial fact which proved
the divine sonship of Jesus, an ' apostle ' is in particular one who
can bear witness that with his own eyes he has seen the risen
Jesus. This is stated again and again — i 22, ii 32, iii 15, v 32,

1 iii 21 : cp. Mt xvil 11, Mk ix 12. * Mt xxiv 3, Mk xiu 4. > This is evident
from the contemporary apocalyptic literature, e.g. Apoe. Baruch xlviii 2 f. Cp.
I Thets V 1 folL, n IL ^ So in xx 28, which is rather S. Paul's ase of the word :

ep. I Cor xii 18, 28, 1 Th v 9. S. Luke usually means set ; cp. v 4, xix 21, Lk i 66,
ix 44, xxi 44. Cp. Judith ii 2. ^ So the Lord's own work was to bear witneM

to the trutli (Jn XYiii 37).

8 THE ASCENSION 1 8-1 1

X 39, 41, xiii 31, xxii 15, xxvi 16 — ^and it becomes a criterion of an
'apostle' to ask, Has he * seen Jesus our Lord ' (I Cor ix 1) ? In further
defimng the sphere of the witness the Lord sums up the external
history of the Acts : it is (1) to begin ^ from JeruscUem' ch. ii-vii,
(2) to pass to all Judaea and Samaria^ viii-ix 31, — at present the
extreme limit of the narrow Jewish ideas of the disciples : (8) but
the bounds of Jewish narrowness are to be burst one after another
until the church is planted at Rome, and the capital of the empire
where (to quote Irenaeus' words) * all meet from every quarter ' will
represent the uttermost part of the earthy x-xxviii\
9 When the Lord had said this, as we learn from the Gospel, he
lifted up his hands in blessing and so was parted from them. He
was taken up from the earth m his * bodily form ' (Lk iii 22) in the
sipht of their eyes until a bright cloud intervened and concealed
Imn as at the transfiguration. In the language of the creed he
was raised up to * the right hand of the Father.' As God is spirit,
this is of course a metapnor. But the reality cannot be represented
to us otherwise. What is signified is that the manhood of Jesus
was exalted to heaven or glorified, A foretaste of this had been
given at the transfiguration. But now, having died and risen
again, the Son returns to the glory which he had with the Fathsb
before the world was (Jn xvii 5) : he reassumes all those glories of
deity of wliich he had emptied himself at the incarnation, and in
this glorification the human nature which he then assumed has now
a part. What are the conditions of a human body, glorified and
united with deity, it is impossible for us in our present state to
conceive or imagine. In the Old Testament the incomprehensible-
ness of the divine nature was typified by a cloud which hid Jrhovah
from human view : so now the numan body of Jesus is concealed by
the same cloud which is the cloud of the Shekinah or divine gloiy.
He is now *in glory'.'

10 The apostles gaze intently* into space. But as the women at
the tomb were recalled from groping among the dead (Lk xxiv 5)
so were the apostles from star-gazing. As then, so now, ttvo men
clothed in white — in such a form do angels appear — address tiiem :

11 Men of Galilee — ^as if to remind them of their lowly origin* — toAy
stand ye looking into hea^ven? As with the women, so reflection
would suffice to shew the apostles their line of duty, for their work
lay on earth. Nevertheless the angels have a 'gospel' to console
them. The restoration of the kingdom will take place, the Messiah
will come again : and though the circumstances will be very dijOferent^
for he will come on the clouds of heaven with all the angels and ihe
glory of the Father, yet he will come iii like manner, i.e. in his

^ Cp. Lk xxiv 47. Prof. Enowling (in the Expositors* Gk Test.) points oat that
in the Psalms of Solomon (viii 16) Pompey is described as he that is from the utter-
most part of the earth, * vii 55-6, xxii 11, 1 Tim iii 16 : op. yii 3 CM of the
plorii, * This word is characteristio of S. Luke ; op. iii 4, 12, vi 15, fix 55. z 4»
xi b; xiii 9, xiv 9. xxiii 1. * Jn i 46, Tii 41, 62.

I 11-13 THE DISCIPLES 9

human nature. He who will come is this same Jesus who is now
12 tcJsen up from you. Fortified by this gospel, the apostles return to
Jerusalem, even 'with great joy*.'

The note about the sabbath day*s journey implies a Jewish
source, the expression would be strange to Gentile ears at Rome.
But there would be a reason for its use if the ascension happened
on a sabbath day, which is the inference drawn by S. Chrysostom :
and certainly the sabbath would have been the most appropriate day
for the Lord to have entered into his rest (Hebr iv 10). Ii the forty
days were reckoned exclusively they would bring us to a Saturday.
The observance of Ascension Day on a Thursday cannot be traced
back earlier than the 4th century, and the day was probably ob-
tained by counting forty days after Easter. Forty was the Jewish
round number.

§ 2 Tlie waiting disciples

S. Luke now gives us the first of his pictures of church life at
Jerusalem. But it is anticipating to speak of ' the church ' : we sliall
not meet with the word till v 11 (or possibly ii 47). At present we
have 88 in the time of the Lord's ministry (l) a more or less unorga-
nized body or multitude of disciples who are known as the brethren
(verse 15). Their number amounted to about 120\ that is the number
of the brethren at Jerusalem, for there must have been many more in
Galilee, where the Lord had appeared to over 500. The mention of
names seems almost to imply some register or roll.

(2) In this body a ^oup stands out prominent and distinct from
* the rest ' (Lk xxiv 9, 33;. They are the Eleven, and S. Luke marks
their importance by giving their names, though in fact only three will
recur again. The list agrees with that in his Gospel — except that
John IB now next to Peter, as ho will appear in the history*. Thomas
is also coupled with Philip : they both were brought into prominence
at the passion and resurrection. The Eleven are the nucleus of the
ccHnmunity, and they have as their rendezvous or headquarters the
upper chamber. The Jews used the upper parts of their houses for
puiposes of meditation and retirement; so S. Peter went upon the
nousetop to pray at Joppa (x 9, cp. xx 8). This upper chamoer was
no doubt the scene of the last supper* and of the gatnerings after the
resurrection. It may have been m the house of Mary the mother of
Mark (xii 12) : and it holds an important place as the cradle of the
church in Jerusalem.

Besides the Eleven there are other groups — first (3) the women and
Mary the mother qf Jesus. A company of women Kad followed the
Lord and his disciples and contributed to their support in the days of
his Galilean ministay. Among them were included Mary Magdalene,

^ Lk xiiy 52 : op. Jn zvi 22. ' i.e. ten times twelve : op. the 144,000 of

Bev Tii. > iii 1 : cp Lk xxii 8, Jn xx 2. ^ Tliougb a different Greek word

is used in the Gospels.

i

10 THE DISCIPLES i 13-14

another Mary, Salome, Joanna, Susanna, and others. They Iiad come
up on the laist joume}r to Jerusalem, and some of them Iiad won the
great reward of receiving the first tidings of his resurrection and of
being the first witnesses of the risen Lord. It was this privilege,
and the addition of the mother of Jesus, which won for tnem tto
high place in the church, which was so contrary to oriental custom.
Next to them came (4) a group, honoured because of their blood-
relationship to the Lord, his brethren. One of these, James, will
come into great prominence in the history of the church of Jerusalem.

Among 'the rest* must have been some who had campanied with
the apostles since the baptism of John, such as Joseph Barsabbas,
Mattnias, and many of tne Seventy ; personal friends of the Lord as
Lazarus, Martha and Mary; disciples such as the 'goodman of the
house' (Mk xiv 14): Cleopas, John Mark and his mother Mary:
Mnason of Cyprus (xxi 16). We may probably add Joseph Barnaras
and Silas, and possibly Simon of Cyrene, Joseph of Arimathaea and
Nicodemus. In the Gospel of S. Luke we find the same groups
— ^the body of disciples (vi 13), the women (viii 2, 3) and the Twelve
(vi 14, xxiv 9, 10, 33). Their life is now described.

13 And when they were come in, they went up into the
.upper chamber, where they were abiding ; both Peter and

John and James and Andrew, Philip and Thomas, Bartholo-
mew and Matthew, James th4i son of Alphseus, and Simon the

14 Zealot, and Judas the son of James. These all with one
accord continued stedfastly in prayer, with the women, and
Mary the mother of Jesus, and with his brethren.

There is as yet little sign of organization. There is no mention of
teaching or breaking of bread, but only of their unanimity. They
were all together Tverse 15). But strictly speaking this description in
w. 13-4 only applies to the Eleven and the associated groups. Their
life was one of abiding or expectant waiting; its characteristic was
cleaving stedfastly to the Lord and one anomer in constant prayer^.
Such prayer included regular attendance at the temple worship, but no
doubt the upper chamber was still a centre for reunions among them-
selves. The dominant element of the prayer was praise (Lk xxiv 53).

§ 3 The fUling up of Hhe Twelve'

The one incident of this interval which S. Luke has elected to record
stamps at once the fundamental position of the apostolate, i.e. of *the
Twelve.' Upon the foundations of the new Jerusalem are the twelve
names of the twelve apostles of the Lamb (Rev xxi 14), and as the
foundations are now to be laid the place of the name that has been
erased must be filled. The fate of Judas resembles the fete of

^ This close adhesion is a regular maik of ohorch life : cp. ii 42, 4G, vi 4, vlii 13.

I 15-26 THE APPOINTMENT OF MATTHIAS 11

Ahithophel in II Sam xvii 23, and the substitution of Matthias in his
room is parallel to the substitution of the house of Zadok for the house
of Eli (II Sam ii 30-35, I Ki^s ii 35) and of Eliakun for Shebna the
treasurer in Isai xxii 15-25. For similar contrasts compare amon^ the
prophets Samson and Samuel, among the kings Saul and David.

15 And in these days Peter stood up in the midst of the
brethren^ and said (and there was a multitude of * persons

16 gathered together, about a hundred and twenty), Brethren,
it was needful that the scripture should be fulfilled, which
the Holy Ghost spake before by the mouth of David con-

17 ceming Judas, who was guide to them that took Jesus. For
he was numbered among us, and received his 'portion in this

18 ministry. (Now this man obtained a field with the reward
of his iniquity ; and fiiUing headlong, he burst asunder in the

19 midst, and all his bowels gushed out. And it became known
to all the dwellers at Jerusalem; insomuch that in their
language that field was called Akeldama, that is. The field of

20 blood.) For it is written in the book of Psalms,

'Let his habitation be made desolate.
And let no man dwell therein:
and,

His ^office let another take.

21 Of the men therefore which have companied with us all
the time that the Lord Jesus went in and went out among us,

22 beginning from the baptism of John, imto the day that he
was received up irom us, of these must one become a witness
with us of his resurrection.

23 And they put forward two, Joseph called Barsabbas, who

24 was sumamed Justus, and Matthias. And they prayed, and
said. Thou, Lord, which knowest the hearts of all men, shew

25 of these two the one whom thou hast chosen, to take the
place in this 'ministry and apostleship, from which Judas fell

26 away, that he might go to his own place. And they gave
lots for them ; and the lot fell upon Matthias ; and he was
numbered with the eleven apostles.

18 Into a narrative which evidently comes from an Hebraic source
S. Luke has inserted a note of his own (vv. 18-9)*. It was the

» Gk name$. > Gk lot {eUrot). » Pbs Ixix 25 and cix 8. * Gk

episeopi, AV bithoprick, ^ Gk dietconia, * For a flimilar note see Lk vii 29-30.

S

1

12 THE FATE OF JUDAS 1 15-22

tradition which he had found current about the years 55 to 57 in the
church at Jerusalem as to the fiette of Judas : and this tradition
was the popular Jewish explanation of a local name Akeldama.
S. Matthew (xxvii 3-10) gives another and somewhat diflferent tradi-
tion : and indeed there seems to have been a third account of Judas*
end handed down in the church by Papias bishop of Hierapolis\ All
accounts agree in the fact of a terrible end. S. Matthew makes this
follow immediately upon the crime. But this is probably due to a fore-
shortening in the retrospect. S. Luke's narrative plainly implies some
interval, at least enough to have bought the field. When S. Peter
speaks of Judas' * own place/ he does not necessarily refer to (Jehenna.
He makes no allusion to Judas' fate where we might have expected it^
e.g. before the Sanhedrin. Nor do we hear of any awe fallmg upon
those that heard of it, as after the deaths of Ananias and Sapphira.
Accordingly we conclude that Judas did satisfy his covetousness by the
purchase of an estate (verse 18) with the 30 pieces of silver, and that
at some subsequent time he committed suicide on his property by
hanging himself or casting himself down a precipice. Both methods
are reconciled in the version which S. Augustine quotes : he hanged
himself and faUing headlong on his face (through the rope breaking^
he burst asunder in the midst. This was enough to make the ground
polluted or accursed : it was set apart by the authorities as a burying
ground for aliens and got the name of Field of Blood.

15 In filling up the vacant place of Judas the Eleven do not as we
might have expected use the method of cooptation, but notwithstand-
ing their distinct position seek the cooperation of the whole body of
brethren. S. Feter takes the initiative, and in his address we perceive

16 the result of the Lord's having 'opened their mind to understand the
scriptures ' : S. Peter now understands * what had been written in
the rsalms concerning him ' (Lk xxiv 44-5). In the Psalms among
the sorrows of the persecuted righteous is the treachery of his most
intimate friend : and the scripture must be fulfilled. This then
explained the problem which had baffled the apostles: how could
Judas have played the part of traitor— one whom the Lord himself

17 had chosen and had numbered among themselves, i.e. the Twelve, to
whom he had allotted, as his portion, this service of the apostle-

20 ship ? It was part of the divine plan. But Judas must also suffer
the fate of the traitor, and S. Peter probably read the whole passage
of judgement in the Messianic psdm (Ixdc 22-28), out oi which
S. Luke selected verse 25 because of the allusion to the habitation
or * field.' But a passage in another psalm (cix 8) implies that the
traitor's ojjice — in the Greek, his overseership or episcopate — is not

21 to remain vacant. As the scripture must be fidfiued, this is

22 equivalent to a command. Accordingly the apostolic college mast
be filled up by the appointment of a new apostle. An apostle is *a
witness of Jesus' (i 8), i.e. (1) a mitness of his resurrection, but also

^ See Gebbardt and Haraaok Pair. Apost. (ed. miuor) p. 73.

1 22-26 THE APPOINTMENT OF MATTHIAS 13

(2) of all he said and did, i.e. of his ministry which began from the
baptism of John,

The case of Judas was a warning to the apostles to distrust their

23 human judgement, and so the final decision is left to God. But first,
out of those who were quaUfied the brethren select two, whom they
put forward or set forth in the midst of the assembly. These two
were Matthias and Joseph, distinguished by a surname Barsabbas^
from the numerous other Josephs, such as Josepli Barnabas, Joseph
of Arimathaea : Joseph Barsaboas also rejoiced in a Latin surname
— Justus or the Righteous, a name which betokened faithful
observance of the law^, and so was also given by the Jews to

24 James the Lord's brother. Then to ascertain the divine choice
(1) they prayed. This is the first recorded public nrayer of
the church. S. Peter was no doubt their spokesman, ana he uses
the same attribute of Grod as he does in xv 8 — knowinq the hearts
The prayer is addressed either to God the Father as in iv 24 ; or to
*the Lord,* viz. Jesus, to whom they had been accustomed to appeal
in every difficulty and of whose presence (though unseen) they were
fully conscious. They were convinced that he had already c/iosen
one to fill this place of ministry, as he had originally chosen the

25 Twelve : and they ask him to make the appointment by shewing
his choice. Judas had transgressed or stepped aside from his place
of ministry to ao to the place which was his otvn. It is generally
supposed that by this place S. Peter means Gehenna : and certainly
Clement, Ignatius, ana Polycarp speak of *the place' of glory or
punishment hereafter\ But that use was probablv taken from this
passage interpreted in the light of Judas' fate. In the Scriptures
'place' is generally used of position in this world, and *his own'
stands for * nome ' m Jn xix 29. However whether it were Gehenna
or the old worldly life, Judas* place was his deliberate choice and
his proper home in harmony with his character. The prayer of the
disciples shews us the true aim of prayer. They dia not pray to
alter or direct the choice of the Lord, but that they might know

26 his win. To learn that they then (2) cast lots. The choice of him
who reads the heart, as in the case of David (1 Sam xvi), shewed that
*iiie Lord seeth not as man seeth ' : t/ie lot fell not upon ' the Just '
bat upon Matthias, who was therefore formally reckoned among and
with ' the Eleven,* i.e. he was now an ' Apostle.'

The extreme fidelity of this record is proved not only by its
Hebraic character but by the circumstances, (i) There is the
absence of organization. Only passive verbs are usea, must be made,
wets reckoned : for Matthias was appointed neither by the apostles nor
by the church, but directly by the Lord. It was entirely his doing ;

1 There is tmoertainty as to the meaning of the name and its derivation. Bar
means ton. If the word is a patron3rmic — san of Sabba — Joseph might be a brother
of Jadas Barsabbas of zy 22. » Gp. Lk i 6. > Cp. Jerem zi 20, zyii 10,

zz 12. ^ Clem, ad Cor, 5, Ign. ad Magn, 5, Polyc. ad Phil, 9. Cp. Num xziv 6
(of Balaam).

I

14 PENTECOST 1 26-n

and we have a picture of the disciples acting just as in tlie old gospel
days, the only difierence being that the Lord's presence is invisible to
the eye. ^2) Similarly there is no mention of laying on of hands or
the gift 01 the Holy Spirit, for *the Spirit was not yet' (3) The
method of casting lots adopted for learning the Lord's will is thoroucUy
in the spirit of the OT. This primitive method disappears after Pen-
tecost; henceforth the apostles are guided not by external signs
but by the indwelling Spirit. The word lot {cUros) however was
retained in its OT usage to denote the ministry, and in the word
clergy remains with us to this day. It denoted (a) those on whom the
lot of God's choice had fallen, and (b) those who were Gtod's lot or
portion, and both senses ran into one.

This incident concludes the preparation for the descent of the Holy
Ghost. The Lord, the bestower of the Spirit, is prejjared by the
glorification of his human nature : the church, which is to receive
the Spirit, is prepared (a) inwardly by the spirit of prayer, (6) organi-
cally oy the completion of the apostolate.

SECTION II ( = Ch. 2)
The Baptism of the Church at Pentecost

In the Gospel, after the preparation in the first chapter, we come to
the birth of the Lord, who was ' conceived of the Holy Ghost, bom of
the Virgin Mary.' So in the 2nd chapter of the Acts we seem to
read the fulfilment of a prophecy similar to that made to the Virgin,
The Holy Ghost shall come upon thee and the power of the Matt High
shall overshadow thee^ and the day of Pentecost is commonly spoken of
as the birthday of the church. But this is not quite accurate. We
read of the working of the Spirit before Pentecost — in the first chapter
of S. Luke's Gospel, and in the Old Testament. On Easter Day the
Lord had breathed on the apostles and said Receive ye the Holy Ghost,
Similariy the church was already in existence when the Lord laid the
foundations by choosing the Twelve : it existed in the Old Testament,
for the people of Israel were * the church of God ' (vii 38) : it existed
indeed before the foundation of the world in the mind of God. What
then does Pentecost represent ? What change is effected by the out-
pouring of the Spirit ?

The change lies in the relation of the Holy Spirit to the human
spirit. This relation was made quite new. Previously the Holy Spirit
had acted on men from without, like an external force ; as the prophet
Ezekiel describes it, *the hand of the Lord was upon me.' But now
the Holy Spirit acts from within. He is in man (Jn xiv 17). Before
Pentecost his manifestations had been transient and exceptional : now
his presence in man's heart is an 'abiding' one and regular. This
change had become possible because the Holy Spirit is * the Spirit of
Jesus ' (xvi 7). It was the union of the divine and human natures in

k

n THE BAPTISM OF THE SPIRIT 15

the person of Jesus Christ which first made it possible for the divine

Spirit to dwell in a hnman personality. When the Word was made

flesh, the Holy Ghost became the Spirit of the man Jesus ; and now

that Jesus was glorified the Spirit of Jesus was become the Spirit of

consummated humanity, and through the channel of that humanity he

could be poured out upon the brethren of Jesus. This new presence

of die Spirit has also a corresponding effect on human society. Being

the Spirit of the Son of Man, the church which his indwelling creates

is & universal church : no longer the church of a small select race but

the church of humanity.

On earth then the day of Pentecost marks the beginning of this new

^lation. It is the beginning of the new spiritual lue of tne church —

its second birth. And the characteristic of this life is Power. A

ti&asformation takes place, the apostles are new men, all fear of the

Jews 18 ffone. Peter, but now afraid of a servant girl, stands up boldly

^ote Sll the people. The apostles' tongues are loosed and three

^oufiand are converted. The work of the church begins. Now in

^^ Oospel the Lord's ministry began after his baptism when he was

'anointed with the Holy Ghost and with power' (x 38) : and accordingly

'^J^ we have not the birth, but the second birth, the baptism of the

^hurch. So the Lord himself had spoken of it as the baptism in the

Spirit (i 5).

When the Lord was baptized, there came a voice from heaven and

H^ appearance of a dove ; so the baptism of the church is attended by

^^Kiilar eztraordinaiy phenomena — an appearance of fire, a noise from

^l^ven, and an unusual 'voice' from the disciples. The cUsciples

^t^Omselves, and much more the world, needed some external evidence

^ assure them that the baptism of the Spirit had taken place. This

2^0iild save them from becoming the prey of imagination or self-deceit.

^}^7 needed (to quote the Catechism) * an outward visible sign ' as a

J^J^me *of the inward and spiritual grace given.' And so we find that

^t oUier times special manifestations are recorded, where there is special

^^ed of assurance as to the baptism of the Spirit^ as in the case of the

^^maritans (viii), Gentiles (x), John's disciples (xx). On this occasion

^H>\rever there is every reason why we should expect miraculous

Symptoms. This Pent^ost witnessea the introduction into the world

^^ » new order of life — ^the life of the divine Spirit in humanity. This

^^iritnal life is not contrary to nature, but it is above nature — certainly

^ixjive the * nature ' of the fleshly life (Jn iii 6). And just as the union

of the divine and human natures in the incarnation was marked by a

^lUiit^ae or miraculous birth, so we should expect the new birth of the

Spint to be unique. Every new beginning in thought or life is in-

evHably accompanied by disturbance. There is the struggle with the

old* and the re-adjustment to the new, environment. So the coming of

^)se Spirit is followed by irregular and abnormal phenomena. Like

JoA«^ the fall and plenteous flood of the Spirit 'overflows all its

\ilb' (Josh ill 15). At first the old worn-out vessels of humanity

oioxitt cont^ it : and there is a flood of strange and novel spiritual

16 PENTECOST ii 1-12

experiences. But when it has worn for itself a deep channel in the
church, when the laws of the new spiritual life are learnt and under-
stood, then some of the irregular phenomena disappear, others become
normal, and what was thought to be miraculous is found to be a natural
endowment of the Christian life.

These miraculous phenomena however are not merely external signs
of some unusual occurrence. There is in them a definite correspondence
with the reality they signify, that is, they have a definite symbolical
meaning. The prophetic writings of the OT were largely marked by
the use of symbolical imagery, as in the passage of Joel which S. Peter
here quotes. Now very similar in style to the OT are some of these
early narratives in the Acts which evidentljr come from the hand of
some Christian prophet: and in interpreting the phenommia they
record we must be guided by the laws of prophecy. To help us we
have the accounts of divine epiphanies in the OT such as those at
the burning bush (Exod iii 2, 3) and Sinai (ib. xix 18-20, xxiv 17, etc.),
to Elijah (I Kings xix 11, 12) and Ezekiel (Ez i 4, etc.).

§ 1 The descent of the Spirit

2 And when the day of Pentecost *was now come, they were

2 all together in one place. And suddenly there came from
heaven a sound as of the rushing of a mighty 'wind, and it

3 filled all the house where they were sitting. And there
appeared unto them tongues 'parting asunder, like as of fire ;

4 and it sat upon each one of them. And they were all filled
with the Holy Spirit, and began to speak with other tongues,
as the Spirit gave them utterance.

6 Now there were dwelling at Jerusalem Jews, devout men,

6 from every nation under heaven. And when this sound was
heard, the multitude came together, and were confounded,
because that every man heard them speaking in his own

7 languaga And they were all amazed and marvelled, saying,

8 Behold, are not all these which speak Galilseans ? And how
hear we, every man in our own language, wherein we were

9 bom ? Parthians and Medes and Elamites, and the dwellers
in Mesopotamia, in Judaea and Cappadocia, in Pontus and

10 Asia, in Phrygia and Pamphylia, in Egypt and the parts of
Libya about Cyrene, and sojourners from Rome, both Jews

11 and proselytes, Cretans and Arabians, we do hear hem

12 speaking in our tongues the mighty works of God. And

1 Gk was being fulfilled (as in Lk in 51). > Gk breath, ' Maig parting

among them or diitributing themselves.

II 1-6 THE DESCENT OF THE SPIRIT 17

they vere all amazed, and were perplexed, saying one to
13 another. What tneaneth thia! But others mocldiig said, Tbey
are fiUed with new wine.

1 The dm/ qf Pentecost uxisaow being ftil^Bed. i.e. it had begun but
was not yet past. This day waa one of the three great festivals
when the law required the attendance of all Israel at the temple,
and Jerusalem would be thronged with pilgrima. As the Passover fell
raUier early for the navieatdoQ season, Jews from the west especially
would preiei to make their pilgrimage at the time of Pentecost,
afl we snail find S. Paul doin^ later on. Pentecost was also called
the Feast of Weeks, because it fell seven (i.e. a week of) weeks after
the Passover. To be exacts it was the fiftieth (Greek pentecoste) day
after the offering of the sheaf of the firstfruite of the narvest daring
the feast of unleavened bread. And as its characteristic ceremony
was the offering of the firat two loaves — the firatfruito — of the new
com, it marked the close of harvest. The disciples no doubt attended
the temple soon after dawn for tiie morning sacrifices and the
offering of the firstfruits, and then in a body cu/ togethm" assembled ,
at their own house, where they were sitting, i.e. which was their
headquarters, probably the house with the 'upper chamber'.' This
gathering would be for prayer and worship. For the rest of the
Jews would be engaged in similar exercises in the other synagogues of
Jerusalem : and on sabbath and festival days, till such services were
over, they abstained &om eating and drinking, not breaking their

3 &st till tiie fourth hour, about 10 a.m., or even noon. While tiie
brethren were thus engaged, they suddenly heard a great sound
coming down &om above. It was like the echoing noise of a wind
blowing violently. It sounded through the whole house, for the
hundred and twenty must have occupied more than one chamber ;

3 and it was accompanied by an appearance of jire. The fire was in
the form of tongues which distributed themselves^ over the company,

4 a tongue settling upon the head of eaoh one. That moment they were
filled, and so baptiKed, wUh the Hdy Spirit, and the immediate
result was that they began to speak. They praised and glorified God
with other tongues, i.e. inutterances different from their ordinary
speech — utterances enthusiastic and ecstatic, of a novel eloquence
exceeding their usual form of speech. For in fact these utterances —
and a stately word is used in the Greek — ^were the direct inspiration
of the Spirit

6 These phenomena manifesting themselves in a body of 120 must
have attracted attention, and a crowd of inhabitants and pilgrims
soon collected. Possibly under the influence of the Spirit — for while
the appearance and sound may have been but momentary, the speaking
continued — the apostolic body made their way to the temple and

' Cp. i 13. iviii H Qk, Lk iiiv *9 Qk. '

hj ii 4G, Lk xiii IT, Ht urii SS where thevonl n
raqnind ■ diSetent tease, u in Lk li 17, lii 62.

18 THE DESCENT OF THE SPIRIT n 6-14

prepared to address the concourse there in Solomon's porch. Oriental
cities were fiamiliar enough with phenomena of ecstasy and fanaticism,
yet the multitude of the Jews were perplexed and even thrown into
confusion. The more so that in the utterances of the disciples many

13 strangers recognized words of their own languages. Some found it
the easiest solution to put it down to intoxication. This charge gave

14 the fitting opportunity : to answer it the Twelve, as the repre-
sentatives of the whole body, stood forward, and Peter acting as
their spokesman under the inspiration of the Holy Spirit made
utterance^.

The symbolic teaching of the narrative is very clear. The word
being fulfilled which S. Luke had used in his Gospel (ix 51) of 'the
days of the Lord's being received up,' and which does not occur again
in the NT, may remind us that this descent is the true fulfilment of
those days of the Lord's ascension. It is also the fulfilment of the
Pentecostal offering of the firstfiruits, for on this day were gathered the
iirstfruits of the harvest of the world. On Pentecost the Jews also
celebrated the giving of the law on Sinai ; so also on this dajr God gave
the new law, writing it in the heart by his Spirit (Hebr viii 10). In
the scene itself we find illustrated that unity with diversity, which is
the mark of the Spirit's operation : * there are diversities of gifts but
the same Spirit — who diviaeth to each one severally as he will' (I Cor
xii 4, 11). They are all together — in one place : the sounds nil ths
whole housCy the fire sits upon the head of each one : the tongues
distribute themselves to each mdividual, but the many utterances make
one sound or voice (verse 6). The various phenomena are fistmiliar to us
already from the olivine epiphanies of tne OT. The most striking
likeness is found in the strong wind, fire, and voice of Elijah's
vision*. The Spirit is like the wmd, hence his coming is sudden ; for
* the wind bloweth where it listeth, and thou hearest tne voice tiiereo^
but knowest not whence it cometh and whither it goeth ' T Jn iii 8). The
apostles however knew that the Spirit came down out q/ heaven. The
wind really was a breath^; for the Spirit is the breath of life, which
piveth life and understanding. This breath is * mighty in operation' :
it is borne from on high, and as at the creation its momng is the
beginning of life*. Fire is always a sign of the divine presence. So
it was at the burning bush, and throughout the OT. Pagan writers
also recognized the symbolism, as when Virgil describes uie portent
which appeared to Aeneas* :

Between us whilo lulus stands
'Mid weeping eyes and clasping hands,
Lo ! from the summit of his head
A lambent flame was seen to spread.
Sport with his locks in harmless play,
And grazing round his temples stray

^ The word is the same as in ver. 4 : op. iv 8. ^ I K xix 11-18 : for the

earthquake, see iv 81. ' That is the word in the Greek which ooonrs in Qen ii

7, Job xxxu 8, zxxiii 4. « See Qen i 2, 1 Pet i 18, U i 17. • Aen, a 682-4

(Conington's trans.}.

n4 THE SPEAKING WITH TONGUES 19

Fire purifies by consuming the evil^ It shews the burning zeal of
love. Here however it is rather the light of divine inspiration. For
it appears in the form of tongues and its effect is speech. The apostles
speak witk other tongues : for this voice of the Spirit speaking in
hamanity is something new : it is the new Maw or word of the Lord
going fixrth from Jerusalem ' : the apostles ' sing a new song^.' But
tliis new speech is to continue and be the constant language of the
dtiodi, for tlie apostles only begin to speak. It will cQso heal the
diyision caused by the confusion of tongues at Babel. The voice of
the Spirit is intelligible to evert/ nation under heaven, i.e. to the true
Jew, the spiritual Israel in each nation. His presence brings them
togetker and will once more make 'the whole earth of one language
m one speech,' and unite into one church ' the families of the sons of
Noah— 01 whom the nations were divided in tlie earth'.' The parallel
in the Acts to the list of the nations in Genesis x and to the confusion
of tongues in Genesis xi is most obvious.

J%6 speaking with tongues (ii 4)

Anart from the symbolism however we have to investi^te the
literal meaninj^ of the speaking with other tongues. This was in truth
<HiIy a b^innmg, for 'speaking with tongues' or 'glossolaly' continued
long in the church, and it ranked among the charismata or spiritual
gifts (I Cor xii 10, 30). In the Acts we shall meet with two more in-
sUnces of it (z 46, xix 6), but the gift was so abundant and disturbing
in the church at Corinth that S. Paul devotes a lon^ section of his first
^istle to the Corinthians (cL xii-xiv^ to its consideration. Both in
toe qpisUe and the Acts glossolaly is closely connected with prophecy^ ;
far both are utterances under the influence of the Spirit. Tlie ais-
tinetion is this — prophecy is a speaking to men for tneir edification,
i^oesolaly was adoressed to God directly. The subject of the * tongues'
W 'the great works of God^' and it was in fact a glorifying of God
vUch might be in psalm or hjnm, in prayer or thanksgiving. But
there was a further distinction. Glossolaly was in the main unin-
tdligiUe — not always, for the speaker sometimes edified himself, and
the ntterances in the spirit (whether of God or of evil) which S. Paul
^Qotee in I Cor xii 3, viz. Jesus is Lord or Jesus is anathema, mav be
^Kcimens of 'tonnes.' But glossolaly was emphatically a speaking
HI tie spirit as distinct from speaking with the intelligence, and to
be onderstood by others the tongue had to be interpreted. In one
ny it might edify others, but chiefly the unbelievers, that is as being
an evident sign of a divine presence within.

From this description we may gather that speaking with tongues
vas a kind of ecstatic or even aystencal utterance, such as is often
found to accompany religious revivab or excitement. If the mind

' Imd xzxiii 14, Hobr xii 29 : op. Kam zvi 35. ^ Isai ii 4, Jer xxxi 33 : Ps

»?i 1 ete. * Oen xi 1, x 82. ^ In v?. 17, 18 S. Peter says they ihaU

ptvpkety. * Terse 11, and x 46.

2—2

20 THE SPEAKING WITH TONGUES ii 4

loses control over the nerves which produce the voice, the connexion
between speech and the rational feculties is severed. Such severance
may be a permanent physical disorder as in the case of lunatics : it
may be a temporary dislocation due to some great mental blow or
excitement. But it may be due to a higher cause. Besides our
intellectual faculties we have a spiritual nature. This is the seat of
our personality and the medium of communion with the divine nature.
And it is easy to imagine that the * power ' of the divine Spirit may
manifest itself in us in phenomena which seem abnormal in comparison
with our ordinary activities. The individual may be in 'ecstasy/ i.e.
entirely absorbed in his spiritual beinff or in spiritual things, so as to
be for practical purposes *out of the body and *inme spirit*.'
Sometimes the spiritual energy may manifest itself in ecstatic speech
or utterance — and that is what we understand by 'speaking witii
tongues.' The use of such external manifestations by the Spint may
be regarded as a condescension to human ideas. For the idea of
'possession' by spirits, whether good or bad, was carried to its
extreme length in the ancient world, and to such possession were
ascribed the phenomena of ecstasy and so forth. In £gict madness
and insanity were regarded with awe as forms of divine inspiration,
and our word * enthusiasm' still bears witness to the external excitement
which the divine presence was supposed to produce. Plato himself
seems to accept the possibility of divine revelations apart from the
reason, when, speaking of the popular belief that the liver was tiie seat
of divination, he writes': * herein is a proof that God has given the
art of divination not to the wisdom but to the foolishness of man. No
man, when in his wits, attains prophetic truth and inspiration : but
when he receives the inspired word, either his intelligence is enthralled
in sleep, or he is demented by some distemper or possession."

We notice that, though S. Paul * spoke with tongues more tihan all'
the Corinthians, he does not set a high value on the gift of glossolaly.
He ranks it last of the charismata, and apparently among childisk
things^ For (1) it did not edify others. Jkather (2) it tended to
cause disorder in the church. (3) The fact that glossolaly lay in the
spiritual, and not in the rational, sphere opened the door to dangerous
confiision. Its phenomena might be counterfeited either by evil
spirits, to whose operation the early Christians ascribed the muacles
of paganism; or by religious impostors and charlatans, of which
the world was then full. Again it might be hard at times to
distinguish them from similar symptoms due to physical causes
— such as madness, or even intoxication*. The church very soon
realized the necessity of 'discerning the spirits,' and this applied to
* the tongues ' as well as to prophecy. Hence we are not surprised to
find that in some quarters it began to be looked upon with disfavour.

> See X 10, xxii 17, II Cor xii 2, Rev i 10, iv 2. = (whether ironically or

do) Timaev* 71 a (Jowett's trans.). ' I Cor xiv 18-20. * (a) xxvi 84

{h) ii 13 : cp. Eph v 18-9 where being filled with the Spirit is contrasted with
being drunken with wine.

114 THE SPEAKING WITH TONGUES 21

Some of the Corinthians would have forbidden it : and S. Paul has to
exhort the Thessalonians not to 'quench the Spirit^' S. Paul himself
does not assim to the charisma a high place ; and as the new spiritual
life of the cnurch becomes normal and regular, the speaking with
toogu^ gradually drops off and dies away.

This account, however, of the phenomena which took place at
Pentecost is not the one which is usually accepted. It is commonly
supposed that the apostles actually talked in aiiferent languages and
so were able to be understood by the crowd of different nationalities,
and this is the prima facie impression given by the narrative, especially
by Terses 6 to 8. If this was the case, then it was certainly a unique
^ent, suitable for a unique occasion, and it did not occur a^in.
But the impression is probably due to the symbolic and prophetic
character of the narrative, as it works out the correspondence to
Genesis x, xi : for there are several points which imply me opposite.
(1) In the Greek the other tongues would denote not so much foreign
I&nguages as a different kind of utterance, and that would be the
meaning of the new tongues of Mk xvi 17. Similarly S. Paul speaks of
<*f tongues — i.e. speech, not languages — of meii and angels (I Cor
rii 1): and the usual term for glossolaly is simply speaking with
toi^gm. The same word for other recurs in verse 40, where it does
W)tinean foreign words. (2) There is no trace of the apostles* having
possessed such a gift permanently. S. Paul and Barnabas certainly
did not understand the Lycaonian dialect. But as a matter of feet
^ universal prevalence of Greek made the gift almost unnecessary.
(^ The utterances were addressed not to the crowd but to God.
Tney were glorifying God, not preaching the gospel ; tliat was reserved
for S. Peter. (4j In any case the utterances were ecstatic, and not in
the form of contmuous discourse : the effect produced on the hearers
^perplexity and amazement. One class of hearers concluded that
«e disciples were drunken, which certainly does not suggest intelligible

rch. (5) The phenomenon at the baptism of Cornelius was exactly
aame as now (x 46, xi 15): but on that occasion there is no hint
jrf or need for foreign languages. (6) The catalogue of nationalities
B obviously meant to represent every nation under heaven, but though
there would have been no doubt pilgrims among Peter's audience, they
^ here described as dwellers at Jerusalem, and certaiidy S. Peter
yssoines that they were femiliar with recent events in Jerusalem. But
m this case they would have understood for the most part either Greek
w the Aramaic vernacular. S. Peter proceeds to address them in one
of these langu^^es and they are able to understand him.

We conclude then that the narrative taken as a whole does not
Wliiire us to suppose that the speaking with tongues at Pentecost
WM different in essence from the ordinary glossolaly, described in the
BfisHk to the Corinthians. At the same time verses 8 and 11 require
ttuit some of the utterances should, as was natural, have been clothed
in foreign words.

1 See I Tbess v 11^21, 1 Cor zii 10, xiv 39, 1 Jn iv 1-C.

22 THE JEWS OF THE DISPERSION n ^ii

The Dispersion (ii 9-11)

The catalogue of vv. 9-11 is meant to represent evmy nation
under heaven^ tnat is to say Jews^ the true servants of God, from every
nation. It is copied by S. Luke from his written authority. S. Luke
would not liave been likely to omit Galatia, Macedonia or Achaia ; and
the geo^aphv is not that of the Romans or the Greeks. It is really a
description of the Jewish Dispersion written by a Jew, and the remark-
able omission of Syria would suggest a Jew writinff at Antioch. The
Dispersion was the name for the thousands, possibly even millions, of
Jews scattered throughout the world outside the Holy Land. It was,
as it still is, a strOcing characteristic of the Jewish race. Strabo
writing in the first century says* tliat * the Jews had already penetrated
into every city, and that it would not be easy to find a place in the
world where this race liad not arrived and taken possession.'

Farthia, Media and Elam denote the countries east of the Roman
empire. Here would be found the remains of the ten tribes and of
the Babylonian captivity. The Jews in Babylonia were so numerous
and important as to form a special school of theology of their own.
From tne subjects of the Partliian empire wc pass to the dwellers in
the empire of Rome. Between the two empires lay the debatable
ground of Mes(motamia, Here Jewish influence and proselytism were
very active, andf the royal family of Adiabene on the upper Tigris had
become converts to the Jewish faith. Crossing the Eupnrates we come
to Syria and Antioch. In Syria the Jews formed a larger percentage
of the population than elsewhere, and there was a most numerous
community of Jews in Antioch who possessed the full rights of citizeu-
ship. Instead of mentioning Syria* iiowever the writer passes by it on
the one hand to Judaea proper or Palestine, on the other to Asia
Minor. Here we pass through Cappadocia to Pontus on the northern
coast and then to the province of Asia on the western coast. Taming
inland, through Phrygia we come to the southern coast in Pamphylia
where was Myra the port for Egypt. The Jews of Asia, especially of
Ephesus, were wealthy and important^ and we shall meet them again
at Jerusalem (xxi 27). The journeys of S. Paul will introduce us to
the Jewish settlements in southern Galatia and Phrygia. Antiochus
the Great had transplanted thither 2000 Jewish families to strengthen
his hold on the country. But the baths and wines of Phiygia had
had a deteriorating influence on their character, and the stnct rabbis
spoke of them as separated from their brethren'. They certainly had
made themselves at home in their adopted country, for inscriptions
shew that in Phrygia, Galatia and Pontus Jewish families had attained
to high positions of affluence and oflicial dignity*.

From Myra in Pamphylia we sail across to Egypt, passing Cyprus

1 In Joseph. Ant, xiv 7. 2. ^ The omlsaion was felt to be strange in early

tunes, and for Judaea was substittited Armenia fTertullian) or Syria (Jerome).
' Nenbauer G^^r. du Talmud p. 315. ^ Sco Bamsay Citiei aiul BUht^prict of

Phrygia ch. xv.

ng^n THE DISPERSION 23

on the way. In C3rpras there was a large Jewish colony. In the
revolt in 'mjan's reign the Cypriote Jews rose and were said to have
inaasacred 240,000 of their Gentile fellow-citizens^ Jews from Cyprus
were among the earliest converts, and had a great share in the worlc of
spreading the gospel : but tiieir chief glory was Joseph Barnabas, * a
iievite, a man of Cyprus by race'.' The Jews in Egypt were perhaps
ti^ meet imnortant element of the Dispersion : mey numbered a
million accoraing to Philo, and their quarter covered nearly two of the
five divisions of the city of Alexandria. Their importance however lay
in their theology rather than in their number. Alexandria was the
home of that school of liberal Platonic Judaism which formed a half-
way house between Hellenism and Judaism, and of which the great
representative was Philo, himself a contemporary of the early part of our
iustory. In ihe years 37 and 38 the Alexandrian Jews suiFerea a terrible
persecution at tne hands of their Gentile fellow-citizens ; and Philo was
one d ihe embassy they sent to appeal to Caligula. We recognize the
chancteristics of Alexandrine Juokism in the eloquence and learning
of ApoUos, but, unless Stephen was also trained in the learning of
Bgypt, this is the only appearance of Alexandrian wisdom in the Acts^.
lonmeying to the west along the coast of Africa or Libya we come to
(^fnm^. £[ere a hundred years ago, in Sulla's time, the Jews Iiad
aueadv formed a fourth class among the citizens. They possessed, or
shared, a synagogue at Jerusalem, and like the men of Cyprus were of
w>te *in the gospeL' Simon who carried the cross, some of the early
eviQgelists, and Lucius the prophet of Antioch, were Cyrenians^

nom G3rrene ships crossed the Mediterranean to Italy. At Borne
thoe was a lar^ Jewish settlement. If this was not so large numeri-
ttOy as at Antioch or Alexandria, the deficiency in numbers w^as made
}f for by zeal in proselytizing ; and by their intrigues and religious
imneDce the Jews acquured an extraordinary influence even in the
m^esX circles of Rome. When Pompey had taken Jerusalem in 63 b.c.
be booffht great numbers of Jewish captiyes to Home, who as tliey were
gndoal^ set free formed the nucleus of the colony. It rapidly in-
creased, and soon the Jews attracted the notice of politicians like
Cicero, and literary men such as Horace, Martial and Juvenal. Jewish
bq^^ proselytes, and superstitions were a favourite butt of the
aatoists. The demonstration they made round Caesar's cata&lque in
the fiffom was the first sign of their appearance as a fitctor in politics.
To keep them down Titerius deported some thousands to Sardinia.
Under Claadins tumults among me Jews, probably occasioned by the
preaching of 'the Christ,' led to frirther repressive action, ana the
emperor banished all the Jews from Rome. These Jews were proud of
their citizenship and so the visitors fix)m Rome are called Romans^
whether Jews by race or prosdytes^ though this division probably refers
to the whole catalogue.

Borne and C3rrene represented at present the western limit of the

1 Dio CftMiM LZYxn 82. * xxi 16, xi 19, 20, iv 36. > xviii 21-28 :

qi. Ti 9. « Lk xziU 26, Aots xi 20, xiu 1.

24 a PETERS SERMON ug-n

Dispersion, and to complete the list the Tvritenr adds Cretans and
Arabians, Crete stands for *the isles' of the Old Testament, and for
Jewish influence there we can refer to the epistle to Titus (i 5, 10).
Arabia — ^whither S. Paul retired after his conversion (Gal i 17)— is tiie
countiY east and south of Palestine, and the attitude of the Arabians,
as of the Bedouin of to-day, was always a serious question for the Jews.
As their relations have a bearing on the chronology of the Acts we
may note that at this period Aretas king of Petra had consolidated a
kingdom, and later on he acquired Damascus (II Cor xi 32). Herod
Antipas, tetrarch of Galilee, married his daughter, and when Herod
rejected her in favour of Herodias his brother's wife, a quarrel naturally
ensued. Aretas defeated Herod in battle, and the appeals to Rcnne
resulted in Herod's downfall. But apart from the Jews Arabia had
been attracting the attention of the Roman public, when S. Luke was
writing: Augustus had sent an expedition under Gallus to obtain a
footing in the country, and it had met with a £sital reverse. But at
some later period, before a.d. 70, a Roman force destroyed Aden\

§ 2 The preaching of Peter

To this crowd, representative of the whole Jewish race, S. Peter
made utterance. The word foreknowledge at once gives a stamp of
authenticity to the speech, for it is used in the first epistle of S. Peter
(i 2, cp. verse 20) and nowhere else in the NT. This suggests a clue
which can be followed up. In the same epistle recur the expressions

people (ii 5, iv 17l The following ideas are also strongly

the Chnst is Lord (iii 15, cp. verse 6), his rejection by his own fii 4, 7),
his ascension and sitting at the Right Hand (iii 22), tne promiseoi gift of
the Spirit (i 12, iv 14), the prophecy of the glories after the suiferings
(i 11, 12), salvation through baptism (iii 21), the present age as *the
last days ' (i 5, 20). Apart from marks of Petrine authorship, however,
the contents of the speech shew its early character. It was the apostles'
first duty to bear witness to facts, i.e. the facts of the Lord's life
culminating in the resurrection. And this speech is just such a
summary of fects, and represents the apostolic ' preaching ' long before
any gospels or epistles were written. But though a proclamation of
&cts rather than an exposition of doctrine, we find in it the elements
of the Apostles' Creed : the Father, Son, and Spirit (32-3) : Jesus is
man (22) but also Lord ^36), and he bestows the divine Spirit : ihe
Spirit bemg poured upon tne disciples makes them a divine fellowship :
the offer is made of remission of sins which is conveyed through baptism.
The Holy Spirit is the great subject of the sermon, just as he is
the foundation of Cliristianity. The boldness with which S. Peter
accuses the Jews of the murder of their Christ testifies to the power of
the Spirit within. What argument or proof he uses consists in an

1 Mommgen Roman Provinca u pp. 200-4.

f

n J4-17 AT PENTECOST 25

appeal to the Scriptures, in which the Spirit of Christ bore witness
Z^iorehand (I Pet i 11). And his personal appeal was to the heart or
conadence of his hearers, which was convictea by the Spirit speaking
nrithin him (Jn xvi 8).

The sermon &lls into three parts, each beginning with a personal

address and ending with a 'scripture,' and the practical conclusion

/callows after an interval. The change of address further illustrates

tbd growing spiritual tie. Part I (w. 14-21) starts with the incident

Yvrl^di occasioned the speech. S. Peter, a despised Galilean fverse 7),

addresses the crowd of verse 5 as Jews, Men ofjvdaea and ml ye that

(Ji9€?M at Jerusalem^ and answers the charge of drunkenness : if ' they

iiH">© drunken,' it is not with wine but with the Spirit. II (w. 22-28).

To prepare for the explanation of this phenomenon, he unfolds the

^ork ot Jesus. This is 'the word of the gospel,' addressed to them as

Grod's chosen people of whom he himself is one — Men of Israel; and the

fi.x-st word Jesus tells us that it is ' the testimony of Jesus' (Rev xix 10\

i-o. the witness to his life, crucifixion, and resurrection. Ill (w. 29-36).

The meaning of the resurrection is now interpreted, as the feet is con-

fiimed by an appeal to prophecy. It is the resurrection which affords

t\ie erolanation of the present outpouring of the Holy Spirit, while in

toni uiis gift proves that Jesus is indeed himself the longed-for

'pTomiae of Israel' — ^the Messiah and Lord. This gift offered them a

coDUDon spiritual brotherhood, and S. Peter had called his hearers

•ftifftbTWi. Now, IV (w. 37-40), he drives home the practical appeal

vhidi this feith makes to the individual, which is for repentance and

baptasoL On repentance forgiveness of sins and the same gift of the

Spirit will be conveyed to afl, without any limitation. But a note of

taming as to the consequences of refusal concludes.

Wim this sermon we must compare S. Peter's other sermons — to
the Jewish people (iii 12-26) and to the Gentiles (x 34-43), and
& Paul's sermon to the Jews in xiii 16-41.

14 Bat Peter, standing up with the eleven, lifted up his voice,
and spake forth unto them, saying y

Te men of Judsea, and all ye that dwell at Jenisalem, be

16 this known unto you, and give ear unto my words. For these

are not drunken, as ye suppose ; seeing it is hut the thini

10 hour of the day ; but this is that which hath been spoken by

the jNTophet Joel ;
17 *And it shall be in the last days, saith God,
I will pour forth of my Spirit upon all flesh :
And your sons and your daughters shall prophesy,
And your young men shall see visions.
And your old men shall dream dreams :

1 Joel ii 28-82; for vcr. 21 cp. Bom x 13.

26 a PETER'S SERMON n 18-si

18 Yea and on my servants and on my handmaidens in

those days
Will I ponr forth of my Spirit ; and they shall prophesy.

19 And 1 wiU shew wonders in Uie heaven above,
And signs on the earth beneath ;

Blood, and fire, and vapour of smoke :

20 The sun shall be turned into darkness,
And the moon into blood,

Before the day of the Lord come,
That great and notable day:

21 And it shall be, that whosoever shall call on the name of

the Lord shall be saved.

22 Ye men of Israel, hear these words : Jesus of Nazareth,
a man approved of God unto you by 'mighty works and
wonders and signs, which God did by him in the midst of you,

23 even as ye yourselves know ; him, being delivered up by the
determinate counsel and foreknowledge of God, ye by the

24 hand of lawless men did crucify and slay : whom God raised
up, having loosed the pangs of death : because it was not

25 possible that he should be holden of it. For David saith
concerning him,

*I beheld the Lord always before my face ;
For he is on my right hand, that I should not be moved :

26 Therefore my heart was glad, and my tongue rejoiced ;
Moreover my flesh also 'shall dwell in hope :

27 Because thou wilt not leave my soul in Hades,
Neither wilt thou give thy Holy One to see corruption.

28 Thou madest known unto me the ways of life ;
Thou shalt make me full of gladness with thy coun-
tenance.

29 Brethren, I may say unto you freely of the patriarch David,
that he both died and was buried, and his tomb is with us

30 unto this day. Being therefore a prophet, and knowing that
God had ^ sworn with an oath to him, that of the firuit of his

31 loins 'he would set one upon his throne ; he foreseeing tids

^ Ok powen. > Ps zvi 8-11 : Acts xiii 35. > Literally ihall pitch iu

tenX vpon hope. ^ Ps oxxxii 11, II Sam vii 12. * AV and Bezan accord-

ing to the flesh he would raite up (tJie) Christ to sit (or and set him) upon.

n 14-20 AT PENTECOST 27

spake of the resuri'ection of the Christ, that neither was he

S2 left in Hades, nor did his flesh see corruption. This Jesus

33 did God raise up, whereof we all are witnesses. Being

therefore by the right hand of God exalted, and having

received of the Father the promise of the Holy Ghost, he

4 hath poured forth this\ which ye see and hear. For David
ascended not into the heavens : but he saith himself,

'The Lord said unto my Lord, Sit thou on my right hand,
^ Till I make thine enemies the footstool of thy feet

5 Let all the house of Israel therefore know assuredly, that
God hath made him both Lord and Christ, this Jesus whom
je crucified.

y Now when they heard this, they were pricked in their heart,
and said unto Peter and the rest of the apostles, Brethren,

8 what shall we do ? And Peter said unto them, Repent ye,
and be baptized every one of you in the name of Jesus Christ
imto the remission of your sins ; and ye shall receive the gift

3JD of the Holy Ghost For to you is the promise, and to your

children, and to all that are a&r ofi", even as many as the

40 Lord our God shall call unto hiuL And with many other

words he testified, and exhorted them, saying. Save yourselves

ibin this crooked generation.

1^ S. Peter speaks together mth the Eleven, i.e. the rest of the
nmtks (verse 37^, as their spokesman, and his elaborate opening after
tne style of the OT marks tne solemnity of the occasion.

^5 I. The apostolic company are not drunken, for it is but the
third hour of the day, about 9 a.m., when no Jew on a festival day
^ould liave as yet broken his fast'. But this is the fulfihnent of a

IS wjnhecy of Joel. A plague of locusts had been devastating the
l**id of Judah, and seeing in them a type of the divine judgements
^ his people, Joel prophesies that God will remove them, and

17 then he ados that 'afterward' God will povr out his Spirit on all
A^f which will cause his servants to prophesy — the prediction now

19 fclfilled in the speaking with tongues. Further this outpouring will

20 be accompanied Dy ^wonders in the heavens and in the earth,* which
™11 usher in * the great and terrible day of the Lord* i.e. of the
I^'s appearance m the final judgement and restoration of all
things. Tor 'afterward ' S. Peter substitutes in the last days. The
Christian era is itself *the last days,' or *the last hour,' and *at the

> Bean adds gift. > pg ex 1 : Mt xxU 44, Mk xii 86, Hebr i 13.

ittp. 17.

28 S. PETER'S SERMON ii 21-28

end of the times/ because it is the final dispensation. It begins
with the first coming of the Messiah and will only end when he
returns in ^oiy, to consummate all things and bring in * the world
to come.' This idea is common to all me apostolic writers*. But
more than this, at the first the apostles were expecting that the
time before the return would be * short.' This had been their
behef before the crucifixion ; the Lord had made no specific mention
of delay, and the indications which he had let drop had not been
taken to heart. The disciples had just seen him depart into heaven,
and now that the Holy Spirit was outpoured, they were convinced
that the Lord's glorious return was at hand*. And so S. Peter no
doubt was even now looking for those portents which were to herald
that consummation. The portents were in part fulfilled at the
destruction of Jerusalem 40 years later, but the lapse of time
caused a gradual change in the expectation of the Christians which
we can trace in S. Paul's epistles.

22 IL Jesus of Naaareth — that was the name by which the Lord
was known to tiie Jews, and S. Peter speaks to his hearers as those
who themselves knew him. Many of them must have witnessed his
miracles; many must have been among the crowd which seven
weeks ago had cried out * Crucify him.' As in x 38, S. Peter makes
use of me evidential force of the Lord's miracles — the powers, i.e.
works demonstrating power, which are also wonders above the
ordinary working oi nature and signs conveying spiritual and
symbohc instruction. The Lord himself had repeateoly appealed
to * the works ' as the Father's witness to him. They shewed that
God had approved or set him forth' as his appointed one. So &r

23 the Jews could admit the argument (Jn iii 2), but then there came
the crucifixion. This was the stumblingblock or scandaL How
could the appointed Messiah be put to a malefactor's death ? The
cross absolutely confuted the claim of Jesus of Nazareth. S. Peter
has a threefold reply. (1) Jesus was delivered up by the determinate
counsel and foreknowledge of God, It was the will of God. Ac-
cording to the divine plan, as it had already been disclosed in the
scriptures, 'the Christ must suffer these things and so enter into
his glory.' Jesus was *he who had been ordained, i.e. determined
by God,' as the Christ (x 42) ; in this determination the delivery
up to death had its part, and so * he had been foreknown ' unto God
as the Lamb slain * before the foundation of the world*,' (2) But
this foreknowledge of God did not relieve the human agente fix)m
their guilt. The Son of man went * as it had been determined of
him ' : but the Jews had put him to death. They had delivered
him to Pilate and the Romans, and so by lawless men^ that is men
without the law of Moses', they had actually crucified him, and

1 See Jas V 3, 1 Pet i 6, 20, I Jn ii 18 : Heb 11:1 Timiv 1, U ui 1. » I Cor

vii 29, I Th iv 16 : Lk xix 11 : Jas v 9, Bev iii 11, 20, xxii 6, 20. For the Indioations
see Lk xx 12, xxi 24. » I Cor iv 9, II Tb ii 1. * I Pet i 2, 20, Eev xiu 8.

» Cp. Rom u 12-14, 1 Cor ix 21.

n 24-38 AT PENTECOST 29

24 were now responsible for the murder of their Messiah. (3) But
his death was not the end. Through these sufferings tlie Christ
entered into his glory. God raised him from the dead ; and this,
the crowning 'power/ was the crowning proof of his Messiahship.
It shewed that he could not be held qf death and therefore fulfilled

28 the prophecy of David. Accordingly Jesus must be (a) the living
one to whom Grod hath made known the ways qf eternal life ; and

27 (f) the holy one of (rod, separate from sinners and the consequences
of'^sin^

24 S. Peter's words contain a hint of further consequences. In
raising him God loosed the travail pangs of death. We are to
conceive of Hades as travailing with the millions of dead souls in
her womb. When Jesus — the first-begotten of the dead — was
brought forth from the tomb, the travail pangs were loosed and now
the way is open for others to follow. The expression is taken firom
Ps xviii 4, where the word which the Greek translators rendered
travail pangs is really cords (of death! The Hebrew gives a more
natural out less picturesque sense : ana at the same time to loose the
pangs was quite a correct expression in Greek.

29 III. The prophecy of David carries much with it and must be
fully interpreted. S. Peter's ardour and afiection are kindled : he
speaks toiiis brethren and toith boldness. It was quite clear that
Vamd — the patriarchy i.e. the head of the royal family' — was dead

30 and buried, as his tomb was to be seen'. But David was fully
recognized as a prophet, and as such he must here be speaking in
the person of one oi his descendants to whom God had promised Am
thrme. The promise had been primarily spoken of oolomon, but
the addition oi *for ever'* shewed that it was also given to a greater

31 seed of David, i.e. the Messiah. According to this prophecy then
the Messiah was not to be left or forsaken^ in Hades, nor was even

32 his flesh to be left there. And it was fulfilled when God raised this
Jesus whom the apostles had seen after his resurrection in the flesh.

33 But Jesus of Nazareth was no longer present or to be seen among
the Jews in bodily form : and the answer to this difficulty brings
Peter back to the present manifestation at Pentecost. The resur-
rection was only the first step : for as God with a mighty hand had
brought the children of Israel tlirou^h the Red Sea and * exalted
them out of Egypt' (xiii 17), so with the same right hand or
almighty power uaA he now exalted Jesus to heaven. There Jesus
as man had received the gift of the Holy Spirit. He had been
anointed with the Spirit at his baptism for the work of the Messiah
(x 38j : now, the work completed, he receives the gift not for himself
but for men. As the crown of the glorified humanity of Jesus,
this gift was the consummation of the divine promises made to

1 Cp. (a) Rev i 18, Jn xiv 6, etc. : (h) Hebr vii 26, Acts iii 14. =» Cp.

I Chron ix 9, zxiv 31, zxvii 22, etc., where patriarch is used in the lxz for head»
of htmtet. » Nehem iii 16. * In U Sam vii 13 : cp. Lk i 32. » The

Bame word as in Mt xxvii 46.

30 S. PETER'S SERMON n ss-sg

the human race through the history of the old covenant. Accord-
ingly the Messiah was now pouring forth this culminating promise
34 upon his brother men, as S. reter's hearers could witness. like the
resurrection, the fact of the ascension re(]^uired confirmation out of
the scripture. So S. Peter quotes the cntical passage of the llOlli
Psalm which the Lord had himself used. Prom this it appears
that the Messiah is also Lord. The exaltation into heaven and tiie
anointing with the Spirit would of themselves have demonstrated his
lordship or sovereignty over the human race (x 36) and the house qf

36 Israel, With perfect certainty then Israel, the peculiar household
or family of God, may fearlessly recognize this crucified Jesus not
only as the Christ but as their Lord and Master.

37 IV. By this * word of God, sharper than any two-edged sword,'
the /teart or conscience of the multitude was pierced or pricked
(Jn xix 34). This is a rare word, used by the Greek translators for
broken in heart in Ps cix 16, which well denotes the compunction
accompanying the conviction of the Holy Spirit (Jn xvi 8), the
first step in repentance. Convinced of their guilt, they ask the
apostles as brothers^ What shall we dot And in reply S. Peter lays
down the conditions which the reception of the gospel demands on

38 part of the individual. They are (\) repent ; and (2) be baptized. So
will be obtained {a) forgiveness of sins, and (ft) the gift of the Spirit,
This preaching is very similar to that of John me Baptist. He
too warned a 'generation of vipers' to flee from wrath and seek
salvation : he was asked * What shall we do ? ' and in answer
preached *a baptism of repentance for the remission of sins.' But
there was a great difference between the two baptisms, which will
be brought out clearly in xix 1-7. One was the shadow; the
other the substance. One was with water only; the other with
water and the Holy Ghost. (1) The baptism itself was no lon^
simply a sign of repentance : it was now a public confession of &i^
in the name of Jesus Christ, i.e. that Jesus is the Christ of God.
(2) There is now on God's side the gift of the Holy Spirit. This
was the free gift of God, won for us by the work of Jesus Christ
(Jn iv 10); and it was the characteristic of the new Messianic

39 kingdom (Jn vii 39). For it was the promise or fulfilment of Ghxl's
covenant with Israel. This covenant was one of promise on (}od's
part and involved continuous expectation or looking forward on
man's part. The promise had at first been of material blessing
e.g. the land of Canaan, but as these were obtained and yet me
ideal was not attained, the content of the promise grew deep^ and
more spiritual until it became the promise of the presence of God
himself in his Spirit*. This indwelling presence was promised to
S. Peter's hearers and the Jewish race, and further even to aU those
afar off, i.e. aU whom it shall please the Lord to call to himself.
Those afar off are really the Gentiles' ; so here at the very beginning

^ See e.g. Isai xxxii 15» xliv 8, Jerem xxxi 31-4, Ezek xxxvi 25-7, xzzvii li,
Joel 11 28-9, Zech xii 10. ^ xxii 21, Eph ii 13, 17.

n 39-40 THE EARLY CHURCH 31

is a proclamation of the universal character of the gospel which had
been ahready foreshadowed in the words of Joel upon all Jlesh and
whosoever shall call (w. 17, 21). The subsequent history however
shews how slow the apostles were to realize tne practical results of
this universal call, and we must beware of reading into these early
utterances the full experience of later years. S. Peter no doubt was
f.}iiTilring mainly of the Jews of the Dispersion, ' the children of God
scattered' far off among the Gentiles^: and the Gentiles whom
the Lord should call S. Peter would as yet expect to come in
through the gate of Judaism as prosel3rtes (verse 11).

40 Tms sermon did not exhaust the testifying of the apostle, and
the other references to such fulfilment of the apostolic function
may suggest some of the other wards or subjects of his present
witness*. One of them . was evidently the need of salvation.
This implied (1) The ^ilt and danger of the Jews : the present
genertUion by their crucifixion of the Messiah had shewn that they
still retaincKl their crooked and perverse character of old, not
'walking in the straight ways' of obedience to the Lord*. (2) A
doctrine of future judgement: as we shall see (x 42), Jesus as
Christ and Lord had slso received the office of Judge.

§ 3 The church of the beginning

41 They then that received his word were baptized : and
there were added unto them in that day about three thousand

42 BOuls. And they ^continued stedfastly in the apostles' teaching
and fellowship^ in the breaking of "bread and the prayers.

43 And fear came upon every soul : and many wonders and

44 signs were done by the apostles. And all that believed "were

45 together, 'and had all things common ; and they sold their
posaessions and goods, and parted them to all, according as

46 any man had need. And day by day, continuing stedfastly
with one accord in the temple, and breaking bread at home,
they did take their food with gladness and singleness of heart,

47 praising God, and having favour with all the people. And
the Lord added Ho them day by day those that were being
saved.

The then in verse 41 is the word with which S. Luke usually sums up
the result of a preceding passage as a new point of departure : so this

1 Cp. w. 5, 14, I Pet i 1 : Jn zi 52. > Gp. viii 25, z 42 : iii 15, iv 83.

▼ 31-2, X 89, 41, xiii 81. » Cp. Deat zzzii 5, Lk ix 41, Phil ii 15 : Acts ziii 10.
* Gk were ecntinuinff. ^ Gk the bread : Bezan has the feUowBhip of the

breakifig of the bread, * B omits were and and, ' To them in the Gk is

to§€Ui£r. IlV has added to the church Now Peter and John went tip together.

Codsx Beiae has together in the church.

i

32 BAPTISM n 41-47

verse need not necessarily describe what followed immediately upon
S. Peter's speech, and we are released from speculations as to now the
sudden baptism of so many persons could have been effected \ That
day according to regular biblical usage may stand for 'that period,'
i.e. the first epoch in the life of the church, when it was altogetlier

Srosperous and the numbers rose rapidly from 120 to 3000 — ^that is, in
erusalem alone, not counting any pilgrims who may have returned
home and carried the seeds of the gospel with them. And S. Luke
proceeds to give us his first picture of the church, though we are not
certain whether *the term * church ' has as yet come into common use.
With this we must compare the companion picture in iv 32-35, or to
be more accurate iv 23-v 16. Here we have described (A) the entrance
into the society : (B) the conditions of membership : (CQ its outward
appearance before the world : and (Z>) its daily life.

A (verse 41). The entrance into the society was through Baptism',
Baptism was 'a washing of the body with pure water' which symoolized
a simultaneous washing of the soul or forgiveness of sins. Hence th^e
were necessary conditions : (1) previous repentance and confession of
sin (Mt iii 6^ ; and (2) as forgiveness was through the blood of Christ,
confession of faith * t» the name of Jems Christ J From verse 38, x 48,
and xix 5', we should naturally infer that these words were actually
the formula used in baptizing. On the other hand the Lord, in
Mt xxviii 19, commanded the disciples to baptize *into the name oj
the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost* The apparent
discrepancy was noticed by the Fathers and various solutions were
proposed. A simple explanation is to suppose tliat ^in the name qf
Jesus Christ' had been the original formula, which was afterwards
superseded by the name of the Father, Son and Spirit ; and that the
filial editor of S. Matthew's (Jospel, writing about A.D. 60-70, in giving
a summary of the Lord's commands, bid used the formula fisimiaar to
him from its universal use in the church. On the otlier hand there is
no difficulty in the use of the threefold name from the first. The Lord
had spoken of Father, Son and Spirit^; and indeed we might almost say
that for a Jew to confess Jesus as Lord and Christ was to impUcitiy
confess his faith in the same Trinity, viii 37 (margin) and xxii 16
suggest a better solution, viz. tliat * in the name of Jesus Christ * refers
to the confession of faith in Jesus made by the baptized and not to the
form used by the baptizer. In the Didache we find the same language
as in the NT. In ch. 7 it explicitly enjoins baptism in the thiee^d

^ The Greek however may he translated They then (i.e, the hearers) received ki$
word and were baptized^ as in i 6, v 41, viii 25. The translation in the text is like
viii 4, xi 10. For this then cp. also ix 31, ziii 4, xv 3, 30, xvi 6, xvii 12, xxiii 32, 31,
xxvi 3, 9. 3 Cp. viii 12-3, 36-8, ix 18, x 47-8, xvi 15, 33, xviii 8, xix a-CL

2 Cp. Rom vi 3. * In the synoptists, * the Son * oocurs in Mt xi 27, Mk xiii 82,

Lk X 21-2. In commenting on *the implicit reference to the Threefold Name' in
I Pet i 2, Dr Hort says * Uow snch an idea could arise in the mind of 8. Paul or
any other apostle without sanction from a word of the Lord, it is difficult to imagine:
and this consideration is a sufficient answer to the doubts which have, by no ^
onnaturally, been raised * as to M^ ^^^iii 19.

II 41-47 FOUR MARKS OF THE CHURCH 33

name : in ch. 9 it speaks of 'those who were baptized in tlie name of
the Lord/

To baptism there was attached the gift of the Holy Spirit ^ This
gi£i was essential : it was not however identical with baptism. This is
clear from the cases of Cornelius, the Samaritans and John's disciples".
The last two instances shew that the gift was conveyed by the laying
on of hands. Such laying on of han(& was confined to the apostles
(yiii 18), but not so the administration of baptism. Indeed from
8. Peter's words in x 48 and S. Paul's practice (I Cor i 14-17) it
would seem that the apostles did not usually baptize with their own
hands but left it to some minister, such as John Mark (xiii 5). In so
doing they were following their Lord's example (Jn iv 2). Not much
preparation or instruction was necessary in tne case of Jews : to join
the apostles simply meant the addition of another article to their creed,
viz. * Jesus is the Christ, the Son of God.' But we are surprised at the
rapidit]r with which baptism was given in the case of a Gentile like the
Pmlippian jailor, or even a proselyte like the Ethiopian eunuch*.

jS (verse 42). Baptism added or joined men — S. Luke does not say
to whom, but the next verse shews us — to the apostles, as representing
the church. Membership in this society meant a continuous effort : it
was a persevering adherence^ both (a) to persons and (6) to duties,
especially prayer*. Here S. Luke gives the four essentials which must
not be abandoned : and they fall into two pairs, dealing with (a) organi-
zation and (b) worship.

(1) The Teaching of the Ajfostles. At once we begin with the
principle of authority ; membership means fellowship with the apostles.
The cnurch is apostolic because it cleaves to the apostles and through
fdlowship with them it has fellowship with the Father and his Son
Jesus Christ*. The basis on which the authority rests is the Teacliing
or Doctrine. The apostles liad been the ^isciples of the Lord and the
witaiesses of his resurrection, hence they were best qualified to be the
teachers of tiie new body. But they had been definitely appointed
Teachers by the Lord in Mt xxviii 19, and the office was included in
that of witness and apostle.

The prominence of teaching among the Jews was due to their
possession of written scriptures. The scriptures contained their law
and rule of life, social and civil as well as religious, and so their
interpretation was a matter of supreme importance. Learned students
of tlie law became rabbis or teachers, who expounded the scriptures
and taught publicly ; they were surrounded by classes of disciples and
formed different schools of interpretation. 'Die Christian society first
appeared as such a school. The Lord was a great teacher or rabbi
imo taught with authority. He was the Master surrounded by his
diflciples . And when he was taken away the apostles took his place
as t«M5hers. They taught publicly, having a place of teaching in the

» See I 5, u 38, ix 17-«. » x 44-8, viii 14-19, xix 1-6. « xvi 33, viii 38.

« (a) viii 18, z 7, Mk iu 9 : (&) i 14, tI 4, Bom xu 12, Col iy 2. Cp. p. 10.
• I Jn i 8. • Jn iii 2, xUi 13.

B. A. . 8

d

34 THE DOCTRIISE 1141-47

temple, and were recognized as rabbis, although tliey taught in an
ttn technical manner. As with their master, their work also was 'both
to do and to teach ' : and teaching and preaching go side by side as
the normal work of the church — ^both to those without and those
within^ The believers underwent a regular course of instruction which
became known as the catechesis. Later on a prolonged catechesis became
a necessary qualification for baptism, and the candidates were known as
catechumens or ' those under instruction.' All this instruction called for
a number of teachers and catechists of more or less authority, and so
there grew up a definite order of teachers in the church (Introd.
chapter vi).

At the first however the apostles were the teachers. The subject of
the Teaching was the things concerning the Lord Jesus Christ (xxviii 31),
of which the apostles were the witnesses and interpreters. As yet there
was no written gospel, and all depended upon the lips of the apostles
for full and authontative information. The Teaching then comprised
the fact-s of our Lord's life, his doctrine and teaching : the tMnas
concerning the kingdom of God (i 3) which resulted from his Messiah-
ship : the new understanding of the OT scriptures, which he had given
them (IJk xxiv 45) : and the moral demand upon men which bis
Messianship made*.

The Teaching, as was the custom among the Jews, was conveyed by
word of mouth and continual repetition. So it would tend to assume
a fixed type or form of sound words. This when handed down as a
good deposit from one generation to another became a tradition or
matter nanded down'. But such traditions would soon be written
down, and so we practically possess the great bulk of the apostolic
teaching about the Lord's life in the first three Gospels, especiaUy in
the triple tradition, i.e. that part which is common to all the three.
In the speeches of the Acts we have summaries of what we should call
their creed : and in tlie epistles again large portions of dogmatic and
other teaching are embedded, almost as it were incidentally*.

(2) Adhering to the apostolic teaching, the believers adhered to
the Communion or Fellowship^, i.e. not omy to the fellowship of the
apostles, but also to The Fellowship, On the social instincts of man all
civil and political life depends. But fellowship is no less a necessity in
the regions of thought and faith. Greek philosophers had their schools,
and the empire was honeycombed with religious societies and guilds.
Israel itself was a great religious fellowship : and in it were found

1 See i 1, ii 42, iv 2, 18, v 21, 25, 28, 42, xi 26, xv 36, xviii 11, xx 20, xxviii 81: cp.
XV 1, xxi 21. For the catechizing see xyiii 25 (xxi 21, 24), Lk i 4, Bom ii 18, I C^
xiv 19, Gal vi 6. ^ The elementary principles of Uiis teaching are given in

IlebrewB vi 1-3. They are repentance and faith — the fundamental relation to God :
baptixm and laying on of handt — sacramental incorporation into the body of Christ :
resurrection and the judgement to come, or moral responsibility. ' Bom vi 17,

II Tim i 13, 14 : cf. I Cor xi 2, 23, xv 1-3, Gal i 9, H Th ii 15, iii 6. U Tim ii 2.
^ See especially I Cor xi 23-25, xv 1-8. ^ The Greek xoiptavla and Latin eown-

munio arrt the same as the English fellowship. They are derived from the Graek
Koif6$t Lai. communis (i.e. common).

n 41-47 THE FELLOWSfflP 35

societies still more closely knit, such as the * sects ' of the Pliarisees
and Sadduceeis or the 'brotherhoods' of the Essenes and Therapeutae.
And now Christianity is revealed as a fellowship : rather it is Tlie
Fellowship — *the communion of the saints/

This Fellowship was b^n by our Lord, when he called the apostles
to leave all and follow him. So they formed a fellowship, living a
common life and sharing a common purse. When the Lord was taken
up, the common life continued : and the most characteristic words in
the early chapters of the Acts are all, with one accord^ toaether\ The
great effect of &e resurrection had been to transform this fellowship
of disciples into an actual brotherhood (Jn xx 17). The Jews indeed
had a strong sense of their brotherhood of race, and in this the early
bdievers had a share. But when the tie of blood was broken by
persecution and unbelief, the Christian society became *the brother-
hood'.'

The Fellowship is, spiritually, the fellowship of, i.e. a real vital
nni^ with, the Son of God Jesus Christ. This unity is effected through
the Spirit, so it becomes the fellowship of the Holy Ghost, And where
the Son and Spirit are, there is the Father, so it is fellowship with the
Father, Christians then are fellow partakers of the divine nature :
therefore they have fellowship one with another. S. John also puts it
conversely: through fellowship with the apostles we come to fellowship
wiAthe Father. And the fellowship is attaint through (a) cleansing
h tke blood of Jesus his Son ; (b) profession of the common faith or
revdation of the word of life ; and (c) actual fellowship of the body
^ blood of Christ through the sacrament of Holy Fellowship ^
Doctrinally, it may be represented as the unity of the church, which
i« expounded dogmatically by S. Paul, symbolically by S. John, and
historically by S. Luke in the Acts*. Morally, the fellowship was a
wii^ of heart and soul, or of love, the bond of the new brothernood*.

The marks of the church which follow are the chief outward
iMoifestations of this inner unity, and they may be briefly summed
^ as— a common life, with common eating (whether of bodily or

rtual food) and common worship : common work* and suffering^ for
common £a,ith : and a common sharing of the goods of this life.
Ab this last makes the greatest impression on the outside world, it is
CM«fiilly reported, not only here but more fully below in iv 32 — v 1 1,

(3) The Breaking of the Bread or the sacrament of Holy Com-
niniion has alwavs been recognized as the central means and test of
feDowghip with the church. And because of its practical importance
8* all time, it needs a closer enquiry. (<i) Tne human race has

* See Lk riii 1-3, Jn xii 6, xiii 29, Acts i 12-14, ii 41-47. iv 32-5, etc. All
««Mini 14, ii 1. 4, 32, 44-6, iv 31, 33, v 12 : with one accord i 14, ii 46, iv 24, v 12,
liii 6. X? 26 : together i 16, ii 1, 44, 47. « xxii 6, xxviu 21 : ii 29, 87. iii 17,

vii S. ix 17, xxii 1, xxiii 1, xxviii 17 : the brethren for the Christians exclnsively
Muix aO. > See I Cor i 9, II Cor xiii 13, IJn i 1-3 : U Pet i 4: (a) IJn

i 7: ih) Tit i 4 : (c) I Cor X 16. « I Cor x 17. xii, Eph iv : Jn xix 23-4,

sn II— and dogmfttically also xv 1-6, xvii. > iv 82, Jn xiii 84-6. * Phil

ia:nCorviii23. ' PhiliiilO: II Cor i 7 : Hcbr x 83. 1 Pet iv 13.

8—2

36 THE BREAKING OF BREAD n 41-^

always looked upon eating as a solemn action, and eating together •■
a si^ of fellowship. Especially this was (and is) the case among thi
Semites. To eat bread or salt with another, even a deadly enem|^
created a bond which could not be violated ; on the other hand Jent
might not eat with Gentiles who were out of the covenants Henoi
a common meal became not only an emblem but a seal of fellowships
And universally friendship ana goodwill are manifested in giviQ|
banquets and invitations to dinner. In societies and guilds thl
common festival meal was a central and essential feature, and thl
form of this has lasted till to-day. In some cities like Sparta, oi
religious societies like the Essenes amon^ the Jews, a public commoB
meal was the daily rule. Such a meal, besides being a sign of feUowship^
also served to maintain it, for the poorer brethren thus found sustenanoi
provided for them, and common feasts became a recognized channel d
* charity.'

(b) The solemnity of eating no doubt was due to its connexion
with life. The same connexion imparted to it a religious character*
Life came from the gods, and was preserved by communion with thenL
And as with men, so fellowship with the gods was reaUzed by eating
together with them, i.e. in a sacrificial meaL Upon this subject great
lignt has been thrown by the comparative stuay of religions. Hii
authorities' tell us that, while in later times the god was conceived
of as sliaring the sacrificial meal with the worshippers, the ori^ml
idea was far more striking : it would seem that the nesdi of the Yictim
was thought to be the flesh of the god, and the worshippers renewed
their life by feeding upon their god. Whether this were so or no, w*
certainly find in the origins of religion a close connexion between
sacrifice and the eating of flesh meat It is probable that the former
gave rise to the latter, and that for a long time a sacrifice was tha
only occasion on which an animal was slain and eaten. Even in thi
days of the Acts, the meat which was sold in butchers' shops had not
infrequently been slain in sacrifice : and this caused one of the earlieal
'cases of conscience ' in the church, that about 'meats offered to idols V
But besides the feasting upon victims, there were other sacrificial meals.
Thus the jxartaking of bread at a solemn feast renewed communion
with the deities who presided over the harvest The famous Eleusiniaa
mysteries culminated in a meal in which the eating of cakes formed thie
bond of communion between the initiated, and preijared them for thfl
final vision of the sheaf of wheat which was an epiphany of the com
goddess Demeter herself*. We can then see how the common meak
of guilds and societies w^ere in themselves acts of worship. The meal
formed the central rite of relirion because it established communion
(i) between the worshippers, (ii) between the worshippers and their deity,

^ z 28, xi 3, Gal ii 12. For eatinf; or eating togother, seo Gen xviii 5-8, xxsl
54, Judges xiii 16 f, I Ham xx 18, 24-7. II iii 20, I K i 9, xiii 8 foU. > 861

Jevons' Introduction to the History of Religion (ch. xii), Robertson Smith's Religim
of the SemiteM, Frazer*B Golden Jioujh, ^ I Cor viii 10, x 25-8. « S«

Jevons oh. xiiy.

II 41-47 THE BREAKING OF BREAD 37

In the OT it is true that nowhere is this idea of finding communion
with (3od in a common meal explicitly stated or taught. Eating how-
ever is closely connected with sacrificed Peace-oflferings ended with a
feast upon the victim, and the priests ate the remains of the guilt- and
trespass-offerings : sacrifices are called *the bread of God" : and besides
animal victims, meal-offerings, shewbread, and firstfruits were offered
to God and eaten by the priests. On the other side the ordinary
meals of the Jews bore a reli^ous character, as was shewn by the
practice of blessing God or giving him thanks over the food, i.e.
of saying grace. Tne Jews' bread was baked in cakes and divided for
distribution by breaking^ and apparently the head of the house would
begin the meal by solemnly breaking bread and giving thanks over it ;
and so the term breaking of bread came to denote this commencement
of a meal with blessing.

In the life of our Lord and his disciples the meal was no less pjsirt
of their religious life, (a) Eating together formed the bond of union
between them*, and the Lord would begin their daily meal by breaking
bread and giving thanks in the maimer described in the feeding of the
5000'. No douDt it was his familiar grace or breaking of bread which
revealed him to the eyes of the two disciples at Emmaus ; and at the
sea of Tiberias he first * taketh the bread and giveth them*.' The Twelve
naturally continued their common meal after the Lord was taken away
from them, and this no doubt accounted for their being together when
he appeared to them on the evening of Easter Day^. After Pentecost we
find the whole society daily breaking bread together (verse 46) ; and
the meal must have held a central place in their life^ It was the bond
of fellowship : it gave opportunity for common worship and mutual
instruction and emortation : it provided sustenance wr the poorer
members of the society, e.g. the widows. As the numbers and poverty
of the society increased, this daily ministration or serving of tables
became a serious and overwhelming business, as we shall learn from
chapter vi. Later, when the church had spread abroad, to hold such
a reunion daily became a practical impossibility : and the common
meal became specialized. It was called an Agape or Zov^-feast. This
word denoted tne double aim— the cultivation of brotherly love and the
exercise of * charity.' The latter tended to predominate, and to give an
agape became a recognized form of benevolence on the part of a wealthy
brother. At the same time the religious character was not lost sight
of. The agape was frequently held m church : grace was pronounced
by one of the clergy : and tne singing of psalms and hymns had its
place. This observance of Christian life attracted the interest of the

^ Cp. e.g. Oen xxzi 54, Exod zviii 21, xxxii 6, I Sam ix 12-3, xiy 34-5, xvi 2,
zx 6, 29, Pb ovi 28. In Acts x 18 S. Peter is told to tacrifiee and tat : cp. I Cor x. 18-21.
> Levit iii 11, xxi 6, 8, 17, 21-2, xxii 25. ' See J. Lightfoot on this passage ;

and cp. Jn vi 12, the broken piecet. ^ See x 41 and i 4 marg: Mk xiv 18. ^ Mt
xiT 19 and xy 86 with the parallehi. « Lk xxiv 80, 35, Jn xxi 18. ' Lk

xxiT 41-2. " 8. Lake gives great attention to the thought of hodily noorish-

ment (more than his medical training would account for) : the references are (i 4),
ii 42, 4C, vi 2, ix 19, x J-IG, 41, xi 3, xiv 17. xvi 34, xx 7, 11, xxvu 3S-G.

/

38 THE BREAKING OF BREAD n4i-47

outside world. Naturally it was open to abuse, and this even in the
earliest days, when there was disorder, selfishness, and drunkenness at
the Corinthian agape\ Accordingly it became one of the earliest
subjects of church legislation, and in the 4th century there was a strong
tendency towards its suppression. The practice did gradually die out^
but it was still necessary for tlie Trullan Council of a.d. 692 to forbid
an agape to be held in a church.

{h) Turning to the second circle of ideas, we find that the Lord
as it were consecrated the association of divine worship and communion
with a sacred meal. He made a feast the central rite of his church
as the memorial of his sacrifice of himself; and at the same time
transformed the meal into the deepest mystery. For the food and
drink were to be his own body and blood, and so by feeding upon him
the worshipper was to attain to communion with God. In the OT the
greatest sacrificial meal was the feast of the Passover. For it was the
memorial of the redemption from Egypt, and at the paschal supper a
lamb was eaten whole by every femily of Israel. It is also to be noted
that a lamb formed the daily sacrifice, ofiered every evening and
morning in the temple. Now at the beginning of his ministry the
Lord was aimouncea by the Bajjtist as the Lamb of God. At the
Passover which was its turning point he had spoken of eating the flesh
and drinking the blood of the Son of Man. Then at his lait paschal
supper, the night he was betrayed, the Lord took tlie bread, and after
blessing it (perhaps with the usual benediction) he said Take, eat:
this is my body. Afterwards he distributed the cup with similar words,
This is my blood of the new covenant. So he ratified the new covenant;
and when he added This do in remembrance of me, he instituted a new
feast to be (i) his perpetual memory, and (ii) the means of union with
himself and so with God. This feast is the Euchiurist, the Christian
service of divine worship and communion.

The question arises — What relation had this feast to the daily
common meal ? How, and how often, was it to be celebrated ? If the
words in S. Paul * This do, as oft as ye drink'^ ' may mean — not every
time that thirst is quenched but — as often as ye eat and drink together
as a society, we may understand that the apostles interprets the
Lord's conmiand by making the daily common meal or breakina of
bread a repetition of the Last Supper. This meal then would include
both elements, (a) Agape and (6) Eucharist : and the Agape S3rmbolized

1 I Cor xi 17-34. Among the many references to the agape Tertnllian's
picture is the most vigorous. In contrast to heathen religious orgies he describes
it thus {apolog. 39) : * Before (the brethren} take their seats, prayer to Qod forms the
first course : hunger is the measure of their food, modesty places the limit on their
cups. They feast as men who remember that even at night God is to be wor^i^ed :
they talk as those who know that the Lord is listening. After the washing of handii
and lighting of the lamps, according to their several ability out of the scripture or
their own heart they provoke one another to singing the praises of Qod. Here is
the test of their drinking ! As it began so the feast ends with prayer.' ' I Cor
xi 25, the it is not in the Greek.

1141-47 THE BREAKING OP BREAD 39

and cemented the fellowship with one another which was created by
their common commnnion with the Lord in the Eucharist. Later,
when it was found impossible to meet together daily, this Breaking of
Bread was celebrated at least once a week and it formed the great act
of worship on the Lord's Day (xx 7).

If the Christian Breaking of Bread followed the precedents of the
Last Supper, which was a paschal meal, it would begin ^ith * grace,'
i.e. a blessing of a cup and the breaking of bread. Hands were
washed — a rehc of which still remains in the washing of the priest's hands
in the liturgies. The ofiFertory in the liturgies also reminds us that
originally the brethren used to bring their contributions to the common
xn^\ At the Jewish feasts the head of the table then explained at
length the meaning of the feast and recited the mighty acts ot the Lord
in the redemption of Israel : in the new covenant this would be the
place for the apostles' teaching and exhortation. At intervals also
psalms and hymns were sung^, — the natural expression of Christian joy
rverse 46). Then at the end of the meal came the crowning mystery.
The presiding apostle gave thanks to God over the oflferings of bread
and wine for his redemption of the world by the crucifixion and resur-
rection of his Son, ana then following the example of the Master took
' the loaf,' i.e. one of the paschal cakes, and blessed it, and brake it for
distribution; then the cup likewise; and so the brethren partook of the
body and blood of the Lord. As the whole meal was an act of worship,
so this action of offering and feeding was sacrificial'; and thus the
Eucharist formed the church's daily sacrifice and took the place of the
daily ofiFering of the lamb in the temple, while the drinking of the cup
was a daily renewal of the covenant.

Our conclusion then is that the Breaking of Bread is the term for
a solemn religious meal. This may be (i) an Agape alone, or (ii) the
Euchsurist alone, or (iii) as at the first the Agape followed by the
Eucharist : which is meant on a particular occasion we must ascertain
from the context. This conclusion seems to be confirmed by the
references in the Acts and I Corinthians xi.

Prom the epistle it is clear that the Corinthians came together for
the Eucharist. It is also clear that their evening meal or agape
preceded it, and both together made * the Lord's Supper*.' Abuses had
crept in — controversy, selfishness, greediness and even intemperance.
The Eucluurist was profened by drunkenness'. S. Paul did not however
abolish the Agape. But he directed them to wait for one another, i.e.
for iihe solemn grace ; they were not to come hungry and look upon the
meal as the satis&ction of their bodily appetite but to treat it as an
act of worship ; and then he unfolded tlie true meaning of the mystery

1 Cp. I Cor zi 21-2. » Mt xxvi 30. » Cp. Hebr. xiii 10. In I Cor x 18

8. Paul contrasts the table of the Lord with the table of devils, S. Augustine defines
a ' sacrifice ' (de Civit, x 6. 6) as * everything that is done in order that we may by a
holy fellowship inhere in God. See Mr Gore's Romaru n p. 241. ^ I Cor xi 20:

dinner is the better modem equivalent of the Greek deiirpoy. ^ We find Jewish

rabbis contemplating the possibility of drunkenness at the pasohal supper. This
mxy lessen oar surprise if not our horror.

40 THE BREAKING OP BREAD 1141-47

in the Eucharist. The apostle's deliberate language about its pro&na-
tion (shall be quilty of the body and blood of the Lard), and the penalty
of death whicn had ensued, marked for ever the clearest distinction, a
distinction in kind, between the eatings of the Eucharist and of the
Agape.

The celebration at Troas described in Acts xx 7-13 occurred a year
or two after the epistle had been written, and we find that the Breaking
of Bread is now the distinctive worship of the first day of the week.
The Agape and Eucharist appear still to be together. The brethren
meet in the evening to break bread, i.e. for their common meal or
agape. At this S. Paul discourses at great length. The &11 of
Eutychus interrupted the ceremony, and when S. raul had returned
from raising him, it was time to break the bread, i.e. of the Eucharisc^
After this S. Paul discoursed a^ain till morning dawned.

Lastly in the account of the shipwreck (jcxvii 33-36) we are told
how before dawn S. Paul took bread and gave thanks to God b^cre aU
and brake it and began to eat. This is evidently not the bread of the
Eucharist. It is incredible that S. Paul would have celebrated the
crowning Christian mystery in the presence of so many unbaptized
soldiers and sailors and in the distressing circumstances of the tempest.
The words describe the solemn grace with which the apostle, following
the Lord's example, usually began to eat\

Soon after these events — and no doubt in consequence of abuses
such as had occurred at Corinth — the Agape and Eucharist were
dissociated. The Eucliarist was postponed till the hours of iJie early
morning', while the Agape remained as the evening meal. Of this
separation we have evidence in the letters of Plmy governor of
Bithynia, writing about the year 110. This custom became all but
universal. There were however exceptions. Thus early in the 5th
century the custom of having the Eucharist in the evening after an
agape was still maintained in Egypt, outside of Alexandria, on Satur-
days* : and in the rest of Africa the same custom was observed on one
day in the year, viz. on Maundy Thursday, as an exact commemoration
of the original institution.

Ok) As the fellowship was of the apostles but extended to the
whole church, so the Prayers included the breaking of the bread and more
also. At first the Christians of Jerusalem continued to frequent the
temple for prayer and worship both public and private*. But just as
Jerusalem was full of synagogues in addition to the temple, so the

1 Bnt see below on the passage for another interpretation. ' The food which
S. Panl took in ix 19 was probably religions food. The first meal after his fast ajid
baptism was, we can safely imagine, &e breaking of the bread. So the oommon
table which Paul and Silas shared with the jaUor after his baptism in xvi 84 was no
donbt treated by them as a religious meal, when they would haye broken tht bread
in thanksgiving for the jailor's oonversion and their own deliverance. * For

such postponement the service at Troas would set a precedent. We must remember
that in the Jewish reckoning, which was followed by the early ohoroh, the day began
with sunset: evening came before morning. ^ Socrates EccL Hut. v 22.

^ verse 46, ill 1, xxi 23-0, xxii 17. For synagogues see vi 9, James ii 2.

IUM7 THE WORKING OF MIRACLES 41

Ghrigtians would meet for prayer and worship *at home/ i.e. in
'synagogues' of their own. There are several references to such
domestic prayer, as in i 24, iv 23 f, xii 12; and the expression the
Proym almost implies tliat there were regular hours of prayer, corre-
sponding perhaps to the Jewish synagogue prayers, but we have no
information on the suUect\

C (w. 43-45). Having given us the essential constitution of the
church, S. Luke passes to the impression made on the world without —
both by (T) the apostolic body, and (2) the whole church.

(1) Tne startling phenomena which marked the outpouring of the
Holy Spirit and the events which followed it, like those at the beginning
of t&e Gospel, spread a feeling of awe and amazement over the peopled
This feeling was maintained by the Wonders and signs which the apostles
began to work. These miracles served the same purpose as those of
the Lord. As his works had borne witness to him, so the works of the
apostles were signs of divine approval and the credentials of their
ajfostolate*. The first miracle is just going to be described for us in
in 1-10; other instances occur in ix 32-43 ; and v 12-16 gives a picture
of miraculous energy. Probably striking miracles or pouters such as
those just c[uoted^ were rare, and the wonders and signs mainly denote
the b^eficial effects upon the souls and bodies of others which resulted
from the spiritual force and energy of the apostles (iv 33). At first
this wonder-working power was confined to the hands of the apostles ;
but after the laying on of hands in vi 6, we find it exercised both
by 8. Stephen and S. Philip*. S. Paul enjoyed a rich endowment of it
lAter on, like the 'speaking with tongjues' the * working of miracles'
^ its place among the customary spiritual gifts (charismaia) of the
church.

(2) The 'wonder and sign' which created the greatest impression
'M no doubt the Common life of the whole church or the community
of goods*. This was however not a compulsory division of property on
^communistic principles, but a voluntary following of the example and
^^iug of the Lord. Jesus and the Twelve ha^ lived a common life
^ shared a common purse ; and the communion at Jerusalem was the
ooDtinuation of that hfe. Again the Lord never laid down a law that
^ must have ec^sl shares ; but he had taught that wealth was a loan
from God of which we are stewards ; that we should love our neighbour
as ourselves; that poverty is in itself a happy condition, and it is more
Uttsed to give than to receive (xx 35). So the Christian communism
^ws not a matter of law but sprang inevitably out of * brotherly love.'
Ab is explained in iv 32, they were of one heart and soul, hence they

' For other cities see ziii 3, xiv 23, nvi 16, xx 7, 86, zxi 5. > Lk i 65, ii 18 (the
WMMtfr oomea in Aeto iU 10-12). * U 22, U Cor xu 12 : xiv 3, Ilk xvi 20,

Ibbr ii 4. * It ii notioeable that the word powers is not used here, nor in y 12,
of the tpostles, as it was of our Lord in ii 22. It occurs only twice besides — of
& nul^^viii 13, and S. Paul xix 11. ^ yi s, viu 7, 13. For S. Paul see I Cor

zii 10, 28. * In iy 82-85 there is the same connexion with (divine) power and

Compare the impreeaiou made at Ephesus by the sacrifice of the books (xix 19).

42 THE COMMUNITY OF GOODS u 41-47

did not look upon their possessions as their ovon but as common or
equally at the service of their brethren in need. And so they had cM
things common. Neither the idea nor the practice was in ract new.
The Greeks had perceived that this was the true ideal of friendship, as
is shewn by tiieir proverb — * Common are the possessions of friends.'
Plato had sketched an ideal state founded on this principle, while
among tlie Jews tlie Essenes had already carried it into practice.
What was new was the enthusiasm and the true spirit of love and
self-sacrifice of the Christian 'communists.'

Their success depended first on the local unity — they were aU
together : and then on the unselfishness of individuals. Many of the
brethren must have come from the ranks of the poor, and the pre&kching
of the gospel prevented the apostles from practising their trades^
Hence me charge 'go sell all tnat thou hast and give to the poor'
must have been urgent on the wealthier converts. Accordingly
many sold their possessions (lands and property) and goods (furniture
and valuables). The money realized was given to the apostles, and
through them distribution was made — ^not to efiFect an equalitjr but —
for the relief of want, as every man had need. This distribution
involved a daily ministration, and in this ministration no small part
must have been occupied by the provision of the common meal or
serving the table. For both kinds of ministration the apostles would
certainly have needed ministers^ That the selling of property was

Juite voluntarv is clear from the special commendation bestowed upon
oseph Barnabas for so doing, and from the words of S. Peter to
Ananias, which shew that, as long as the individual retained them,
both the property and its price were entirely *his own.' Besides we
shall come across examples of private property; there was e.g. *the
house of Mary the mother of Mark'.'

As the church rapidly expanded and they could no longer be *all
together,' the community of goods passed away. Indeed it had never
been more than a local institution. And at Jerusalem the ultimate
result was not an economical success. This was probablv due to the
want of the necessary complement of an organization of labour. The
expectation of tlie Lord's immediate return diverted the attention of
the church from the need of provision for the future ; and many years
later S. Paul found it necessary to insist on tlie duty of wor^g^
Jerusalem itself, like other pil^mage centres, was noted for its poverty.
This the church shared, and m addition it underwent the spoiling of
its goods in persecution, so that the apostles had to ask S. Paul 'to
remember the poor*.' For the principle of community remained*, and
the selling of possessions was succeeded by the sending of alms fit)m
one church to another. So Antioch sent relief to Jerusalem in 45, and
later S. Paul brought a contribution' from the Gentile churches.

^ Cp. vi 2. ' i.e. deacons, vi 1-6. * xii 12 : cp. also Jn xix 27, Hebr x 84.
Simon Magna had not given up his money on his baptism (viii 20). * II Thesa

iii 10, Eph iv 28: op. Didache 1% ^ vin IS: cp. Hebr x 34, Gal ii 10.

* n Cor Tili 14. ' He calls it a communion or fellowship^ Rom xvi 20.

II 41-in THE DAILY LIFE OF THE CHURCH 43

D (w. 45-47). S. Luke concludes with a picture of the Daily
life of the believers. They were persevering in daily attendance at
the temple as a body {with one accord) tor public worship. The
apostles also, as we have seen, preached and taught in the temple,
¥mere they had a regular rendezvous in Solomon's rorch, where Jesus
also 'had walked ^' But besides the temple they had their own places
of meeting or 'synagogues,' such as the upper chamber and Mar/s
hoiise\ Here, at homey they gathered together every evening for the
breaking 0/ bread. This service of Agape and Eucharist was the centre
of their fife, as the Greek shews; for the single finite verb in this
sentence is they partook of their foody both bodily and spiritual. This
they did with gladness and singleness of heart : the meal was a real
eucharist or sacrifice of thanksgiving. But these words are the key-
notes of the whole Christian life— (1) joy, and (2) singleness of purpose,
or sincerity of character. These represent the true relation to God and
man : (1) the joy manifests itself m praising God^, and (2) the single-
ness of heart, shewing itself in the unselfismiess of their common me,
wins favour tcith all the people. The community at first enjoyed great
popularity ; and its ideal life daily attracted new adherents. But the
real source of increase was the Lord^, The unity of tlie church is
strikingly illustrated by S. Luke's expression, whicn is literally added
to the same or together^ Those who were added (verse 41) are those
that were being saved. There is no reference here to preaestination.
The AV wkich should be saved is a simple mistranslation. The
expression simply means the Lord 'guided them into the way of
salvation.' The church is the way of life; those who are walking
therein are in a state of present safety ; and if they persevere it will
bring them to a future and eternal safety or salvation.

m S. Luke's writing a summary of progress like this marks the

conclusion of a chapter, here of the first chapter of the church's life —

W baptism and vigorous childhood. This corresponds to the beginning

of the Gospel. Lme her Lord, the church * waxes strong,' and is * in

fiatour with Gk)d and man'.' How the clouds of trouble and opposition

were first to darken the sky, the next chapter will shew.

SECTION III ( = Ch. 3-5)
The Consolidation of the Church at Jerusalem

The ^beginning 0/ travail pains': persecution

without, peril within

Bie growth of this new society with its public appearance in the
***lfc could not &il to attract the attention of the authorities, and

*8ee b 1, ▼ 12, 20-1, Jn x 23. « i 18, xii 12. For other 'churchea

■AOttes' lee ZYiii 7, I Cor xvi 19, Bom xvi 5, Col iv 15, Philem 2. At home may
wtiiBaiftted /fOM houu to house (AV) or in every hotue : see xiv 23, xv 36. * Cp.

UuiY fi2^. « Cp. I Ck>r ill 6. 'See uote on text (p. 31). • Lk i 80, ii 52.

I

44 THE JEWISH GOVERNMENT in

the subject of this section is the conflict which ensued. The gOYcrn-
ment of Jerusalem at this time was in tiie hands of an aristocracy.
Since a.d. 6 Judaea had been a Roman province under a procurator—
at present Pontius Pilate : but the internal affairs of tiie Jews weit
left very much to their own authorities. These were (1) the High*
priest^ and (2) die Senate. This senate or council was called the
Sanhedrin, ana consisted of about 70 members drawn firom threi
classes — (a) rulers^ (h) elders or presbyters, and (c) scribes. Them
classes represented (a) the actual holders of oflice and of political
power, (b) the leading men of influence, owing their position to their
blood or wealth or religious dignity, and (c) the chief rabbis or
teachers of the law. The high-priest — ^at this time Joseph Gaiaphas-^
was president of the Sanhednn ; and he and his party (they that wer$
with him) practically formed the first class. Tnese were the high*
priests\ i.e. not onlv those who had been deposed from the oflice of
high-priest which tney had once held, but also their relatives — m
many as were of the high-priestly race. For at this time the YnAr
priesthood was practically confined to a few aristocratic fiunihes.
Chief amongst these was the family of Annas or Ananus. Annas
himself had been high-priest from a.d. 6 to 15, and five of his sons
also enjoyed the priesthood^ and Joseph Caiaphas was his son-in-law.
This accounts for the leading position assigned to Aimas both in the
Gk)spels and the Acts' : he was popularly known as * the high-priest.'

This hierarchical aristocracy was Sadducean in theology. In &ct
the high-priest and thev that were with him practically formed the sect
qf the Sadducees (v 17). This *sect' represented the rationalistic and
sceptical tendency among the Jews : they denied the resurrection and
the eidstence of angels and spirits. But in fact their religious views
were entirely subordinated to their worldly policy. This policy is
summed up in their cynical admission : If we let him thus alane^ all
men will believe on him ; and the Romans will come and take away bath
our place and our nation (Jn xi 48). The one aim of the high-priests
was to maintain ascendency in the nation. This was endangered oy the
restlessness of the people, which might provoke tlie Romans to ex-
treme measures. Accordingly * the rulers ' were the steady opponents
of national fanaticism and religious enthusiasm. This of course made
them unpopular, and we find their action constantly thwarted by fear
qf the people^. And when at last all powers of control were exhausted
and the people rushed into rebellion the aristocratic party collapsed
and their leaders were assassinated ^

Over against the Sadducees stood the Pharisees ; and in xxiii 6-10
we have a graphic picture of the bitter hatred which divided the two
sects. If me Sadducees had secured for themselves the positions of

1 Translated in the BY chief priests, but the word is the same as high-priesU
For referenoes see iv 6, 6, ▼ 17, 21. 'viz., Eleazar c. 10-17, Jonathim a6--37,

TheophiluB 87, Matthias o. 41, and Ananas 62. ' iv 6, Lk iii 2, Jn xviii 13.

* iv 21, V 26 and in tho Gospels Mt xxi 26, zxri 5 etc. * Three high-imeati

(two of them sons of Annas}, Jonathan, Ananus and Ananias, thus met their end.

Ill SADDUCEES AND PHARISEES 45

anflioriiy, the Pharisees formed the majority of the 'presbyters' and
'scribes in the Sanhedrin, and they made up for the want of political
power by their greater numbers and enormous popularity. For they
were the religious and national party : the ' teacners of Israel ' like
Nicodemus and doctors of the law like Gamaliel, had in honour of all
tke people, were Pharisees. Among them there were different schools.
Some were fiill of religious enthusiasm and longing for the consolation
of hrael, but deprecated violence and the app^ to arms — quiet and
'* ious spirits, the nursery around for Chnstianity, among whom we
t reckon Nicodemus and Joseph of Arimathaea^ Wealtity and
[nential Pharisees no doubt felt the force of political exigencies as
much as the Sadducees — such a one was Josephus the nistorian.
Otliers a^ain were religious zealots like Saul the Pharisee. In their
leal for nghteousness they exacted every jot and tittle of the law till it
became a yoke too heavy to be borne (xv 10). But the Pharisees as a
whole by their narrowminded dogmatism and rigorism were crushing
out the spirit of true religion ; and by their uncompromising hatred of
the QttitiJes, their boasting in the law, and their unswerving but mis-
gmded fidth in Israel's destiny, were fostering in the mass of the
peo^e that fanatic spirit which was to bring the nation to ruin.

The relation of parties is so accurately portrayed in these chapters
M to form a strong proof of their contemporary origin. The Sadducean
vistocracy had ignored the Lord until the enthusiasm he aroused in
the people threatened to precipitate a crisis. Even then they were
held back by fear of the people. And it was only by the aid of
fefeachery and by cajoling tne mob for the moment iJiat they secured
his crucifixion. And now a few weeks later history seems repeating
itsett The disciples of Jesus enjoy the fevour of the people ; they
teach publicly that Jesus is the Messiah and the^ boldly accuse the
wlers of having crucified him. There was no little danger that a
tnmult might arise and the people demand his blood at their hands.
Klled with alarm for themselves, and jealousy of new and rival rabbis,
tlwy arrest the apostles, but by surprise and without violence, and for
few of the people they are compelled to let them go". Between high-
prieste and p^ple the Pharisees hold the balance and are masters of
tile atuation. This party was at first favourably impressed with the
^digious fervour of the new * sect ' ; many Pharisees were found among
tii^ ; and in anjr case they were secretly delighted to have the aid of
tte new teachers in vigorously asserting the doctrine of the resurrection
•« a^l&inst the Sadducees*. Accordingly, as represented by their great
1^ Gamaliel, the Pharisees are inclined to hedge. It was only
vhen they had discovered that the faith in Jesus was as little
compatible with Pharisaic legalism as with Sadducean scepticism,
tiiat any serious opposition could be made to the church's growth.
How that momentous discovery was made will be related in the section

' And the contemporary author of the Jewish book called The Asmmption of
*«Mi, « Bee iii 17, iv 10, v 28 : iv 2, ▼ 17: iv 21, v 26. » See xy 6 : iv 2,

Qui MO.

46 THE TEMPLE in

which follows tins. Meanwhile the first collision with the high-priests
was brought on by a scene in the temple.

With regard to the exact site and size of the Temple there still
remains uncertainty, but there is no doubt as to its general plan.
In B.C. 20 Herod the Great liad begun to rebuild the temple on a scale
of great magnificence and it was not finished yet. On the eastern
hill of Jerusalem — separated from Mount Zion or the Upper City on
the west by the deep cleft of the T3n:opoeon, and from tne Mount of
Olives on the east by the far deeper valley of Codron — stood the vast
enclosure called by the Jews the * Mountain of the House.' This
overlooked Ophel or the quarter of the city on the southern slopes of
the hill, but in its turn was commanded by the ^eat tower of Antonia
which adjoined the temple on the north. This Castle^ stood on a
rocky eminence and was occupied by a Koman garrison. Beyond it on
the north the still rising ground was covered by the suburb of Bezetha
or Newtown. The massive foundations of the temple were built up
from the adjacent valleys, and this gave the walls an enormous height
on the outside'. When the worshipper went up^ fi-om the southern
or western city, on passing through the gates he found himself in a
vast court, a square of 600 or prooably even 1000 feet. This was the
Court of the Gentiles. It was surrounded by cloisters or porticoes
formed by double rows of pillars. The cloisters on the northern and
western sides were connected with Antonia by a flight of stairs*.
Those on the cast were known as Solomon's Forch^, i.e. Portico, because
they rested on Solomon's foundations. The Royal Porch on the
southern side was unique : four rows of massive pillars, 162 in number,
with their lofty ceilings formed a building as long and lofty as York
Minster. In this Court of the Gentiles stood the tables of the
money-changers and cattle on sale for sacrifice", for it was but the
outer court. The Temple or Holy Place'' was situated in its northern
part, on a platform fonned by the rising ground and approached by a
flight of 14 steps. Round it was erected a barrier containing at
intervals marble tablets which forbade strangers to go further on pain
of death*. Along the top of the steps ran another wall, which afforded
entrance through nine gateways or doors\ Four of these were on the
south side, ana four on the north. The ninth, which was in the
eastern wall, was particularly 8i)lendid. It was covered with bronze
and must have been the Beautiful Gateivay of iii 2, 10, thouffh the
name has not been met with elsewhere. Through it the worshipper
passed into the Court of the Women, which was a square of 135 cubits.
The court had this name because women might come so far and no
farther ; and in it they had a special place in balconies supported on

1 xxi 34 etc. 2 Cp. Mt iv 5-6. ' iii 1, hk xviii 10. * xxi

86-40. * iii 11, v 12, Jn x 23. • Jn ii 14, Mt xxi 12. ^ The Hieron,

iii 2, 3, 8, xxi 2B-30, xxiv 6. Hieron is also used for the whole Mountain of the
House as in iii 1, v 20, Jn ii 14 etc., so its meaning is sometimes ambiguous.
* xxi 28-30. One of these tablets was discovered by M. Clermont Ganneau in 1871
and is now in Constantinople. ^ iii 2, xxi 30.

Ill 1-8 THE TEMPLE 47

pillars. These pillars formed a cloister all round the court as in the
Court of the Uentiles; and against them were placed chests for
offerings, from which ihe court was also known as the Treasury^.
Further in each comer of the court was a chamber : that in the south-
east comer was allotted to the Nasdrites for the performance of the
ceremonies at the completion of their vow*. West of the Court of
the Women, and separated from it by a wall, was the most sacred part,
the Courts of Israel and of the Priests. The wall was pierced by the
Gate of Nicanor, and ascending its fourteen steps we are brought face
to fia,ce with what we should call the Temple — ^the House itself,
standing in the Court of the Priests. A lofty porch faces us in which
we can see a great vine of gold^. Between us and the House we see
the Altar of Burnt-offering, a huge mass of unhewn stone 15 feet high
and 48 feet square, on which the fire is kept perpetually buming.
The House, the Altar with all the appliances for sacrifice, and the
various chambers round the outer walls, filled the Court of the Priests,
and left only a narrow space for the Court of Israel inside the Gate of
Nicanor. But Israelites only came so far when they had sacrifices :
the usual place for worshippers was the Court of the Women. And
this court was thronged at the time of the daily sacrifices and the
buming of incense, i.e. at early morning and at the ninth hour (3 p.m.),
ths hour qf prayer^. It was at the latter service that the following
incident occurred.

§ 1 The sign of healing

3 Now Peter and John were going up into the temple* at

2 the hour of prayer, being the ninth hour. And a certain man
that was lame from his mother's womb was carried, whom
they laid daily at the door of the temple which is called
Beautiful, to ask alms of them that entered into the temple ;

3 who seeing Peter and John about to go into the temple, asked

4 to receive an alms. And Peter, fastening his eyes upon him,

5 with John, said, Look on us. And he gave heed unto them,

6 expecting to receive something from them. But Peter said.
Silver and gold have I none ; but what I have, that give
I thee. In the name of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, walk.

7 And he took him by the right hand, and raised him up : and
immediately his feet and his ankle-bones received strength.

8 And leaping up, he stood, and began to walk ; and he entered

1 Mk xii 41, Jn vui 20. « xxi 26-7. » The Nao9 or shrine, Lk

i 9, 21, Jn ii 19-21, Mt zxvii 40, 51. It is the word used by the Lord for the temple
of his body. dp. Acts xvii 24, xiz 24. « Jn xv 1. • Cp. Lk i 8-23. • The
Beasan text inserts in the afternoon. In this passage it varioa from our text very
much in form and may represent an earlier draft.

1

48 HEALING OF THE LAME MAN m l-il

with them into the temple^ Tralking, and leaping^ and praising
9 God. And all the people saw him walking and praising God :
10 and they took knowledge of him, that it was he which sat for
alms at the Beautiful Gate of the temple: and they were
filled with wonder and amazement at that which had happened
unto him.

With this miracle we should compare the similar healing by
S. Paul at Lystra in xiv 8-18 : also the miracles of the Lora at
Jerusalem in Jn v and ix.

1 As in i 13, Lk xxii 8, and Jn xx 2, John is closely connected
with Peter : at the time of ch. xv he ranks with Peter and James
the Lord's brother as a * pillar apostle^* But he does not appear
again in the Acts after tnis scene. Very likely he is the ongmal
source of information for most of this narrative, at least down to

2 iv 22. The lame man was over forty years old (iv 22) and must
have witnessed our Lord's teaching in the temple. But he had to
wait for his healing. Apparently the a^stles fell in with him as be
teas being carried to his post just before service-time, as be^ars
still haunt church doors m southern countries. When heal^be

8 entered with them into the Court of the Women to give thanks to
God in the public worship ; and the sacrifice over, when the
apostles went out again into the outer court, he still kept with
them, even keying hold of them. What was S. Peter's motive we
cannot say. He may liave been prompted simply by compassion :
he may have perceived in the man that faith to he made whole
which was evinced by his gratitude and devotion afterwards': or he
may have desired to attract the attention of the people and by a
sign of * making sound' teach the power of the Name of Jesus
Christ of Nazareth in making sound the whole man, body, soul

9 and spirit. In any case this result was attained. In the inner
court at the hour of prayer, by his evident devotion and also by his
leaping and delight m the new-found use of his legs, the man had

10 attracted notice and the people recognized him. Then when service

11 was over in the outer court they ran together and formed a great
throng (a common incident of temple life, xxi 30) gazing in wonder
at the apostles. They seized the .opi>ortunity and from their
position in Solomon's Porch preaclied to the multitude.

8. Peter^s gospel for the Jews

S. Peter preaches the same gospel as in liis first *vvord,' but this
is more especially the gospel for the men of Israel^ and two new points
are developed : (i) that suggested by the occasion, the present power of
the name of Jesus Christ, and (ii) the special hope of Israel, the
doctrine of the Messianic kingdom. These points correspond with the

1 Gal ii 9. > verse 16, xiv 9.

k

Ill 12-26 S. PETER'S SERMON 49

two parta into which the sermon fialls after the introductory address —
(I) tne gospel messa^ (II) the practical appeal.

(i) The name oi a person or thing sums up to us all tliat we know
about him or it. So to the Jews * the Name of God ' was the sum of
the rerelation of Qoi, and the Name of the Lord became an equivalent
for 'the LoRD^' With the deepening of their conceptions of the
divine nature, their reverence for God had increased to such an extent
that they shrank from calling him by name and spoke of ' the Name '
instead. As a practical result the actual name of the Lord in Hebrew
bag been lost. Similarly the Name of Jesus Christ would signify all
tbat was contained in the revelation of God in Jesus Christ. Thus in his
Name was preached repentance and for^veness of sins : in his Name
Peter raises up the lame man, and wohls miracles^ The use of this
pbrue then shews the earl^ and Hebraic character of the narrative.
It also shews that in speaking of the Name of Jesus the apostles are
oacoDscioasly as it were placing Jesus of Nazareth in the position
rf'the Lord' (Jbhovah) of the Jews.

The sermon is marked by its Ghristology or the unfolding of the
different names of the Lord — Servant of Jehovah, Holy and Righteous,
fmce qf l\fe, the Christ of God, the Prophet, Seed of Abraham
(wd, as below, the Stone) : but the special power of the Name demon-
strated by tiiie miracle is the gift of soundness or salvation. Perfect
soundness of spirit and body is equivalent to life (verse 15). And
the one contention of S. Peter's sermon is that salvation is the gift
of Jesus Christ: 'thou shalt call his name Jesus, for it is he t^t
sbaB save his people fix)m their sins' (Mt i 21j. To receive the gift of
sihation however requires a receptive feculty in man or faith, which is
thus proclaimed at the beginning of the history.

(ii) Besides the scandal of the cross, there was another difficulty
vliich would present itself to a Jewish audience. If Jesus is the
Messiah and risen from the dead, where is he now? why is he not
'nwnifesting himself to the world' and 'establishing his kingdom'?
He worshippers in the temple would include especially those Jews
rtowere 'looking for the consolation of Israel' and 'the redemption
of Jerusalem'; and like the later scofiFers of II Pet iii 4 they might
have well wondered — 'where is the promise of his [kingdom]'?' In
hia first sermon S. Peter had explained the Lord^s absence by the
wceaaity for the outpouring of the opirit : now he answers the difficulty
ahout the Messianic Idngdom by unfolding its true nature.

A comparison with S. Peter's first epistle shews the Petrine
character of the sermon. There we have the same thoughts — of the
fbtnre inheritance kept for us which is a 'salvation' (i 3-5); of the
fimction of prophecy dealing in particular with 'seasons' (i 11); of
the Lcxrd now in heaven while the Spirit is 'sent' from heaven
(iii 22, i 12); of faith as bringing salvation and strength, and as
being 'through him' (i 5, v 9, i 21). S. Peter lias already identified

1 Cp. Lerit xxiy 11-16. > x 43, Lk xziv 47 : Acts u 84. » See i 0,

JazivSa: Lk ii 25, 88, xiz 88.

&. A. 4

50 S. PETER'S SERMON ni 11-22

Jesus as the Servant in Acts ii 22-25 : among the epistles his alone uses
the verb suffer of Christ, and that four times (ii 21, 23, iii 18, iv 1),
and it speaks of him as suflering * the righteous for the unrighteous '
(iii 18). The words murderer and turn also recur in Acts ii 25, iv 15.
Tliere are also traces of S. John's language and thought, on which see
Introduction ch. iii § 2,

11 And as he held Peter and John, all the people ran
together unto them in the porch that is called Solomon's,

12 greatly wondering. And when Peter saw it^ he answered
unto the people,

Ye men of Israel, w hy marvel ye at this man ? or why fasten
ye your eyes on us, as though by our own power or godliness

13 we had made him to walk? ^The God of Abraham, and of
Isaac, and of Jacob, the God of our fathers, hath glorified his
'Servant Jesus ; whom ye delivered up, and denied before
the face of Pilate, when he had determined to release him.

14 But 'ye denied the Holy and Righteous One, and asked for a

15 murderer to be granted unto you, and killed the * Prince of
life; whom God raised from the dead; 'whereof we are

16 witnesses. And by foith in his name hath his name made
this man strong, whom ye behold and know : yea, the &iih
which is through him hath given him this perfect soundness
in the presence of you alL

17 And now, brethren, I wot tliat in ignorance ye did it, as

18 did also your rulers. But the things which God foreshewed
by the mouth of all the prophets, that his Christ should

19 suffer, he thus fulfilled. Repent ye therefore, and turn again,
that your sins may be blotted out, that so there may come

20 seasons of refreshing from the presence of the Lord ; and
that he may send the Christ Vho hath been appointed for

21 you, ecen Jesus : whom the heaven must receive until the
times of restoration of all things, whereof God spake by the
mouth of his holy prophets which have been since the world

22 began. Moses indeed said, 'A prophet shall the Lord God
raise up unto you from among your brethren, ®like unto me ;

1 Ezod iii 6. 'AY has ton, and in verse 26 : in iv 27, 80 childL See

below p. 61. ' Bezan yt were heavy upon. * Marg AutJtor. ' BCarg

of iohom. ^ AY reads who hath been preached before. ' Veat xviii 15,

19 : Acta vii 37. * Marg as he raited up me.

I" 32-14 OF SALVATION 51

to him shall ye hearken in all things whatsoever he shall

23 speak unto you. And it shall be, that every soul, which
shaU not hearken to that prophet, 'shall be utterly destroyed

24 from among the people. Yea and all the prophets from
Samuel and them that followed after, as many as have spoken,

25 they also told of these days. Ye are the sons of the prophets,
and of the covenant which God made with your fathers,
saying unto Abraham, 'And in thy seed shall all the families

26 of the earth be blessed. Unto you first God, having raised
up his Servant, sent him to bless you, in turning away every
one of you from your iniquitie&

12 I. The miracle, S. Peter says, had not been wrought bv any
power qf their (wr/i, either inherent in themselves — such as Simon
Alagns claimed to possess', — or won by their own merits and piety*,

13 It was wrought by Chd to the glorv of Je^us of Nazareth, in whose
name the lame man had been nealed. As he is goin^ to speak of
a new redemption and a new covenant^ S. Peter begins with that
Name by which God had revealed himself to Moses Averse 22).
TluB God of their fathers then had glorified Jesus : (l) by the
evidence of power in tliis * sign,' but more than this — as S. Peter
IB eoing to shew — (2) by raising him from the dead'.

The sign had shewn that Jesus was the author of salvation ; he

is then the Servant of Jehovah, portrayed in the famous passages of

laiiali— xUi 1-9, xlix 1-13, lii 13-Uii 12. For this Servant was to

'aiae up the tribes of Jacob and restore the preserved of Israel

(yene 21); to be Qod's salvation unto the ends of the earth

(w 10-12) ; to justify many by bearing their iniquities (verse 26);

1^ so to be a covenant for the people (w. 22-26) •. All this

wever was to be effected through suffering. The Servant is the

Ottn of sorrows and pours out his soul unto death. The Christ

•w^ suffer, and this part of the prophecy the Jews had themselves

ftlSDed, when they ga/ve up Jesus to be judged^

1^ With the same courage as before S. Peter now accuses the

Mde. They as well as the rulers were guilty, and the reason

'"" iBMg to the next Name of Jesus. For free choice had been offered

to the people between Jesus and the robber Barabbas : but they

hid dented (and we may fancy that his own denial was in his mind)

th$ Soh and Righteous. This name is chosen to emphasize the

guilt of the Jews : ye denied the innocent and petitioned for the

prmnt of a murderer ! The name describes a character blameless

' Ott XTii 14. * Oen zxii 18 : Oal iii 8, 16, Lk i 55. > viii 10.

* Cp, AuumpHon of Mom zii 7 ' Not for any virtue or strength of mine bat in bis
MHfanion and longtnffering was he plcajsed to call me.' * Cp. S. John's

toww of glc»7, wfaleh mdodea the cross, Jn vii 89, xii 28, xiii 31-2, xyii 1-5.
i ^il xlix 6 : liii 11 : xlii 6, xlix 8. 'A Bezan addition.

4—2

I

i

>

62 & PETER'S SERMON iii 14-17

in relation both to God and man\ but more is contained in it.

1) Holiness signifies special consecration to the service of God.

srael was liis holy nation, but liad not been &.ithful in his service.
In the place of Israel Christ was ^the holy one of God/ the true

\

* consecrated servant of Jehovah ' fiv 27, 30) : and his divine son-
ship was declared by his spirit ol holiness^ (2) Bighteousness
signifies the fulfilment of the law of God. Here again Israel,
and all men besides, had fallen short : all were transgressors and
unrighteous. But Christ obeyed the will of God to the uttermost
and so was tlie righteous one*,

15 As Holy and Righteous Jesus must also be *the Living one*.'
The Jews killed him. But it was not possible to ^ut the Life to
death (ii 24): and by his resurrection Jesus won his third Name,
the Prince of Life. The word Prince or Author (I) means he
who goes first or Leader; and Jesus was the first to rise, ne was Hhe
first begotten of the dead ' : in truth he is ' the Beginning ' of all
things*. (2) The Leader is generally the Captain or Prince, which
is the ordinary meaning of me Greek word m the OT*; and Christ
by his victory over deam was declared to be the Prince of Life, the
victorious Captain who ' brought to nought him that had the power
of death ' and who * brought Me and immortality to lights* Both
these ideas occur in the Hebrews. There Jesus is both * tiie author
(i.e. beginner^ and finisher of our fietith,' and also Hhe captain of
salvation".' There too, as here, the Princijpate is closely associated
with, or rather made perfect and complete by, his sufferings.

16 And now S. Peter shews that his power over life is a present
reality. For it is his name, i.e. Jesus revealed as the Lord's
Servant and Prince, Holy imd Righteous, wliich has given this man
strength and perfect soundness. In iv 9 and 12 Peter says that the
man had been saved: 'salvation' is literally the state of safety
or soundness, and in our diseased and imperfect condition to hd
restored to soundness is * life.' The Name however will only heal
those who accept it and its claim, in other words those who have
faith in the name. Receptivity on man's part, which is faith, is a

1*1* tf^^l **i 1 1**1 A 11 % /k*.l^^V

on

agam

this wonder-working faith itself comes trom the Name, it is ij^mIc

possible through him, i.e. Jesus.

17 II. S. Peter has meanwhile been removing the offence of the

cross. (1) It was the deed of the Jews ; (2) Jesus was perfectly

1 Mk Yi 20, Lk i 75 : op. Jn viu 46. > Exod xiz 6 : Mk i 24, Lk i 85, Jn vi

69, Bom 14. > Lk i 6 : Isai liii 11. 1 Pet iii 18, IJn ii 1. It is evident thst

holiness and righteousness are preeminently divine attributes ; cp. Jn xvii 11 and
25 : Ps zcix 9 and oxix 137: Isai vi 3 and Dan iz 7: I Pet i 15 and I Jn i 9.
« Kev i 18 : Lk zziv 5. < Bev i 5. Col i 18: Rev iii 14, zzii 13, Col i 15.

> e.g. Num ziii 3, ziv 4, zvi 2. Joshua was the great type of the Lord in this aspect;
cp. the vision of the Captain of the host of the Lord in Josh v 13-5. ' Hefar li 14:
n Tim i 10. « Hebr ii 10, xu 2.

in 17-21 OF SALVATION 63

innocent; (3) he had conc[uered death, and the suffering was but

18 the gate to the true Messiahship^ — viz. a Lordship of Life ; (4) it
was the will of God foreshadowed in the suffering Servant of Isaiah.
His main object however is to win his hearers, and having accused
them of the murder of the Prince of Life, he makes excuse for them.
They did it in ignorance. This excuse (which S. Peter could not
pleaa for his own denial) was also an excuse for God's mercy^

19 Ther^ore he urges them (1) to repent of their guilt, and ^2) to turn
to Jesus (as he had done after his denial'), i.e. to own ms Name.
This would secure (1) present forgiveness of their sins, which would
be unped out like writmg from on a parchment or old scores off a
bill', and (2) ultimately the realization of the Messiah's kingdom.

This brings us to the answer to the difficulty of the Jews — why
is not Jesus restoring the kingdom to Israel? Like the apostles
(i 6) they wanted to know the times and seasons of the restoration.
S. Peter's answer is that the delay was due to themselves, for an
essential condition of the restoration was their own repentance.
This idea was jGsimiliar to his hearers, for the rabbis taught that * if
all Israel together repented for a single day, redemption through
the Messiah would come*/ Repent therefore, says S. Peter also,
and he defines (1) the seasons or epoch which will ensue and (2) the
times or the moment of the final manifestation of the kingdom.
For the apostle has already learnt to distinguish between a present
realization and a final and glorious establishment of the kingdom.
Such writings as the Book of Enoch and the more or less contem-
porary Psalms of Solomon, Apocalypse of Baruch and Assumption
of Moses give abundant illustration of the longing of the Jews for
tike Messianic kingdom and their conceptions of it. These writings
find a reflection in this passage which gives the Christian adapta-
tion of their leading ideas. (1) The word refreshing was usea by
the Greek translators in Ps bm 12 for the wealthy place into which
Israel was brought after passing through fire and water, and so it
takes us back in thought to the Exodus. As Israel then groaned
under the tyranny of Pharaoh, so were the Jews now groaning under
the yoke of Rome. It was the 'seasons of the Gentiles' (Lk xxi 24)
and the Jews longed for a second Exodus. They wanted seasons
ofrrfreshing or ot recreations for that is the better meaning, as in
Ps zxxix 13 where the word again occurs. In feet Israel wanted
*the regeneration' (Mt xix 28), to be made once more a people.
21 (2") The Exodus was completed by the entrance upon Israel's
inneritance of CSanaan. The loss of that inheritance m the Cap-
tivity had deeply impressed upon the Jews the idea of Restoration.
Bestoration became the necessary fulfilment of their recreation,
and as the Exodus had been the work of Moses, the restoration was
assigned to Elijah. As interpreted by the prophets, e.g. Malachi iv 6,

1 I Tim i 13. > Lk xxu 32. > Ps U 9, Isai xliii 25, zliv 22. Col ii 14, Bev
iii 6. ^ So Aitumption of Mosu i 18 * until the day of repentance in the visitation

wherewith the Lozd ahall visit them in the oonsommation of the end of the days.*

64 S. PETER'S SERMON in 19-U

the restoration was a moral one, and in that sense John the Bai>ti8t
had fulfilled Elijah's office ^ But the idea had received a wider
expansion. The restoration which would follow the recreation of
Israel had become ths restoration of all things, both of the world
of men and of nature. So S. Paul taught that the recovery of
Israel would be the salvation of the world : and that the creation
also would share in the liberty of the glory of the children of (jod\
The restoration then was the fulfilment of Isaiah's prophecy of a
new heaven and new earth'. But apart from this literal prediction,
all the holy prophets which have been since the world beaan, i.e. the
whole OT from Genesis iii 15 to Malachi iv 6, had looked forward to

20 a restoration. And the times for this restoration would come when
Jesus, as a second Elijah, returned from heaven.

21 Without dwelling on the future glory, S. Peter returns to the
present delay. Besides the Jews' impenitence, it was due to the
fact that meanwhile the heaven must receive Jesus. The reason
why S. Peter had shewn in ii 33-4. It was that he might send
the Holy Spirit; and through that gift, although the Messiah
was now in heaven, his reign had already begun on earth. For

22 before the restoration of all things must come the restoration of
man. *The righteousness' which is to * dwell in the new heavens
and earth' must be made ready^ and that by man's deliverance
from his iniquities (verse 26). This is the work of these days^ or,
we might call it, the first Messianic age. And it means the creation
of a new covenant and a new Israel. Of this new covenant Jesus
is the mediator. For he is the Prophet like unto Moses. It was
Mosses who * dedicated ' the covenant between God and Israel : and
now Jesus is a second Moses ^ To understand the significance of
tliis we must realize the extravagant heights to whicn the pious
imagination of Israel had exalted tlieir founder. 'God designed
and devised me,' he is made to say in liis Assumption (i 14), 'and
he prepared me before the foundation of the world that I should
be the mediator of his covenant ' : and to compare any man with

23 him would have sounded to a Jew like blasphemy. The conclusion
of the prophecy, which is taken from another place (Gen xvii 14\
shews that the idea of the covenant is at the bottom of S. Peter s
mind : it is the punishment of the man who breaks the covenant (rf
circumcision. Moses himself had spoken of a new prophet who was

24 to be the spokesman of God to man. But aM the prophets from
Samuel (generally reckoned as the first of ' the prophets,' xiii 20)
had announced these days of the new covenant as well as the days
of the final Messianic consummation^

1 In Malaobi tho Gk for turn is restore. - Horn viii 19^22, zi 11-8.

s Isai Ixv 17, Ixvi 22, U Pet iii 13, Rev xxi 21. ^ Mai iv 6, II Pet iii IS.

* Exod xxiv S-8. The oomparison between Christ and Moses is fnUy drawn out
in Hebrews iii 1-6 : op. ix 18-20, xii 24. The same is fonnd in S. John, Jn i 17.
Bev XV 2, 8 : op. also the position Moses holds in Stephen's speech. For JeBos m
Prophet, op. Lk.vii 16, xxiv 19, etc. * Gp. Jer xxxi 81-34, Ezek zxxvii 30,

HelHr viii 6-18. The Greek is literally all from Samuel and from thate which
followed afUr, a slight irregularity wluoh ocours also in Lk xxiv 27.

Ill 25-iv 2 PETER AND JOHN ARRESTED 65

25 Carried away by his enthusiasm the apostle makes a personal
appeal to his hearers to believe the prophets and to accept the
covenant — of which they are sons and heirs. You,.. To you he
repeats without any conjunction \ * You are the seed of Abraham,
yours therefore is tne covenant, which was first made with Abraham
but which was only the promise and pledge of this new covenant/
It was almost wrong however to speak of this as a covenant : it was
a blessing, and the blessing was to extend to all nations, though to

26 the Jews firsts And God had fulfilled this promivse in raising up^
his Servant Jssus (verse 13) — ^the true Seed of Abraham, the second
Moses. He had sent him once in his earthly life, and he would
send him again (verse 20). And as in his earthly life he went
about doing good ^x 38), so now at the Father's ri^ht hand (verse 21)
the Servant was exercising his ministry of spiritual blessing. In
heaven he was making intercession for transgressors, and on earth
turning them from timr iniquities. For in his Name the lame are
made sound, sins are forgiven, and — as S. Peter completes the
ministry of the Servant m his epistle — *by his stripes we are
healed*.' The apostle is prevented from further instruction as to
how this blessing is conveyed by a sudden interruption.

The arrest

4 And as they spake unto the people, the ^priests and the
captain of the temple and the Sadducees came upon them,

2 being sore troubled because they taught the people, and

3 proclaimed in Jesus the resurrection from the dead. And
they laid hands on them, and put them in ward unto the

4 morrow : for it was now eventide. But many of them that
heard the word believed ; and the number of the men came
to be about five thousand.

1 The concourse of people would soon attract the attention of the
high-priests and provoke their alarm. It was just such gatherings
as these which led to tumults and collisions with the Romans, and
certainly S. Peter had used inflammatory language (iii 15, 17,

2 cp. V 28). They were also very much cmnoyed (xvi 18) (1) at the
presumption of the apostles in teaching the people like recognized
rabbis (verse 13); and (2) being Saddticees, at tlie doctrine taught,
viz. the resurrection from the dead. In the sermon as recorded

^ Though as this asyndeton occurs in several speeches it may be a Lucan charao-
terirtk). For the pronouns cp. ii 39. ^ The universal character of the promise

8. Peter had alr^dy learnt from tiie prophecy of Joel, op. ii 17 (all /Ush)^ 21, 39.
For the Jew fint see Bom i 16, ii 9, xv 8. S. Peter quotes the promise famous
from S. Paul's argument in Galatians iii 15-18. ' Not here limited to the

ndsiiig from the dead : op. verse 22, xiii 33, Bom ix 17. ^ I Pet ii 24-5. In

verse 26 S. Peter returns to the prophecy of the Servant; cp. Isai liii 11-2.
* Hazig with B reads high-priests.

66 PETER AND JOHN EXAMINED iV2-4

no mention had been made in feet of our resurrection : but it was

3 contained implicitly in that of Jesus (xvii 18). Besides this it trat
now evening — the evening sacrifice (iii 1) would have lasted tOl
about 4 p.m. — and time for the ^uard of Levites and priests to
shut the temple gates. Accordmgly the authorities sudden^
intervened and arrested the apostles as disturbers of the publio
peace. All precautions had been taken. The arrest was made bf
the captain of the temple in person : he was an officer of high ranl^
probablv identical with the Sagan of the Talmud who ranked next
the high-priest He was also supported by a strong body of the
Sadducean high-priestly fection, very possibly by Caiaphas himsdf
or Annas. With this arrest we should contrast that of S. Paul in

4 xxi 27-36. Here the people were favourable to the apostles and
many believed, i.e. declared their faith in or acceptance of the Name
by joining the apostolic fellowship. These conversions brought ti§
number of that society up to about SOOO, the same number that
were fed in the wilderness (Jn vi 10). The second mention of a
number marks the close of a period, but it is the last time that
*the people are numbered.'

§ 2 Be/are the Sanliedrin

S. Luke gives a full account of the proceedings in the Sanhedrin,
as lie does of S. PauFs trials before the Romans, in order to place
before the world the true relation of Christianity to *the law.' The
scene is very dramatic. S. Luke is very likely repeating the account
of an eye-witness who would fully realize its significance, S. John*,
Only a few weeks ago the Lord himself liad been arraigned before tlus
tribunal, and now m accordance with his prophecy (Mk xiii 9) his
disciples are to stand at the same bar — first Peter and John, then
the Twelve, then S. Stephen and after a long interval S. Paul : see
v 21-40, vi 12-vii 58, xxiii 1-10.

5 And it came to pass on the morrow^ that their rulers and

6 elders and scribes were gathered together in Jerusalem ; and
Annas the high priest was there, and Caiaphas, and 'John,
and Alexander, and as many as were of the kindred of the

7 high priest And when they had set them in the midst, they
inquired, By what power, or in what name, have ye done this t

8 Then Peter, filled with the Holy Ghost^ said unto them,
0 Ye rulere of the people, and elders', if we this day are

examined concerning a good deed done to an impotent man,
10 ^by what means this man "is made whole ; be it known unto

1 With yerae 6 op. Jn xviii 13 Annat first : 7 Jn ix 15, 19, 26 : 10 Jn ▼ 6, 9 w?iolet
18 behold is Johannine, and op. Jn vii 15 : 16 Jn zi 47 : 19 Jn zii 48 : 20 Jn iu 11,
32 : 22 Jn V 5. For yv. 15-17 Bee on page 69. ^ Bezan has Jonathan,

* AY and Bezan add o/ItraeL * Marg in whom, > Gk hath been $ave<L

iV5-« BY THE SANHEDRIN 67

you all, and to all the people of Israel, that in the name of
JesuB Christ of Nazareth, whom ye crucified, whom God
raised from the dead, even in *him doth this man stand here

11 before you whole. He is 'the stone which was set at nought
of you the builders, which wcus made the head of the comer.

12 And in none other is there salvation : for neither is there any
other name under heaven, that is given among men, wherein
we must be saved.

13 Now when they beheld the boldness of Peter and John,
and had perceived that they were unlearned and Mgnorant
men, they marvelled ; and they took knowledge of them, that

14 they had been with Jesus. And seeing the man which was
healed standing with them, they could say nothing against it

15 But when they had commanded them to go aside out of the

16 council, they conferred among themselves, saying, What shall
we do to these men ? for that indeed a notable ^miracle hath
been wrought through them, is manifest to all that dwell in

17 Jerusalem ; and we cannot deny it But that it spread no
further among the people, let us threaten them, that they

18 speak henceforth to no man in this name. 'And they called
them, and charged them not to speak at all nor teach in the

19 name of Jesus. But Peter and John answered and said unto
them, Whether it be right in the sight of God to hearken

20 unto you rather than unto God, judge ye : for we cannot but

21 speak the things which we saw and heard. And they, when
they had further threatened them, let them go, finding nothing
how they njight punish them, because of the people ; for all

22 men glorified God for that which was done. For the man
was more than forty years old, on whom this ^miracle of
healing was wrought

5 When morning came the Sanhedrin met in Jerusalem. This
word stands in antithesis to Nazareth (verse 10). But there is a
fiurther touch of irony as in verse 27 : in * the holy city' they were
gathered together against 'the holy and righteous one' and his
foUowers. The senate-house was probably outside the temple
and so in the city: Josephus says that it adjoined the temple

6 widl on the west. The high-priestly families met in full force,

1 Marg ihit (noMt). ' Pb ozviii 22, I Pet ii 7. * 6k idiotae. * Gk tif/n.
* Beaan Audi when thiy had (aU) comented to thU opinion [they called (cp. Lk xxiii 51 )»

/

68 S. PETER'S WITNESS iv6-li

for it was tiieir quarrel with the apostles. S. John who was
an acquaintance of Caiaphas (Jn xviii 15) would know the
names of the leaders. Alexander however is not mentioned else-
where, nor is Johv}, Probably the Bezan text is right in reading
Jonathan^ who would be the son of Annas. The court sat in a
semicircle, and the three front rows were occupied by *the disciples

7 of the learned men.' In the midst of the arc S. Peter and S. Jolm
are now set^ and with them the lame man, as chief witness
(w. 10, 14). There was no definite charge ; it was a preliminary
enquiry as in xxv 26. As the supreme religious as well as civil
tribunal the Sanhedrin enquire, By what power or name^ the good
deed^ had been wrought. In the same way a deputation of tjie
Sanhedrin had enquired of the Lord *by what authority* he had
cleansed the temple*.

8 The Lord however had promised to give his disciples *a mouth
and wisdom ' ; and so S. Peter now received a special inspinUion of
the Holy t^rit, and * witnessed a good (and Dold, verse 13) con-

9 fession.' The man has been saved, or made whole, b^ the name

10 of Jesus Christ of Nazareth, i.e. the power contamed in the
revelation of Jesus of Nazareth as the Messiah, and in that reve-
lation the apostle unfolds yet another name. First he who had
once flinched before a maid-servant of the hi^h-priest now accuses
the priests and rulers of having crucified their Messiah, using (as
in V 30) a word of special indignity. But God raised him from

11 the dead, and by that proved him to be the Stone — both (a) founda-
tion-stone and (6) corner-stone — of God's temple. The Jews were
familiar with the idea of Israel as * the house of God' '; they called
themselves *the temple of the Lord.' The rulers of their polity would
be the builders; but the chief stone was the Messiah or Christ.
This stone had been laid (a) for a foundation in Zion by Grod*, but
the rulers liad set it at nouaht, and cast it out. God however had
lifted it up from the rubbish heap where it had been cast, that is
from the crave, and made it (6j the head of the comer''. The
comer is tne critical part of a building — (1^ structurally, because
here the side walls meet; and (2) in warmre, because it is the
vantage point of defence, and here the battlements often rise into
a tower. Strength then should be the mark of the comer,
and this is typified most of all in the head of the comer, or the
stone or tower which crowns the battlements. We can understand
then the metaphorical use of 'comer* for 'prince' in the OT*.
And now Jesus is made head of the comer. (1; As the foundation-

^ It is coDJectured (EncycU Bihliea^ i p. 171) that Alexander was the Greek name
for Eleazar, sou of Annas, high-priest between a.d. 15-18. Felix prooored the
assassination of Jonathan about 50-52. '^ Gp. iii 12, 16. ' A Lacan

word : cp. x 38, Lk xxii 25. * Lk xx 1, 2. » So 8. Peter, ii 36, 1 Pet ii 5,

iv 17 : Jerem vii 4. « Isai xxviii 16, quoted by S. Peter I Pet ii 6, and S. Paul,

Kom ix 33. Cp. also Zech iii 9, iv 7. ^ Ps cxviii 22, quoted by the Lord in

Mt xxi 42, Mk xii 10-11, Lk xx 17. ^ e.R. Num xxiv 17, Jad^ zx 2, Isai

xix 13. Cp. also BY margin of II Chr xxvi 15, Zeph i 16, iii 6.

jv il-ia ACTION OF THE SANHEDRIN 69

^tone his Messiahship had been lying hid in God's foreknowledge,

iDut now it had been made manifest to the world ; it wa^ raised

£om the lowest layer to the top. (2) As comer-stone he binds the

-tiiwo walls of Jews and Gentiles into the one building of the

5 Oiristian church^ (S) As comer tower or battlement he is a

tf3efenee, and this builmng is the house of salvation. This is evident

-ftom Ps cxviii which S. Peter is quoting, where the preceding words

declare that ' the Lord is become my sabration/ This interpretation

of the psalm is sanctioned by the Lord's own use of it. In this

comer-stone, then, is true safety or the sahation to be found ; and

Hie variety of terms employed in this passage shews its completeness

— to make strong and give perfect wholeness^ sate and maJce healthy^

cure, heal\

\3 (1) The effect produced upon the Sanhedrin was astonishment :

first at the boldness of Peter amd John in thus accusing them ; then

At tbeir use of scripture, when it was obvious that (a) they had not

beea trained in the technical learning of the rabbinical schools.

llis is the meaning of unlearned i and in this sense the Lord

Umself had never leamt*. Nor (6) had thejr any professional

^fcatiis. They were ignorant: the Greek word is ^idiots,' and an

* idiot' was a private person who possessed no official position or

special ability. So in I Cor xiv 16 the word is used for an ordinary

Jtteniber of the conCTegation. It had been adopted into Hebrew,

^^ gradually the idea of ignorance began to cling to it. (2) At

^e same time th^ recognized that they had- been of Jesus^ company,

^e are surprisea that this fact was not known to the Sanhednn

from the first. The word however denotes personal recognition* :

*^d. a Bezan text has some of them recognized. Hitherto the

S^^ducean rulers had been indifferent to the doings and the

^i^Bons of the followers of the enthusiastic prophet of Nazareth.

^ovr however they recognized Peter and John as liaving been in

^e immediate company of Jesus in the temple in that kst week,

^ even as present in the high-priest's house on tliat last night'.

They were then the ringleaders of the sect. John himself was

^^own to Gaiaphas, but it was an acquaintanceship which the

higb-wiest mignt find it convenient to forget at this juncture.

U ^ The fact however of the miracle was incontrovertible : and

^ had aroused such enthusiasm among the people (verse 21)

that they could do nothing. When the Lord answered them by a

irference to John the Baptist, they had not dared to impugn the

18 popular verdict ; so now tney simply forbade the apostles to speak or

ttick in the name qf Jesus, In the Lord's time, those who confessed

Urn had been excommunicated or put out of the synagogue by the

ftarisees, the religious leaders and mlers of the synagogue*. Now

> Thii if the thought deyeloped by S. Paul in Eph ii 14-22. > iii 16, iv 9,

UR, H 28. The last three words occur in the case of the impotent man, Jn v 1-13.
< ia fii 15. « Lk zxiv 16, 81. » Cp. Jn xviu 15-27, Lk xxii 56 with him,

«iBiz22,xU42.

60 ACTTION OF THE APOSTLES iv 18-21

public profession of the name of Jesus is made illegal by the Jewish
19 gOYemment. The apostles however were not afiuid of men, and

together they made a determined reply in which we can hear an
21 echo of S. John's voiced The Sannedrin retorted with further

threats and dismissed them.

The OBnernblyj prayer^ cmd confirmation of the apostles

S. Peter and S. John went straight to the rest of the Twelve,
assembled no doubt in the upper chamber and prajring for them*.
That their own company was the Twelve seems clear from verses 29
and 31 : it was the office of the apostles, as distinct horn, the multitude
(verse 32^, to speak the tcord. As speaking the word was now definitely
declared illegal, the apostles had to decide upon their future policy.
For themselves there was no alternative — they * must obey God. But
the threats they commit to God in prayer ; for indeed in this action
they recognized his working (Bezan). In tJie same manner Hezekiah
had gone up to the house of the Lord and laid the blasphemous letter
and threats of Sennacherib before the Lord*. The apostles inde^
needed an answer from God. It was their first collision with * the law,'
and they had decided to disobey their rulers and thus apparently break
the fifth commandment, about which their Master haa been so firm*.
The answer came, and the divine sanction was given in a most de-
cisive manner.

The prayer, like the former one in i 24-5, was probably spoken by
the mouth of S. Peter. Jesus is the Servant : for his anointing cp.
X 38 ; for the foreordaining by God's counsel ii 23 ; the hand of the
Lord I Pet v 6 ; nations and peoples I Pet ii 9 ; * Master' II Pet ii 1 ;
'of a truth' x 34.

23 And being let go, they came to their own company, and
reported all that the chief priests and the elders had said

24 unto them. And they, when they heard it', lifted up their
voice to Ood with one accord, and said,

*0 Lord, 'thou that didst make the heaven and the earth

25 and the sea, and all that in them is : who by the Holy Ghost,
by the mouth of our father David thy servant, didst say,

•Why did the Gentiles rage,
And the peoples imagine vain things?

26 The kings of the earth set themselves in army,
And the rulers were gathered together,
Against the Lord, and against his ^Anointed :

1 Jn iii 11, 32 etc., IJn i 3. « i 13, xii 12. » II K xix 14-19.

* Mt XV 1-6, op. Acts xxiii 5. * Bezan adds and perceived the working of God,

* Qk Matter. ' Marg thou art he that did make, Cp. Exod xx II, Pb oxlvi 6,
etc., Acts ziy 16. • Pa ii 1-2. » Gk Ckritt.

IV S4-S1 THE APOSTLES* PRAYER 01

27 for of a truth in this city against thy holy * Servant Jesus,
^hom thou didst anoint, both Herod and Pontius Pilate,
irith the Gentiles and the peoples of Israel, were gathered

28 together, to do whatsoever thy hand and thy counsel fore-

29 ordained to come to pass. And now. Lord, look upon their
threatenings : and grant unto thy servants to speak thy

30 word with all boldness, while thou stretchest forth thy hand
to heal ; and that signs and wonders may be done through
the name of thy holy ^Servant Jesus.

^1 And when they had prayed, the place was shaken wherein
they were gathered together ; and they were all filled with the
Holy Ghost, and they spake the word of God with boldness*.

W The apostles pray to God (1) — like Hezekiah in fiice of his
enemies — as Creator of the world, and so Lord of all the earth and its
kingdoms'; and (2) as their own Master , whose will they must obey

27 being his servants^ (verse 29). The present gathering together of the
Sanhedrin against the Name of Jesus is a repetition of tne aathering
togethr of the rulers against Jesus himself. As Jesus had been
anointed as the Messiah with the Holy Spirit (x 38), that assembly
had been a conspiracy against the Lord and his Anointed, and was
in truth that conspiracy pictured in the second psalm ^. The psalm
shewed the vanity of their attempt. 0/a truth it had been allowed,

28 because in reality they were only carrying out tvhat had been fore-
ordained ty the counsel and hand of the Lord, i.e. his will and
power*. The Hand of the Lord was a recognized Hebrew metaphor
for the divine power, when actively manifested as in the deliverance

29 of his people or the working of signs''. Now in the present con-
spiiacv the apostolic prayer is simply that the will of God may

30 be fulfilled by their speaking of the teord, while he * confirms
the word' with his hand, i.e. 'with signs following' to glorify the
name of Jesus.

31 Over against the gathering together of the Sanhedrin here was
the aathenng together of a new Sanhedrin — the apostles ; and on
which the (uvine approval rested was soon made manifest. The
answer to the apostles' prayer was almost a second Pentecost.
There was (1) an outward sign — an earthquake. This was generally
recognized as a sign of divine working, and is the only one of the
four signs in the epiphany to Elijah which had not occurred at

> AV ehUd : op. iii 18 n. * Bezan adds to everyone who willed to believe,

> n K xiz 15, 19, Pb ii S, 10, Bev. xi 15. « Matter and tervant, or

tiavt^ Are oorrelative 1 Pet ii IS, I Tim vi 1-2. Maxter is used of God in Lk ii 29
(Um Kano Dimittb), Bev ri 10 : of Christ in U Pet ii 1, Jade 4. » xhe psahn

10 slflo qaoted in xiii 83 and Hebr i 5, y 5. * Cp. Apoc, Baruch liy 13 * with

tlij eounsel thoo doet govern aU the creatures which thy right hand has created.'
' Cp. (a) u 83, Ezod iii 20, xui 3, xv 6, etc., [b) verse 80, xi 21, xiii 11.

62 UNSELFISHNESS IN THE CHURCH iv si-35

Pentecost^^ Now it was a sign of (2) an inward inspiration by the
Holy Spirit. And then in the strength of that power the Twelve
continued their work of speaking the word,

§ 3 The common life of the chwrch a/nd the entrance of mn

Between the two trials in the Sanhedrin S. Luke gives us a second
picture of the church modelled upon the same outlines as tiie first in
li 42-47. (1) The prayers we have just had (w. 23-31} : (2) thefeOauh
ship and common life follows in iv 32-v 11 : (3) the signs and wonders
in V 12-16. The enlargement of the picture is due to the new features
of opposition from without and sin within. The story how sin entered
into the church is now to be told. First we have as it were an
* earthly paradise/ — the garden of Eden (Gen ii 4-25).

The community of goods

32 And the multitude of them that believed were of one
heart and souP : and not one of them said that aught of the
things which he possessed was his own ; but they had all

33 things common. And with great power gave the apostles
their witness of the resurrection of the Lord Jesus : and great

34 grace was upon them alL For neither was there among them
any that lacked : for as many as were possessors of lands or
houses sold them, and brought the prices of the things that

35 were sold, and laid them at the apostles' feet : and distoibutiou
was made unto each^ according as any one had needL

32 While the apostles taught and preached, the Common life of tki
body of believers continued, being based on their spiritual unity;
even the word *oiim' was discarded. The apostolic *word' of

33 verse 31 is defined as the witness of the resurrection. This the
apostles gave back^ as if it were a debt they owed to men', wiih
great power. The power was given Tl) by this common life of the
community, which was the best prooi of their preaching : and idso
(2) by the inspiration of the Spirit, the source of demonstration
and power' in preaching^. But great grace or febvour was indeed
upon them all. In i 47 it was the favour of the people : here it is

34 that of God. For it was only divine grace which enabled the
wealthier individuals to overcome selfishness and make the com*
munity of goods a reality by selling their private property. The
prices were laid at the feet of the apostles as the presiding teachers
or rabbis of the society ^ And by ttiis unselfishness for a time tiie
problem of poverty was solved : there was none that lacked.

1 I K xix 11, 12: cp. below, xvi 26, and Mt xxvii 51, xxviii 3. ^

adds and there was no distinction among thenu ' Bom i 14. ^ verse 81,

I Cor ii 4, * xxii 3.

vr 36^37 S. BARNABAS 63

That the selling was entirely Voluntary, and the effect of grace,
is shewn by two typical actions. These in S. Luke's artistic composi-
tion form a companion pair of pictures like the two assemblies above.

Jodeph Barnabas

38 And Joseph, who by the apostles was sumamed ^Barnabas
(which iSy being interpreted, Son of 'exhortation); a Levite,

37 a man of Cyprus by race, having a field, sold it, and brought
the money, and laid it at the apostles' feet

The type of correspondence with the divine grace is shewn in one
iho will become a prominent figure in the church. In £stct in the
calendar of the Enghsh church he is entitled an 'apostle/ and he is
the only saint (besides S. Paul and the Evangelists) outside the
Twelve who is honoured with a red letter day. He was Joseph^ by
feth a Cypriote, by blood an Israelite of the tribe of Levi. He had
eoonexions with Jerusalem, for John Mark was his cousin. We might
abnoet infer from I Cor ix 4-6 that like S. Paul he was unmarried ;
and he was apparently well to do. Theoretically priests and Levites
ought not have any inheritance in Israel, for 'tne Lord was their
porticm,' but in practice the rule was not observed'. So Joseph had
M nM^ which ne now sdd. He possessed however a truer wealth.
He had great spiritual gifts, and this is shewn in the surname which
^ given him oy the apostles, and by which he is generally known,
^ Barnabas. Prom what has been said about the importance of
'the name' amonj^ the Jews (p. 49^ we see that the giving of a
Duoe was a si^incant action. In tnis case it probably marked the
definite admission to an ofiice, the authoritative reception or recog-
lution of Barnabas as a prophet or teacher in the society.

The interpretation of the name itself however is not easy. Bar

neans son and Nabas may be connected with the Hebrew Nebi

{pyphitX or the Aramaic Jyevahah (refreshment). Deissmann thinks

^ It 18 a Hebrew form of Bamebous (son of Nebo\ a name which has

- been found in a Syrian inscription \ The difiiculty, which occurs with

levetal of the names in the Acts, is really due to our ignorance of the

Tonacular ; and we must &11 back upon S. Luke, our best authority,

wiio interprets it as son qf paraclesis, Paraclesis was a spiritual gift,

ckwdy akm to but distinct from prophec^r and teaching. Its meaning

is shewn by the work of the Holy Spirit who is the Paraclete. A

paraclete is one whom we ' call to our side ' to help us by his advocacv

or otherwise. And so paraclesis denotes the spiritual help which

Christians render to one another. At one time it may take the form

of eriortatum, at another of comfort or consolation. The best equiva-

lent» which will cover both elements, is encouragement. In this power

1 ForBAniabMMeix27,xi32-80,xii25-zv89, ICorixC, Oaliil.lS, ColivlO.

* AY and mmrg eomolaHon, Gk paraeletU. * Nnm xyiii 20-24, Jerem xxxii 7-15.

* BihcUiudieH pp. 175-8, Neue BibelttudUn pp. 15-7.

64 SIN IN THE CHURCH v 1-2

of help S. Barnabas excelled, and we find him exercising it at Antioch
together with the kindred gifts of prophecy and teachinj^^ Thus the
words of our collect truly describe the character of Josepn Barnabas—
'0 God who didst enaue thy holy apostle Barnabas with singular
gift» of the Holy Gliost'

Ananias a/nd Bapphira

On the other hand there were those who &iled of the grace of God.
like the individual, the growing church has many painml discoyeries
to make : first the hatred of the world ; then — ^and far more jiainfiil —
the appearance of sin within, the discovery that as into Eden, so into
the kingdom of the Messiah, sin could find an entrance^ The disciples
had indeed been prepared, as for the former by the persecution of the
Christ, so for the latter by the treachery of Judas. But it was a
discovery clean contrary to man's natural ideas; and against this
experience of the kin^om of God spiritually minded men in all ages
have risen in revolt. Prom the Montanists and Novatians of the early
church to the Puritans of to-day, attempts have continually been made
to found new and 'pure' churches. Against such attempts S. Lake
bears witness once for all by recording facets : and from tnis point of
view the history of the Acts is a history of the ffrowth of tares among
the wheat — ^first hypocrisy; then murmuring (vi); dissension (xv);
and sharp contention ^xv 39).

The first seed of bitterness is most important. So familiar are we
with 'spots and wrinkles' in the church that we can with difficulty
realize the significance of this, the first sin in and against the com-
munity. It corresponds to the entrance of the serpent into Eden with
the fall of Eve in the OT : and the first iGall from the ideal must have
staggered the apostles and the multitude. Its enormity is marked by
the punishment which fell upon Ananias, the same which had been
meted out to Achan, him wno first troubled Israel at the entrance
into the Holy Land*. The gravity of the ofience is not to be
measured by the quantity of money or the words of the lie. The sin
really was not the particular deceit, but the state of heart — ^hypocrisy
and unreality. And if sin and Satan are to find a lodgement in the
church, then the ways of God will require some justification to the
perplexed believer, his holiness some vindication. And so the death
of Ananias was a signal proof that though hypocrisy and imparity
cannot be kept out of the church, the law of noliness remains in-
exorable; there can be no compromise with God's righteousness.

5 But a certain man named ^Ananias, with Sapphira his wife,

2 sold a possession, and kept back part of the price, his wife

also being privy to it, and brought a certain part^ aud laid it

^ xi 23, 26, xiii 1. The Jews were already familiar with paraoleaia — of. xiii 15.
' Dante symbolizes this by making the serpent find its way even into the moont of
Purgatory (Purgat. c. viii). » Gen iii 1-19, Josh vu. * Or UamanioM (VTH).

V 1-3 ANANIAS AND SAPPHIRA 65

3 at the apostles' feet But Peter said, Ananias^ why hath
Satan filled thy heart to lie to the Holy Ghost, and to keep

4 back part of the price of the land ? Whiles it remained, did
it not remain thine own ? and after it was sold, was it not in
thy power? How is it that thou hast ^conceived this thing
in thy heart? thou hast not lied unto men, but unto God.

5 And Ananias hearing these words fell down and gave up the

6 ghost : and great fear came upon all that heard it. And the
'young men arose and wrapped him round, and they carried
him out and buried him.

7 And it was about the space of three hours after, when his

8 wife, not knowing what was done, came in. And Peter
answered unto her. Tell me whether ye sold the land for so

9 much. And she said. Yea, for so much. But Peter said
unto her, How is it that ye have agreed together to tempt the
Spirit of the Lord? behold, the feet of them which have
buried thy husband are at the door, and they shall carry thee

10 out And she fell down immediately at his feet, and gave
up the ghost : and the young men came in and found her
dead, and they carried her out and buried her by her husband.

11 And great fear came upon the whole church, and upon all
that heard these things.

1 The selling of property was quite voluntary ; but it had some
reward of praise among the brethren, and there must have been
some moral compulsion. Accordingly one Ananias sold a piece

2 of ground^ and at tihie meeting of the church brought part of the
price and laid it at the feet of the presiding apostles, when an

3 unexpected catastrophe occurred. Like Judas, Ananias was cove-
tous : and just as greed of gain lay at the bottom of most of
the sins and &ilures in the Acts — the sin of Simon Magus, the
opposition of Elymas, of the Pliilippian ' masters ' and the Ephesian
suversmitlis, the shortcomings of the Ephesian converts and the
injustice of FeKx' — so Ananias kept back part of the price. This
had been the sin of Achan; as also of Genazi, for it is the sin of
jnir/enmn^ against which S. Paul warns servants*. But though *love
of money * was the root of the sin, it was another sin which consti-
tuted the capital offence, viz. the Ij/in^. Ananias was 'making a lie*.'
He desired the praise of the community for the sacrifice of his goods,
and at the same time to enjoy the money : he was making the best

1 GkpiUoiut. « Gk younger. » viii 18-24. xiii 8, xvi 19, xix 27, xix 19,
zziT 96. ^ Cp. TituB ii 10 : Joah vii 1, 21, U Kings y 20-27, 1 Tim vi 10.

• Ber xzi 27, zsii 16: IJn i 6 etc

B. A. 5

i

66 THE SIN AND JUDGEMENT Y s-5

of both worlds. This is *the lie' which is opposed to 'the truth.'
It is (1) that hypocrisy or wilful unreality whicn our Lord so sternly
denounced in the Pharisees ; (2) the double-mindedness which is
the exact opposite of that singleness of heart or truth of purpose
which is the first essential for the hfe, as of the community, so of
the individual Christian^; and (3) sin against the Holy Ghost who
is the Spirit of truth. For Ananias lied (a) against the Holy Ghost
in his own heart and conscience ; and (6) to the church', acting a
lie, which carried with it the lie spoken by Sapphira in verse 8.
But the lie to the church was not to men but to God^ i.e. to the
Holy Spirit in the church. In either case Ananias was tempting
the Spint of the Lord^ both fl) individually, * provoking the Lord,'
trying how far the Spirit would abide with and overlook the double
heart'; and (2) corporately, testing the extent and reality of the
Spirit's knowledge in the church.

But the temptation only served as a testimony to the divine
nature of the Spirit. To tempt the Spirit of the Ijord is to tempt
God; to lie to the Spirit is to lie to God\ And in the power
of the Spirit* S. Peter convicted Ananias of sin. There was
indeed no denunciation, only an interrogation* — ^but one which

4 unmasLs the true character of sin. The origin of sin is in the
heart ; it is * the thought of the heart'.' In Hebrew psychology
the heart, the centre of life, corresponds most to our will or purpose.
The heart of man is not however an absolutely indepenoent and
self-determining agent. It is open to influence from without; or
to use another figure, like a * house empty, swept and garnished,' it
can and will be occupied by a spirit— either tne Spint of God or
the spirit of evil. Tnose outside the sphere of the Spirit are in
*the power of Satan.' When men sin wilfully it is because in the
place of the Holy Spirit the heart is filled with Satan, or speaking
impersonally, * guile and villainy.' This is both S. Luke's and
S. John's explanation of the sin of Judas'. But this does not
free man from his personal responsibility. He is responsible for
keeping his heart. Whj/ didst thou put this in thy heart, suffer
Satan to enter thy heart? asks S. Peter. As yet the entrance
of Satan has not destroyed the individual personality, for — thou
didst lie. And the personal responsibility is shewn by the delibe-
rate consent of the will : Ananias and his wife had agreed together
(verse 9, cp. verse 2).

5 When the Lord gave the apostles the power of forgiving sins,
that of retaining them necessarily accompanied it : with the power
of loosing goes that of binding. And the apostles did not siu^ik
from their responsibility. Thus S. Paul used his 'authority for

1 ii 46 : cp. Jas i 8. ' Thcro is a different case in the Greek : aooiuatiTe

in Terse 3» dative in verse 4. ' Qen. vi 3 marg, I Cor x 9. * Cp. versee 8

and 4 ; 9 and XV 10, I Cor x 9. » Cp. Lk ii 26 : Acts iy 8, xiii 9.

* An in the conviction of Adnra and Eve in Eden (Gen iii 9, 11, 13). ' Mt XT

JS-20, Mk vu 9-23. « juvi 18 : xUi 10 ; Lk xxu 3, Jn xiii 3, 27,

^11 OF ANANIAS AND SAPPHIRA 67

casting doiim' when he struck El3rmas with blindness and excom-
manicated the offender against the Corinthian church. Peter
exercised the same authority in the judgement of Simon Magus \
Here however no sentence was uttered. Ananias suddenly fell
down dead. It was the immediate result of his conviction by
the Holy Spirit in his own conscience. This sudden judgement
6 struck awe into the whole assembly. And without delay Ananias
was wrapped round in grave-clothes, carried out of the city and
laid in some tomb in the rocks. A development of organization
seems to be implied in the mention of the younger men, appa-
rently a body of men devoted to such offices as burying. Some
such 'ministers' the community must have needed. A slightly
different word however is used in verse 10: and 'vounger men'
was ^e usual term for adults as distinct from tne specifically
* elder men^' Thus the word, if it is to be pressed, may imply the
7 existence of a body of elders or presbyters. After an interval
qf three hours Sapphira came in ana the same scene was repeated.
This time however Sapphira uttered the lie in word, and S. reter in
10 answer foretold her mte. The rapidity of the burials and the
apfj^nt absence of enquiry suggest difficulties to our minds. But
it IS to be remembered that, just as in the account of Pentecost,
Oiur 'prophetic' authority' is not concerned to supply us with the
social details which interest the modem antiquarian. His interest
is entirely confined to the prophetic elements in the history.
U It was natural that this great * sign ' of the divine conviction of
on should fill with great awe all who heard of it^; but it had a
special effect on the whole church. In the Revised text the word
diircA occurs here for the first time', and this is an indication that,
like the persecution from without, this judgement within had a great
effect in the consolidation of the church as an organization. And
ting effect waa greatly confirmed by other wonders and signs^ which
fonned one of the marks of the church (ii 43). The judgement
*«« followed by an epoch of spiritual activity taking this outward
fonn, which corresponds to similar periods in the Lord's ministry
(Jlk vi 53-56) and the work of S. Paul (xix 11-12).

§4 Signs and wonder Sj and the apostolic college

U And by the hands of the apostles were many signs and
wonders wrought among the people ; and they were all with

13 one accord in Solomon's porch. But of the rest durst no
man join himself to them : howbeit the people magnified

Uo n 23 : Mt xviU IS. H Cor ziii 10 : I Cor v 3-6 : Acts xui 9-11, viii 20-28.

' qp Lk zxU 26. Also I Pet y 1 and 5, I Tim v 1, Tit ii 2 and 6. Both words

wmmftr and dder hover between the natural and technical tenses : cp. Jadith vii 23.

' Bm nazratlTe here is very Hebraic in character. ^ As at the beginning of

Ibt OoKfA, Lk i Ci> : cp. AcU xix 17. * But AY and Bezan text have it in ii 47.

5—2

68 THE APOSTOLIC COLLEGE v 12-15

14 them ; 'and believers were the more added to the Lord,

15 multitudes both of men and women ; insomuch that they
even carried out the sick into the streets, and laid them on
beds and couches, that, as Peter came by, at the least his

16 shadow might overshadow some one of them^ And there
also came together the multitude from the cities round about
'Jerusalem, bringing sick folk, and them that were vexed with
wiclean spirits : and they were healed every one.

12 The working of signs is still confined to the hands qfthe apodles.
And S. Luke inserts a note (for from and they were aU to men and
women in verse 14 is obviously a parenthesis) on the result of these
signs. (1) Great emphasis was given to the position of the Twelve.
We find tiiem occupying, like a body or college of authoritative
teachers, a definite station in Solomon's porch^ where thejr teach
daily in the morning in spite of the oanhedrin's prohibition'.

13 (a) In the church none of the rest, after the punishment of Ananias,
dared join himself to the body of the apostles, i.e. venture to
usurp their authority or encroach upon their functions. The fete
of Ananias conveyed the same warning as that of Uzzah^ But
(b) among the people of the Jews their repute was greatly magnified.

14 (2) A further result followed in the continued addition to the
church of great numbers of men and women — believing the Lord*.
The effect on the rulers of the Jews will be seen later on. Many
think that they arc the rest here mentioned, and that the meaning
is that for fear of their fellows fas in Jn xii 42) none of the upper
classes dared openly join the Christian body. But conyersion is
spoken of afterwards m verse 14* : and it would be a strange use
of the term the rest to apply it to the few as opposed to the manv,
to superiors as opposed to inferiors. It is nowhere used in the N^P
in such a way, while in his Gospel S. Luke has already used it
markedly of the rest of the Christian body as distinct from tiie
apostlesl

15 We now return to the general effect of the miraculous activily
of the apostles, in which S. Peter is seen to be most conspicuous.
It made a deep impression on the people, who are generally attracted
by the marvellous, especially where there is the profit of healing
also. So it was in our Lord^s ministry, so it is to-day. The

* Marg and there were the more added (to them)^ believing on the Lord. ^
adds for they were delivered from every infirmity that each one had : and witii AV
in 16 to [Jerusalem. » Cp. iv 18, v 21, 42, Lk xxi 87-8. * II Sam vi S-ia
^ The BV text were added to the Lord teaches that the ohurch is his bodr, bat the
phrase is unusual — in ii 47 it was the Lord who added. The order of tne Gveek,
the need of an object for the participle believing, and xviii 8 (op. Judith zit 10)
are in favour of the margin. * Join is used of being added to a bodj, Imt

not as a synonym for being oonTerted : cp. viii 29, ix 26, x 28, xvii 34. ^ Lk

xxiv 9, cp. viii 10 : and for contemptuous use Lk xviii 9, 11.

%

J.5-IG ARREST OF THE APOSTLES 69

people thronged the apoetles, sought to derive benefit even from
b. Peter's shadow. This savours to us of superstition. But
miracles are 'signs,' and the best signs for the instruction of the
simple-minded; and by this, and similar instances in the case of
the Lord (the hem of his garment) and S. Paul {cloths from his
skiu^\ the lesson is taught tliat spiritual influence can be conveyed
through material things. The instances however are few and the
appeal has the least permanent effect. The people throng the
streets, but do not come into the church ; and in time of perse-
cution they 6J1 away, or join the adversary and cry 'Crucify'.'
1.6 Meanwhile as the fisone of Peter spread even in the country distncts
a popular movement seemed imminent and this once more aroused
the rulers.

The second arrest awl trial before the Saiihedrin

This encounter with the Sauhedrin is very similar to the preceding
ODe described in iv 1-21, and at first sight a critic might imagine that
it is only a different relation of the same events. The recurrence
however is quite natural, and affords another instance of the empliasis
giTen by repetition which is found so often in the Bible. Further
there are differences in this second account which point to the greater
intenrity of opposition. A new motive is mentionea ; the unanimity of
the Sadducees is more marked and the feeling of the Sanliedrin more
yioleut; the arrest is more formal and pubhc; all the apostles are
imprisoned, and this time punisliment is inflicted. For the first time
•otice is taken of the attitude of the Pharisees, and their policy is
^UQciated b^ Gamaliel. We must remember that Nicodemus and
JoBeph of Anmathaea who were disciples of a sort were also senators,
^ they may have reported to the church Gamaliel's speech. But
^ happens at a meeting of a body so large as the Sanhedrin is not
*rily kept private. Lastly, we have a divine intervention in favour
of the apostles, with which compare xii 1-19.

^1 But the high priest rose up, and all they that were with
him (which is the 'sect of the Sadducees), aud they were

18 filled with jealousy, and laid hands on the apostles, and put

19 them in public ward\ But ^an angel of the Lord by night
opened the prison doors, and brought them out, and said,

30 Ck) ye, and stand and speak in the temple to the people all

31 the words of this Life. And when they heard this, they
e&tared into the temple about daybreak, and taught

But the high priest came, and they that were with him,^

> UkTi 56, Lk Tiii 44 : Aets xiz 12. > vi 12, Lk xxiii 21. > Gk herety.

* B«in adds and each one went home (Jn vii 63) : and in 21 and they rose up early
iMMdeaUed. • Or the angel of the Lord (AY).

70 TRIAL OF THE APOSTLES V 21-S6

and called the council together, and all the senate of the
children of Israel, and sent to the prison-house to have them

22 brought But the officers that came found them not in the

23 prison ; and they returned, and told, saying, The prison-house
we found shut in all safety, and the keepers standing at the
doors : but when we had opened, we found no man within.

24 Now when Hhe captain of the temple and the chief priests
heard these words, they were much perplexed concerning

25 them whereunto this would grow. And there came one and
told them. Behold, the men whom ye put in the prison are in

26 the temple standing and teaching the people. Then went the
captain with the officers, and brought them, but without
violence ; for they feared the people, lest they should be

27 stoned. And when they had brought them, they set them

28 before the council. And the high priest asked themi saying,
*We straitly charged you not to teach in this name: and
behold, ye have filled Jerusalem with your teaching, and

29 intend to bring this man's blood upon us. But Peter and
the apostles answered and said, 'We must obey God rath^

30 than men. The God of our fathers raised up Jesus, whom ye

31 slew, hanging him on a tree. Him did Gkni exalt with his
* right hand to be a Prince and a Saviour, for to give repentance

32 to Israel, and remission of sins. And we are 'witnesses of
these 'things ; ^and 80 is the Holy Ghost, whom God hath

33 given to them that obey him. But they, when they heard
this, were cut to the heart, and 'were minded to slay them.

34 But there stood up one in the council, a Pharisee, named
Gamaliel, a doctor of the law, had in honour of all the people,

35 and conmianded to put the men forth a little while. And
he said unto them, Ye men of Israel, take heed to yourselves

36 as touching these men, what ye are about to do. For before
these days rose up Theudas, giving himself out to be *8ome-

^ AV reads tJie high Priest and the captain of the Temple and the chief Prieete^
literally the priest and the captain,.. and the high-priests, * Liter^ly With

charging we charged you — a Hebraism. ' Some Bezan texts have Whom WMtl

we obey^ God or menf And he said^ Ood. * Bezan glory (Lk zzit 86).

intended (verse 28) : AV and Bezan took cowiseL ^^ Bezan some great (m£ (viii i»).

' 17-19 IN THE SANHEDRIN 71

body ; to whom a number of men, about four hundred,

Joined themselves : who was slain ; and aU, as many as

tjT obeyed him, were dispersed, and came to nought After this

man rose up Judas of Galilee in the days of the enrolment,

and drew away sonie of the people after him: he also

perished; and all, as many as obeyed him, were scattered

3S abroad. And now I say unto you. Refrain from these men,

and let them alone ' : for if this counsel or this work be of men,

59 it will be overthrown : but if it is of God, ye will not be able

to overthrow them ; lest haply ye be found even to be fighting

40 against God. And to him they agreed : and when they had

called the apostles unto them, they beat them and charged

them not to speak in the name of Jesus, and let them go.

41 They therefore departed from the presence of the council,

rejoicing that they were counted worthy to suflFer dishonour

42 for the Name. And every day, in the temple and at home,

they ceased not to teach and to 'preach Jesus as the Christ

17 The whole high-priestly faction, which from the religious point
of view constituted the party of the Sadducees, were now Jilled with
j«thusy. The Greek word is zeal, and there is a good zeal or
jealousy for God, which was a marked feature of the Jewish charac-
ter. But this was a zeal against man based not on religious but on
wlfah grounds, a real jealousy of the influence of rival teachers'.
The apostles had moreover disobeyed the commands of the Sanhedrin.
And the Sadducean party were apprehensive of a popular move-
n^t which would endanger their own political position. This

18 moved them to rise up and take decided action. The apostles were
probably arrested in Solomon's porch in the evening as in iv 3.

li^ But in the night ths angel of the Lord released them. How ?
w ask, and who is the an^el of the Lord? For that is probably
*he right translation^ as this angel corresponds to * the Angel of the
I^WU)/ i.e. Jehovah, in the OT. In the Acts he appears five times*.
Rnt (l) here ; then (2) Stephen speaks of him ; (3) he guides
Philip; (4) he liberates reter from prison; and (5) smites Herod.
In the Gospel, the angel of the Lord appeared to Zachariah and named
hanaelf * Gabriel who stands before God : Gabriel announced the birth

> BezAD ftddfl and dejile not your hands : and after overthrow them in 39 neither
f€ nor king$ nor de$pott. Refrain there/ore from these men [lest etc. ^ Gk evan-

#rfw, Ull the good news {gospel) of. * Cp. (a) Bom x 2, n Ck)r xi 2 : (&) Acts

Bai5. * Ab in AV. BV has an angel. Bat we have here a Hebraism : as

tAr 4ty (u 90), voice (vii 81), Spirit (viu 89), hand (xi 21), glory (Lk ii 9), law (ii 23),
ptmr (f 17), name (xiii 85)— so we haye the angel or messenger — of the Lord, In x 3,
xzvii 23 we haTO of Ood and should translate an angel. ^ v 19, vii 30-8, yiii 26,
xii 7-10, 23. Cp. Lk i 11-88, ii 9 : Mt i 20-4, ii 13, 19, xxyiii 2.

72 THE ANGEL OF THE LORD v 19-^8

of the Lord to Mary : and again the angel of the Lord * came upon '
the shepherds. In S. Matthew the angel appears to Joseph in a
dream tnree times, and at the end of the Gospd descends from heaven
and rolls away the stone from the tomb. Now the word angel simply
means messenger. And in the OT we can distinguish three uses of
this expression : (a) The Angel of Jehovah is really a manifestation of
Jehovah himself, and so is a foreshadowing of the doctrine of the
Incarnation and of the Word of Grod. (6) The angel is a messenger
of Jehovah, other than the Word, acting as his instrument or inter-
preter : this messenger appears in the later books, e.g. Ezekiel, Daniel
and Zechariah, and m Daniel he is called Gabriel \ (c) The messenger
is often an impersonal agent of the divine working ; that is, the angel
of the Lord is a Hebrew description of what we should ccdl the action
of divine providence ; whether in punishing, as when the angel smites
Israel, and again Sennacherib's army, with pestilence, or in delivering,
as when the angel stops the mouths of the lions from hurting Daniel*.
In the Acts we find the same uses. S. Stephen is speaking of a the-
ophany (a)'. The angel who liberates Peter appears as a messenger in
human form (b). The angel who smites Herod is simply the messenger
of death : there is no appearance (c). Two passages remain. T^e
guidance of Philip seems to imply an inward intuition rather than an
external vision*. In this passage we note the bareness of the statement^
very different from the circumstantial account of the deliverance of
Peter. Nor does any stress seem to be laid upon the incident : neitiier
the apostles nor Gamaliel allude to it, and yet the indisputable appear-
ance of an angel should have had some weight with the Sanhedrin. So
we may take it in the third sense, i.e. as the Hebraic expression for
some divine intervention, the manner of which is not defined. It may
have been connivance on the part of an ofticer, or the help of a friend*.

20 However liberated, the apostles in obedience to the divine in-
junction continued their worlc of speaking the words of this lAfe^
i.e. the gospel of the Prince of Life (iii 15), without any reserva-

21 tion for fear of man {all the words). In the morning as usual
they entered the temple just before dawn. At the same time the

22 JSanhedrin assembled in their senate-house. 77ie captain qf the
temple took his seat as Sagan or vice-president (p. 56), but greats
I)erplexity was caused when his subordinates announced to him.

25 that the apostles were not in the prison. On the further reports—
tliat they were in the temple he went and arrested them in person :
but so great was their popularity that it was done without any —
roughness or violence — a treatment very different frt)m that meted^—

28 out to S. Paul in xxi 30-36. This time there was a direct charge>^
against the apostles : (1) They had disobeyed the command of the
&Lnhedrin given in iv 18. (2) They had been inciting the people
to rise against the Sanhedrin and exact vengeance for the blood dT

I Dan viii IC, ix 21 : cp. Lk i 19. 'II Sam xxiv 16, II K xix 35 : Dan

vi 22, Ps xxxiv 7. ' See below p. 101. * Cp. viii 26 and 89, 39.

^ When angels appear, however, they take the form of men ; op. i 10.

V 28—34 GAMALIEL 73

Jesus ^ This referred to their candid and continual witness that

29 the roleis had cruciiied the Lord. Peter's answer was to ask the
lu^li-priest whether they must obey God or man? The Lord had
used a similar dilemma in defence of his authority. This conflict
bet^ween the two laws of obedience has been familiar at all times.
The most classical example is in Sophocles, when Antigone says to
Creon who had forbidden her brother's burial^ :

Nor did I deem thy edicts strong enough,

That thou, a mortal man, should'st overpass

The unwritten laws of God that know not change.

30 ITow through Jesus they had received the command of the Ood of
ikeir fcUhers, which was that they should bear witness to himself*.
And the witness S. Peter once more summarizes : (1) The Suflfer-
in^ — and again he charges his judges with the guilt of tlie Messiah's
Uood : as before he hiwl said crucifiedy so now he adds the igno-

31 minious detail of the cursed tree*. (2) The Exaltation, whicli is
summed up in the titles of Prince and Saviour, the names un-

32 folded in his second sermon'*. (3) The gifb of the Spirit and the
Mission of the church. S. Peter claims wiat the Holy Spirit (who
w&B ffiven at Pentecost) is in the church and so bears witness;
and this witness of the church is coordinate with tliat of the
apofitlos, in whom the Spirit ^eaks also*.

33 This * boldness ' filled the Sanhedrin (or at least the high-priest's
&ction) with fury. The words went through their hearts like a
*»tr^ and thejr were likely to have anticipated the conclusion of
S- Stephen's trial and * defiled their hands by a summary condem-

34 Bfttion and stoning of the apostles. From such illegal action they

tiere saved by Gamaliel. Gamaliel was one of the most celebrated

of the labbis or teachers of the law. He enjoyed the title of

Babban, and appears in the traditional list of the successive * heads

of the schools.' His honour among the people is testified by the

ttying — * Since Rabban Gamaliel the elder died, there has been

W) more reverence for the law : and purity and abstinence died out

^ the same time^' Amon^ Gamaliel's pupils was 'Saul the

IWiaee,' and his zeal for Gotland for the traditions of the fathers

Ws witness to the * strict manner ' of Gamaliel's school*. As an

ktoest and reli^ous student Gamaliel *° was evidently impressed by

tte gims of divine favour upon the Christians : but it is aifticult to

Qchde the suggestions of policy. Gamaliel was a Pharisee and

vtmU sit as theleader of the Pharisees, and they could not possibly

let the Sadducees secure a bloody triumph over a popular * sect,'

^ 9m ike blood ep. Mt xxYii 25 : also xxvii 4. ^ Antigone 453-6 (Plumptre's

Ibuhl): ep. also SaBaana 23, 1 Maco ii 22. > i 8, and p. 7. ^ xiii 29,

IMii24: Oal iu 18. » (a) iii 15: (h\ iii 16, iv 10, 12. « See Jn xt 26,

i7; and for the Holy Spirit in the church, ▼ 8-4, xv 28. ' Literally they

wen m»% through : ao in iii 54. Cp. the piercing power of the word of God in

Batr if IS. * Quoted in SohtLrer Jewish people in the time ofJetut Christy n 1,

p. 164. * zxii 8, xxYi 5, Oal i 14. Possibly S. Faol was present in the Sanhedrin

aa A *diadple of the learned * (p. 58) or a senator (p. 125). ^ Like Nioodemus in Jn iii 1.

74 GAMALIEL'S SPEECH v S4-S7

which was full of religious zeal and seemed likely to prove a useful

35 ally (iv 3). Accordingly Gamaliel advocated an opportunist j^licy.
His meaning is quite obvious, though in our text firom fcr if tkU
counsel down to overthrow them must be treated as a parenthesis.

38 In either case whether this movement was from Crod or from men
his advice was ^ Leave it alone,*

36 The case of Theudas, which Gamaliel instances, causes some
difficulty. Josephus^ tells the story of a Theudas who claimed to
be a prophet and led a great multitude to the river Jordan, having
promised that (like Elijah and Joshua) he would divide tie river
Defore them. Cuspius Fadus however, the Roman procurator,
sent after him a squadron of horse, who slew many and made others
prisoners. Theudas himself was captured and beheaded. Now
Cuspius Fadus was not made procurator till the death of Herod
Agnppa in a.d. 44, at least 30 years later than the date assimed
to him by Gamahel, and indeed ten years later than Gamaliel's
speech itself. Some critics assume that S. Luke has borrowed from
Joscphus and argue that this discrepancy proves the former to be
an untrustworthy authority. It is obvious nowever that S. Luke is
using some Aramaic document or oral tradition, which carries back
his evidence to a much earlier period. And apart from this, on
simple historical grounds it is quite possible to suppose that
Josephus was as capable of making a mistake as S. Luke'. But
in all probability both are right. There were many similar dis-
turbances throughout this period, as Josephus himself testifies.
Theudas is a contracted form, which may stand for a number of
names — Theodotus, Theodosius, Theodorus, etc., so it is auite
possible that different persons are referred to : and there is nouiing
m verse 36 beyond the name to identify the movement with that
recorded by Josephus'.

37 About Judas there is no difficulty. When Archelaus was
deposed and Judaea made a Boman province in a.d. 6, Augustus
sent * Quirinius, the governor of Syria ' (Lk ii 2) to draw up the
enrolment or censiis of Judaea, i.e. the re^ster of the popubition
and their property for purposes of taxation*. On this occasion

1 Ant XX 5. 1. 'In his Antiquities Josephus corrects many mistakes which

he had made in his earlier work on the Jewish War. In Acts xxi 38 8. Luke givet
a more moderate and therefore more credible estimate of the foUowers of the
Egyptian, viz. 4000 against Josephus' SOOOO. * For was slain in 36 the

Bezan text has was dispersed^ without mentioning Thendas' death ; and Enaebins
in quoting this passage omits the words. This points to a different ending from the
summary execution in Josephus. Prol Blass has suggested a new solution. U is
known tiiat Christians haye added to Josephus' accounts of John the Baptist and
our Lord ; and it is possible that a Christian hand, wishing to confirm the Acts,
has inserted the words Theudas by name in Josephus' text. Josephus* aocount
would run quite well without the name. ^ The census in Lk ii 2 refen to a

preceding enrolment by the same Quirinius, which has caused difficulty to the
historians. The discussion does not fiUl within our province. But recent disoovezies
have thrown great light on the question, as Prof. Bamsay has shewn in hia book
Wat Christ bom at Bethlehem f

I

V S7-42 DISMISSAL OF THE APOSTLES 75

Judaa of Gamala, a city reckoned to Galilee, rose in revolt. He
taught as a doctrine that the Jews could have no earthly lords in
the place of the Lord ; hence all acts of lordship exercised by the
Komans ought to be resisted to the death. To this movement
Josephus ascribes the origin of the Zealots, The fanatical spirit
was common among the Jews, but ft:om this time the fanatics are
reckoned as a definite party, by the side of the Pharisees, Sadducees
and Essenes. The name of Zealot, in Aramaic ' Cananaean,' declared
their zeal for God and the law, and they were chiefly responsible
for the final outbreak and catastrophe. One of the apostles, Simon
(i 13), had come from this sect.

40 Ajs the Pharisees took up this attitude, the Sadducees were
obliged to acquiesce. But for their disobedience the apostles
received the usual Jewish penalty of * forty stripes save one' and

41 then were dismissed, with further warnings. Thus the apostles for
the first time sufiered /or the Name of Jesus, and S. Peter first
began to learn by experience the doctrine he was so emphatically to
preeu^h to others \ More painful than the bodily suffering was the
shame. But they remembered the Lord's beatitude and * rejoiced

42 and were exceedingly gladV aiid in spite of the Sanhedrin con-
tinued their daily work as usual, both in the temple and at home,
i.e. in tlieir own meetings. This work was that of (1) teaching or
regular instruction, and (2") evangelizing or pubUc proclamation of
tlie gospel of the Christ, tliat is, of JesusK

The amrch (v 11)

This summary of progress closes the first chapter in the history of
the church. It nas been a time of peace and prosperity. This peace
was secured by the favour of the people and the neutrality of the
Pharisees which checked the threatened persecution of the Sadducees :
and it lasted long enough to enable the society to develoj^e it« own
common life. The threats from without and peril from within only
served to consolidate the community : and such consolidation was
absolutely necessary before any real advance could be made fi:om the
centre. The picture ^ven in iv 23-v 16 shews the progress that lias
been made in organization. The apostolic authority has become
more clear and defined : and above all the body of believers definitely
^nerges at the end as the Church, The first appearance of this vital
word suggests that we should pause and try to estimate the meaning
of the term.

When the apostles began their witness, they had no consciousness
that they were oeginning to build up a new church in distinction from
the old church or theocracy of Israel. Israel was * the people of God,'
and the ai)Ostles had no doubt that the kingdom of Goa which the
Christ haa come to establish was the old kingdom of Israel — only

1 Jn XV 21 : I Pet ii 20-1, iii 14, 17, iv 1, 12-19, v 1. 10. a Mt v 10-12, Lk

▼i 22-3. ' Cp. Lk zx 1 : Naham i 15, Isai 111 7, Lk ii 10.

76 THE CHURCH v ii

restored and glorified (i 6). But the restoration of the Messianic
kingdom was delayed by the unaccountable hardness of heart and
unbelief of the rulers and people of Israel, which left the small
company of disciples to realize the kingdom by themselves as a mere
nucleus.

To the Jews this nucleus appeared as a new sect. Among the
Jews there were already several different schools both of thou^t and
practice, such as the Pharisees and Sadducees, the Herodians and
ziealots, and the Essenes. These were known by the name of heresies
or sects^. For haeresis means choice, and stands for a deliberate choice
or adoption of some particular tenets of faith or habits of life. The
new 'heresy' was conspicuous, not only for its belief in Jesus as the
Messiah, but also, like the sect of the Essenes, for its common life.
Hence the Jews would speak of it as ' this way*,* The metaphor of
the path or road of life is very common in the OT : we meet it in
quotations in the Acts, in ii 28 and xiii 10. There was a contemporary
popular manual which described The Two Ways, viz. the way of life and
the way of death. In the NT we read of the way of salfxUionj qf
peace, of truth, of righteousness : and on the other hand there is the
way of Balaam and of Cain\ Our Lord had called himself *the Way,'
and so it was natural that those who were following in the footsteps oi
his life should also call their society or body the Way\

This way they claimed to he the way of the Lord (xviii 25) : and
so this new body is created by and for the revelation of a Name, the
divine Name. The Israel of old had been separated from the world
by the Name of Jehovah. They were the people who called upon the
Name of the Lord and upon whom his Name was called^ But the
divine Name which the new sect bears is the Name of the Lord Jesus
Clirist". Into this Name they are baptized ; in it they live and speak
and work ; for it they suffer^ Accordingly by *this Name' they are
known. ITiey are the people *who call upon the name of the Lord
Jesus'; and 'upon whom his name is called^' And when at last a
distinctive name had to be invented for the new body, it was taken
from this Name, and they were called the Christians*. The Jews
however could not recognize a name which implied the truth of this
faith. The Christ was * to come out of Bethlehem ' : but Jesus was * of
Nazareth,' and out of Nazareth no good thing could come. So they
called his disciples in contempt Nazarenes or Galileans".

Within the main divisions of Pharisees or Sadducees, the great
rabbis had each his school of disciples : and to all outward appearance
Clirist with his apostles was a new rabbi with his disciples. They
called him Babbi {Master), and they were known to one another as

1 V 17, XV 5, xxvi 6 : xxiv 6, 14, xxviii 22. • xxii 4, xxiv 14. » xri 17,

Lk i 79, II Pet ii 2, 21 : U Pet ii 15, Jade 11. « Jn xiv 6 : Acts ix 3, six 9, 33,

xxiv 22. 6 ii 21. xv 17. « ix 16. Cp. p. 49. Mi SS, viii 16, x 48,

xix 6 : iii 16, iv 17, 30, v 28, 40, iii 6, ix 27, xvi 18: v 41, ix 16, xv 26, xxi 18.
s ix 14, 21, xxii 16, 1 Cor i 2 : Jas ii 7. > xi 20. ^^ Jn vii 41>2, i 46 :

Acts ii 22y iii C, iv 10, vi 14 : xxiv 5.

V 11 THE CHURCH 77

* the disciples.' After his departure the apostles had 8top][>ed into his
place as the rabbis of the scnool, but botn they and their company
continued to be alike disciples of the Lord, or ths Disciples, Only
once do we hear of an apostle's disciples, in ix 25. As new gene-
rations grew up who had not known the Master in the flesh, the name
of disciple gradually dropped out of daily use. Thus we do not find
it in the epistles. !But S. Luke uses the actual language of the period
of which he writes, and the Disciples is a usual term for the Christians,
occurring 30 times.

In relation to themselves the Christians were brothers. After his
resurrection the Lord had called the apostles his brothers : and the
descent of the Holy Ghost at Pentecost, filling each one with the same
life and same Spirit^ made the society into a real family or ' brother-
hood\' The Christians were the Brothers : the individual Christian
was e.g. ' Quartus the brother.' This title soon became universal and
supplanted that of disciple : it is still heard in the ' dearly beloved
bretnren' of our own services. This was not however something
entirely new, either in idea or in title. The Jews called themselves
*the brothers.' And when distinction from the Jews was desirable,
other terms were needed. In the Acts we are watching the trial as it
were of various suggestions — the (being) sawdj the believers, the fait J^fuU^
those who call upon the Name, the saints. However appropriate these
might be in meaning, for common or technical use a particular and
personal name is more useful, and so the name taken from 'the Name'
secured a final and complete triumph, viz. the Christians,

A similar history is to be traced in the naming of the society as a
corporate whole. At first a separate name was not needed. But as
it gradually became evident that the new society was not going to
coincide with the old commonwealth of Israel, various terms became
current, e.g. the Way, this Life, the Faith, this Salvation*. The Lord
had constantlv spoken of the Kingdom, but the common use of this
name would nave caused perilous confusion with Hhe kingdom' of
Caesar. A more distinctive term was wanted, and there was another
name which the Lord himself had used in two crucial utterances, viz.
Eedesia or Church : this name won its way — and that speedily —
into universal acceptance.

The word Ecclesia was alreadv associated with Israel. In the
or the children of Israel were tne people of the Lord and *the
People' was their title in relation to God. But when they were
assembled together for public acts of worship or judgement or de-
libcnration they formed a special presentation of the people of the
LoBD as one body. For such an assembly two words were used in
the OT, ^edhdh (SN congregation) and qdkdl (RV assemblyy. Both

> Jn XX 17, Mt xxviii 10 : I Pet ii 17, v 9. * ix 2 etc.. v 20, vi 7, xui 26.

' The BV is not quite conBistent in these translations. The mention of the
aaaembly of the people begins after the institution of the Passover in Exodus and
pnu^cally occurs in two parts only of the OT, viz. the Hexateuoh and Chronicles
Ezra Nehemiah. Of the two tenns *€dhah is found 151 times, qahal 123. *Edhah

/

78 THE CHURCH v ll

words were general in their meaning and often used in exactly the
same sense, but a distinction can be traced. ^Edhah could denote all
the Israelites as a society, but qahal was rather confined to the actual
assembly of the people, and so we have the phrase — ' the assembly of
the con^gation*.' When the OT books were translated into Greek the
distinction was emphasized. There was a Greek word 9ynag6g4 used
for any gathering together. This was largely employed by the trans-
lators, and especially for the assembly of the people — ^always for Wiioi,
often for qahal. But there was another Greek wora which had
acquired a very definite technical meaning. £cclesia had originally
denoted any meeting of people summoned or * called out ' from their
homes by the sound of a trumpet or otherwise. In Greek cities it
generally denoted the assembly of all the citizens as distinguished
from the aristocratic Boulfi or Senate. In the tjrpical democracy of
Athens the Ecclesia was the ruling body in the state. This ecclesia
however was not a fortuitous collection of the men in the street. It
was confined to the duly enfranchised citizens, and so in respect of
the whole population of Athens with its strangers, slaves, etc., the
ecclesia itself was a somewhat aristocratic and exclusive body. Its
meetings were conducted with due formalities and solemnities, and it
had its own president, committee, and secretaries. The famous history
of Athens brought the title of Ecclesia into great repute, and esta-
blished it as the general term for a democratic assembly. (In ch. six
we shall come across this Greek usage in the account of the meeting of
the ecclesia of Ephesus.) Finding this word with its technical meaning
the Greek translators of the OT employed it to distin^ish the senses
of * assembly'.' They used ecclesia for qahai only, and as a rule only
for the most solemn religious assemblies, as those at Mt Sinai, at
Mt Ebal and Mt Gerizim^ at the Dedication of the Temple, Hezekiah's
and Josiah's Passovers. Hence it became natural to look upon Israel
as the Ecclesia or Church of the Lord^, But Israel was also the Syna-
gogue of the Lord\ a title which occurs in a very striking passage
where we should have expected ecclesia. In Psalm Ixxiii 2, Se
prayer runs 'Remember thy S3niagogue which thou hast purchased
and redeemed of old ' : and it is significant that when S. Paul quotes
it (in XX 28) he substitutes ecclesia for synagogue'.

oocors in the Hexateach 124 times, but only in the priestly document and not
in Deuteronomy at ail. Qahal is found in these books 34 times, including 11 timet
in Deuteronomy ; in Chronicles Ezra Nehemiah 48 times. ^ In Exod xii 6.

' Synagogue occurs 204 times, eccUsia (the root of which is probably kindred to that
of qahal) only 79 times. In Levit viii 3 the Greek runs make-an-oiiewibly'Of th§
synagogue. * Deut zxiii 1, 2, Micah ii 5, 1 Chr xxviii 8. ^ Nnm zvii 9,

XX 4, xxvii 17 etc. ' The subject is carefully examined by Dr Hort in hif

Christian Ecclesia pp. 3-15. But when he says (p. 13) that the OT nae of these
words is 'almost wholly historical, not ideal or doctrinal,' he seems to under-
estimate what he calls on p. 8 their 'religious use.' In the Apocrypha, which
intervene between the LXX and the NT, we find both words : synagogue 19 times,
ecclesia 22. And it is clear that synagogue is used in the more general sense, snd
BO of rival assemblies e.g. of Eorah, of the Gentiles etc. Ecclesia is confined to Israel,
and is particularly used of meetings of the people for deliberative (Judith vi 21, vii
29), judicial (Ecolus xxiii 21, xxxviii 33), and religious purposes (Ecdus 1 18, 90).

^u THE CHURCH 79

For the Jewish usage in New Testament times, our chief authority
IB ttie NT itself, where we can hardly escape Christian influence. We
gather that the special name for Israel as God's holy nation was, as of
dijtiie People, But there are signs that the Jews were still accustomed
to think of tliemselves as both * the Synagogue ' and * the Ecclesia of
the Lord/ S. Stephen spoke to them of t^ Ecclesia in the wilderness^:
Guapbas prophesied of the gathering-together into one [synagogue']
of tie scattered children of God (Jn xi 52). The general use of syna-
Mgue however was overshadowed by a new meaning it had acquu'ed.
oynagogue — and not ecclesia — was used for the assembling of the
people for worship in foreign cities, or at home outside of the
temple; and from the meeting the name was transferred to the
building itself. Hence the familiar and constant meaning of syna-
gogue m the NT. In the Gospels the Lord seems to have made
flddom use of either term : ana instead of the People his constant
phrase was the Kingdom, But in two utterances, in special reference
to the future society, he called it Ecclesia : upon this rock Twill build
«y church ; if he r^use to hear them, tell it unto the church\ Later when
the apostles discovered the need for a distinctive name for the new
laael of God, they natura^ followed the Lord's precedent and spoke
of it as the Ecclesia or Church. If synagogue was the more usual
Jewish term, it was very natural that the hostility of the Jews should
confirm the Christians in their preference for ecclesia : over against the
fynagogue of the Jews stood the Christian ecclesia. The Christians
udetti, as we see from James ii 2, continued to call their places of
DMefcinff in Jerusalem synagogues : but the body which met tnere was
ti» ecclesia (Jas v 14) : and synagogue was used only for the faithless
Msembly of the Jews — *the synagogue of Satan'.' What further
^ded the balance in favour of ecclesia was the fact that it was a
Aoioughly Greek word and femiliar to the Gentile world in which tlie
chinch Doade its chief progress.

Among the Christians themselves the word Ecclesia acquired various
ineanings, which will be best illustrated by its history in the Acts.
Th {whole) church first appears in v 1 1 and it stands as the obvious
wititm of the (OT) church in the wilderness. The disciples soon spread
beyond the walls ot Jerusalem, and then the brethren in Jerusalem
Are Btill the church (but that part of itj which was in Jerusalem
(riii 1, xi 22). Similarly the Clmstians oi a wider area together form
the church — throughout all Judaea and Galilee and Samaria (ix 31).
Going further aneld, we hear of the church that was at Antioch
(xiii 1). The assembly there is called the church absolutely in xi 26 ;
and 80 locally to the people of a city their assembly is to them always

' TU 38 : op. I Maco ii 56, Caleb bore witness in the eecUnia, ' Mt xri 18,

Zfili 17. * Bay ii 9, iii 9. The Gospels of Mt and Mk coming from Jewish

haiidf often epeak of their gynagoguet, viz, the Jews\ as distinct from those of the

Ouiftiana. Bat 8. Lake uie G«ntile always (witii one exception) writes the

synagogue* I the Gentile Christians hod churches, not synagogues,

80 THE CHURCH vil

*the church/ as e.g. at Jerusalem (viii 3, xii 1, 5, xviii 22) and
Ephesus (xx 17). But such local assemblies are only limbs of the one
body : the oneness of which is strikingly shewn in the xvth chapter,
where the church in one verse ^3) means the Christians of Antiocn, in
the next those of Jerusalem. The growth then of local bodies — each
being the church in its own locality — soon led to the use of the plural
the churches. This first occurs in xv 41 and xvi 5, in reference to the
churches of Syria, CiUcia, and Galatia^ But this phrase did not for
a moment clash with the truth that these churches were the local
members of the one church, which was the church qf Gad (xx 28).
The many synagogues of the Jews did not destroy their belief in the
one sjmagogue of Israel which was the people of God". If there were
many local churches, there was only one church in one place : we r^
of * me churches of Syria and Cilicia,' not of * the churches of Antioch.'
The last quotation comes from S. Paul's speech to the Ephesian elders,
and it must have been the more easy for the Ephesians to grasp the
doctrine of the church, because of their familiarity with another
'church,' viz. the Ecclesia of the Ephesians.

S. Luke's usage of * ecclesia ' corresponds with that of his master
S. Paul In S. Paul's epistles we have : (1) The Church qf God : the
whole church, standing over against Jews and Gentiles. 'Jews and
Greeks and the church of God*' — that is the division at Gorintii.
(2) Then there is the local church : and each local body is still the
church qf God or the church in its district — which is at (hrintk^ etc.
In this sense we have 'the churches' e.g. of Galatia, of Asia, 'all the
churches,' *no church.' (3) The word is also used in its original
sense to denote the assembly of Christians gathered together, e.g. at
Corinth\ Hence we have the phrase en eccl^id exactly corresponding
to our in church, and the phrase in Acts xiv 23, ka^ eodssian,
may be parallel to the at home of ii 46 and mean a4 (the public
meeting m) church. *The church in so and so's house' probably
includes both the second and third meanings. Lastly, (4) wee the
Jewish synagogue, the Christian assembly gave its name to the actual
building : of this we may find an instance in I Cor xi 22. So eccleria
has become eqlise, chiesa, iglesia. But philologically the reverse process
happened in Teutonic languages, and the building {kuriakony the Leris
house) gave its name to the body which met in it, kirche, kirk, ckurek

1 Not, as in AV, in ix 81. > Jq the OT there is only one Eoeleai* of OocL

The plural is found only twice and then it refers to meetings for worship (Pa xxvi 12,
Izviii 26). > I Cor x 32. * See I Cor xiv throughout and cp. Acta xi 26,

xiv 27, XV 22.

DIVISION II

( = Ch. 6-11. 26)

THE EXTENSION OP THE CHURCH TO ANTIOCH
AND ADMISSION OF THE GENTILES

From A.D. 31 to 42, under the emperors — Tiberius, Caligula (37-41),
Claudius (41); procurators of Judaea — Poiitius Pilate, Marcellus
(36), MaruUus (37-41) : Herod Agrippa king of Judaea from 41 :
ike high-priests being Joseph Caiaphas, Jonatlian (36) and Theo-
philus (37) sons of Annas, Simon Cantheras (41).

SECTION I ( = Ch. 6-8. 3)
The Acts of Stephen and the first Persecution

We now enter upon a new epoch of continuous development which
wiU lead us without a pause to xi 26, i.e. from Hebrew disciples at
Jemsalem to Greek Christians at Antioch. S. Luke fixes upon the first
step in that progress. It was a shortcoming in the church, which
however was overruled for good and gives occasion for a picture of the
first apostolic ordination. It is evident that some interval of time
separates chapters v and vi. A great growth has taken place
within the church. The Hellenists now form an important element
among the disciples ; there is a proselyte from Antioch ; and we shall
soon hear of men of Cyprus and U)rrene, and of disciples at Damascus,
There is also an organized body of * widows' : and the daily ministration
has assumed such proportions as to require a new development of the
machinery. To meet the need the church creates an office or
ministry. Precedent for this was to be found in the appointment of
the seventy elders by Moses, and of the Seventy by the Lord*.

§ 1 The ordifiation of the Seven

6 Now in these days, when the number of the disciples was
multiplying, there arose a murmuring of the ^Grecian Jews
against the Hebrews, because their widows were neglected in

1 Kam zi 16-25 : Lk x 1. See also Exod xviii 13-26, Dcut i 9-15. ^ Gk

Hellenists. A Bezan text continues bfcaiue in the daily miniMtration the widows
of the Hellenists were neglected by t/ie ministera {deacons) of the Hebrews.

i;. JL 6

82 THE WIDOWS VI l

2 the daily 'ministration. And the twelve called the multitude
of the disciples unto them, and said, It is not 'fit that us

3 should forsake the word of God, and 'serve tables. 'Look ye
out therefore, bi*ethren, from among you seven men of good
report^ full of the Spirit and of wisdom, whom we mag

4 appoint over this business. But we will continue 8ted&stl|]

5 in prayer, and in the ^ministry of the word. And the saying
pleased the whole multitude : and they chose Stephen, a man
full of £aith and of the Holy Spirit, and Philip, and Prochorui^
and Nicanor, and Timon, and Parmenas, and Nicolas •

6 proselyte of Antioch : ^whom they set before the apostles:
and when they had prayed, they laid their hands on theia

7 And the word of God increased ; and the number of the
disciples multiplied in Jerusalem exceedingly ; and a great
company of the priests were obedient to the faith.

1 Where no provision for the poor and aged was made bj the
state, their support was one of the most pressing duties of a religioui
body. Among the poor in oriental countries the case of widatott
left without any legal protector, was particularly hard. The Jews
had a fund for the refief of widows and orphans, and the church
could not but provide for her own'. In return for their support
the widows, like Anna the prophetess', devoted themselves to prayer
and good works. Such widows formed a recognized body; their
names were entered on a roll ; and S. Paul in writing to Timothj
devotes a whole chapter to their organization. Already tUb
Jerusalem there is a body of widows in the church and a little
later we shall find them at Joppa (ix 41).

Their support was a matter of the daily ministration or, to be
consistent in translation, the daily service^. ^ This service we must
comiect not only with the distribution of iv 35 but with the daily
meal of ii 46, and the serving of tables in verse 2 must include tl]ie
literal task of serving the common table, distributing the provisions.
As the Christians h£^ so multiplied^ it must have been difficult to
secure absolute fairness. In any case practical experience in
almsgiving shews that with the best intentions it is not possible to
avoid complaint. The early Christians were not exempt from the
limitations of human nature, and accordingly there arose a murmur^
ing. This is the second instance of infirmity in the church, but it

' Cognate words in the Greek ; either minittry and minitter, or tervice and tervu
* Gk pUoMing. * Bezan has What u it then, brethren f Look ye out, Maig

with KB has but for therefore. ^ Besan thete were $et, " II Maoo iii 10 s

I Tim Y 8. ' Lk ii 36-8. ' The Greek diaconot, diaeonein, diacomaszt^

Latin fntnt#t<r, miniitrare, ministration and oorrespond to the English ttrvant, serv§^
iervice, though these last are connected with the Latin $ervua {slave).

^1-5 THE HELLENISTS MURMXJR 83

is to be overruled for good, in the same way as the murmnring of
t;Iie Israelites over the manna in Numbers xi.

The murmuring had a natural source in the general jealousy

l>etween the Hebrews^ or Jews bom and bred in the Holy Land, and

tJke Grecian Jews or Hellenists^ i.e. Greek-speaking Jews of foreign

origin, such as have been described in li 5-11. The Hebrew

difltributors were accused oi passing over the widows of the Hellenists.

2 The real objects of the murmuring were the apostles; for though no

doubt they had subordinates to help in the actual distribution, with

tJiem lay the responsibility. The Twelve accordingly summoned

£k meeting of the church. The multitvde qf the disciples does not

denote (as does the word used in verse 7 and i 15) a mere crowd : it

stands for the whole body as distinct from its officials. Thus it is

used of councils, of the citizens of Iconium and Ephesus, and of the

general body of Jews or Christians \ To the assembled church the

apostles make a proposal. Hitherto all authority and office had

l>een concentrated in their hands, but they found it impossible to

combine the service qf tables with the service qf the word, i.e. the

pTactical work of organization with the spiritual work of preaching

^kXid teaching (y 42). The latter, wi\h prayer (ii 42, i 14), was the

especial duty ot the apostles and it was not G(o6!b pleaswre^ that they

Z should neglect it. Accordingly they propose that the former business

should be entrusted to a new body of officers : and in the creation

of* such a body begins the differentiation of function in the organism

odT the church. For the candidates three conditions are stipulated.

Cl>) They must be of good character and that certified by public

testimony : this condition was always essential to anv promotion in

tlie church*. (2) They are to be seven in number : the limitation is

l&e that of the apostles to twelve ; and seven was a sacred and

^vious number among the Jews, not to speak of the precedent of the

Seventy*. (3) There must be some special capacity for the work.

V^) All church work is really spiritual, so they must be full qf the

Spirit, (6 J The union of compassion and sympathy with justice

^d impartiality necessary for organized almsgiving requires a special

W of tact, so thev must also he full of wisdom. As S. Chrysostom

^to it 4t needed great philosophy to bear the complaints of the

^dow8.'

^ I%e whole mvUitude selected the Seven and the list of their

l^es is given, as of the apostles in i 13. The^ are all Greek.

joia ahews that they were chosen in the Hellenist mterest. But it

<>068 not follow that they were all Hellenists themselves; for Greek

ttunes were common among the Jews, and among the apostles we

luiTe a Philip and an Andrew. The seventh however was a proselyte,

' x?12, xziii 7, Lk zziu 1 : ziv i, zix 9 : xxv 24, iv 82, zv 30. * See note

00 Int, ind Jn Tiii 39, IJn iii 22. The Bezan text makes it pleasing to us: in

f«ne 5 «• have pleating the multitude. * Cp. xxii 12, I Tim iii 7, v 10,

Itei it. * Among the Boman magiatrates titles derived from their number

»fa frequent : e.g. Ilviri, IIIviH, IVviri,

6—2

84 ORDINATION OP THE SEVEN VI5-6

i.e. not a Jew at all. Proselytes indeed were circumcised and thus

joined to the people of God, but this is the first extension of ihe

church outside the literal seed of Abraham. The mention of his

home Antioch betrays a special interest on the part of the writer

and is a forecast of the future. Of Stephen and Philip we shall

hear more, but of the rest nothing is known except their names, for

it is a mere conjecture that Nicolas was founder of the sect d

Nicolaitans^ In this the Seven resemble the Twelve. For only

three of the apostles find any record beyond that of their names in

' tlie Acts of tne Apostles.' The Seven now chosen are, like Joseph

G and Matthias in i 23, set b^ore the apostles ; and they ordain them

to their office by laying on of their hands with frayer.

S. Luke evidently means us to take this first instance as a topical

picture of apostolic ordination, and we should compare the briefer notices

in xiii 3, xiv 23. In the process we must distinguish {a) the electicn

from (6) the ordination proper — both together constituting (c) tiie

appointment, (a) The metlioid of election illustrates the constitution

of the church. As yet the only authority which we have come across

has been tliat of the Twelve : now however there appears to be another

seat of authority, viz. ' the whole multitude.' The apostles like all rulers

are liable to criticism ; but ' they make answer for themselves ' to the

multitude ; S. Chrysostom comments * so ought it to be now also.' As

rulers they summon tlie church ; but they lay their proposal before it

and the meeting gives its consent. Though themselves the best iudges

of character' they leave the selection of the Seven to the multitude, and

its choice is justified by the event, (c) The apostles say we will ajwoint

(verse 3) : but the contrasted and emphatic we in the next verse snews

that in verse 3 they are speaking as representatives of the whole church

by which the appointment is made. (6) Still there remains a part

l)eouliar to the aposUes, viz. what we now call the ordination, the

coremony by whicii is conferred the necessary spiritual authoii^ or

'oliaractor.' The multitude present the Seven to the apostles, and the

latt«r (rosen-ing the right to refuse an unworthy candidate) ordain

thorn by prayer and by laying on of hands. The whole church, then,

apixnnts : the multitude elect and present : the gift of the Spmt

retiuircil for office in the church is conferred by the apostles^ who

thomsolvcs had received the gift from above.

The ordinatu.m comprises two elements, (a) prayer aoocMnpanied
with (6) a symbolical action. In this it is akin to the whole wordiqp
and action of the church, but especially to the two sacraments of Holy
Baptism and Holy Eucluoist. Ordination partakes of the sacramental
chanictor because with the laying on of hands is conveyed an inward
s|uritual grace. The gift of the Spirit is indeed not expresslj
mentioned, and K^fore ordination they were ' full of the Spirit. Bat
(1) that endowment they shared with the whole Christian body.
Kntranoe to the ohuivh wa^ sealeil by the gift of the Spirit': but tins

%

I

^ B«T ii ^ 15; bot the name is proUblj sTiiib^xmL > S. Peler

Iwiot* of AhmiUs and Sapphiia in t 1-11. < ii 38 : cp. Tiii 17, x 44, six IL

VI 6 LAYING ON OF HANDS 85

initial gift did not preclude further gifts of the Spirit — as we see in the
case of the apostles themselves, if we compare iv 31 with ii 4. ^2) S. Paul
definitely connects the bestowal of a charisma or spiritual girb with his
laying on of hands upon Timothy^ : indeed we may assume that some
spiritual gift always accompanied apostolic laying on of hands.
(3) Certainly in the case of S. Stephen and S. Philip the history shews
agreat increase of spiritual power after their ordination. This is evident,
not only from their preaching, but from the working of wonders, which
had hitherto been restricted to the Twelve^

It has however been contended that laying on of hands was simply
the fomial sign of a|)pointment to an office : thus new members of the
Sanhedrin were admitted with laying on of hands, by which no gift of
the Spirit was supposed to be conveyed. In answer we must first ask
^hy was Laying on of hands adopted for such a sign ? What did it
symbolize? In the OT (Ij la3dng on of hands was the usual form of
blessing. (2) In the sacnfice of a sin-oflFering the oflFerer first laid his
hands upon me victim : and when the Levites were consecrated to the
service of God, the children of Israel laid hands upon them. Lastly
(3) when Moses appointed Joshua to be his successor, he laid hands
npon him*. In the NT the Lord laid on hands when he blessed little
children, and frequently in healing. After him the apostles laid on
hands in healing, confirming, and ordaining*. In all these cases the
laying on of hands symbolizes the establishment of a vital connexion
between two persons through which some gift or power abiding in the
one flows into the other. This is most obvious in cases of healing and
blesanc. In the case of the sin-offering, the Israelite by the la3ring on
<rf his hands conveyed his guilt into the victim. The Levites were
*<!J*pted by God in lieu of the firstborn; and when the children of Israel
Wd hands on them, they gave them a share, we might almost say, in
%ir own personality, so that the Ijevites could truly represent them.
Similarly m an appointment one who holds the office conveys to the
candidate the power and authority in virtue of which he exercises it.
Thus Moses was to *put of his own honour upon' Joshua; and 'Joshua
^ fall of the spirit of wisdom because Moses had laid hiis hands upon
JnjnV But in the Christian church the power and authority by which
ministry is exercised is that of the Holy Ghost : the gift of the Spirit,
tbn, is conveyed by the laying on of the apostles* hands. For as yet
tte apostles being the sole officers were the only possessors of the
darmia necessary for ruling, and only by their hands could it be
conveyed to others'.

* n Tim i 6. 1 iv 14. « Cp. vi 8, viu 6, 7 with v 12. » (1) Gen xlviii

14 etc.: (2) Lev i 4 etc. ; Nam viii 10 : (3) Nam xxvii 23. « Mk x 16 : Mk i 41

«tc: : Aetfl y 12, xxviii 8 (iii 7, ix 41) : Tiii 17, xix 6 : vi 6. ' Nam xxvii 20,

Deai xzxiv 9. ' Cp. viii 14-16. S. Ghrysostom's comment is ' See how the

whter avoids all saperfluity. He does not say how — bat simply they were ordained

wish fray er. For this is ordination. The hand of man is laid on, bat all is the

work of Ood, and it ia his hand which toaohes the head of the candidate, if he is

fightly ordained.'

86 THE SEVEN vi 7

Another question arises, To what office were they ordained t The
ahnost universal tradition of the church, going back at least as Ceir as
Irenaeus \ sees in them the first Deacons. W ere they then * deacons ' ? It
is really too early in the history to put the question in such a definite
shape, and so far as a definite answer can be given we should be
inclined to say that they certainly were not deacons in the subsequent
technical sense. For (1) they are never called 'deacons,' indeed the
word does not occur in the Acts at all*: their official title is 'the
Seven' (xxi 8). (2) Thev were identified with deacons no doubt
because of the 'service of tables,' a service which in its turn also react^
upon the conception of the deacon's duties. But it would give an in-
aaequate idea of the Seven to limit their work to this serving of tables.
There were probably ' ministers ' under them who assisted in the actual
distribution and waiting at table : such ministers (deacons^ are men-
tioned as already in existence by a Bezan text. The Seven were
appointed ' over this business,' i.e. they were to superintend and bear
the responsibility in the place of the apostles. Accordingly t^ey rank
next the apostles. Stephen and Philip become leading figures in the
church, and after their ordination they are also conspicuous in the
ministry of the word. In chapter viii we find Philip domg the work of
an 'evangelist,' and that is his official title when he reappears later in
the history (xxi 8). (3) The work of the Seven was of but short
duration : it was broken off by the death of Stephen and the subsequent
persecution. After that we hear no more of their office. In their
place we meet with presbyters, who seem to be their successors. They
even succeed to them in their special 'service of tables' or almsgiving
(xi 30). In the Gentile churches in Galatia, and at Ephesus, S. Pam
appoints presbyters ; deacons we hear of nowhere ; and it would be
strange it the apostles in creating the first new office in the church
were to pass over the presbyterate and appoint a diaconate.

These considerations lead to the conclusion that, as S. Ghiysostom
sa^ the Seven were 'neither presbyters nor deacons.' Their office was
unioue : i.e. unique in the same sense as was the apostolate. Indications
of this are given by their title of 'the Seven,' corresponding to 'the
Twelve,' and by the full record of their names in vi 5. Their relation
to the Twelve would be like that of ' tiie Seventy' ; and like tfie Seventy
they liave a type in the seventy elders appointed to assist Moses in the
rule of Israel But though unique, the Seven, like the Twelve, had
successors. At first all the future orders of church ministers were
embodied in the anostolic coU^e, from which body they were derived by
difierentiation. Tne first order difierentiated is that of the Seven. So
we may look upon them as containing implicitly the remaining orders.
Though neither a presbyt<>rate nor diaconate, they include bom offices
and are the ancestors of both presbyters and deacons.
7 The ordination of the Seven was followed by a period of

^ But see S. Chrysoetom below. He is qnotsd and approTed by the TnilUn
Council of aj>. 692 (canon 16). ' BxcepI in a Bezan text at this pastage.

rx T INCREASE OF THE CHURCH 87

progress \ For it restored harmony and set the apostles free for
^^reater devotion to the service of the word. The seed of the vxn-d
jw and had a rich increase. The kingdom spread in inward power

ike t^ leaven in the meal, and externally like the mustard tree.
The number of the disciples reached its highest point before the
disaster that was to come. Among them was a great crowd of the
joritsts. This is not surprising. For on the one hand adherence to the
new faith did not interfere with the performance of their duties in the
tiemple ; on the other there was a great gulf between the ordinary
priests and the class of ruling and wealthy ' high-priests.' The latter
^EU^ted towards their brethren Uke tjnrants : some of them went so far
as forcibly to rob them of their tithes^. So when a large body of the
priests joined the apostles, it would have the effect, politically, of
Sk very practical protest against their Sadducean rulers : it had
sometiiing of the effect of a political demonstration : and we notice
tiiat S. Luke uses a word {obey) which would indicate a transference
of allegiance*.

The numbers and outward results, however, were not the most
xmportant consequence. That was the activity of S. Stephen, which
-vas started by this ordination and was to end in dissipating (for
*the moment) these results and threatening the very existence of

-the church. The church was thus to begin to realize the law of

*he cross, viz. that death must precede new life, and destruction of

tJie old the reconstruction of a greater temple.

§ 2 The ministry and arrest of S. Stephen

Almost as soon as S. Stephen appears upon the stage his career is

Mt short But its vital importance for the history is obvious from

die pages of the Acts. His speech is the longest in the book;

\t is as long as the three sermons of S. Paul put together.

8. Stephen also, and not an apostle, had the glory of being the

first to lay down his life *for the Name.' Again his preaching

caused a revolution in the attitude of the Jews to the church

•nd his death was the signal for the first persecution. And yet

8. Stephen was * a new man, not apparently one of the original body,

^t a Hellenist. But in this fact lies the whole secret. As soon as

tiw church reaches the broader field of Hellenism, then struggle and

advance begin. With the wider experience and broader training of a

HeDenist Stephen was able to look on * the faith ' (verse 7) in its wider

Wings, in its relation to the world at large. So he perceived, and

eridently was the first to perceive clearly, the incidental and temporary

ciaiactw of the Mosaic law with the temple and all its worship. This

' The Ungnage taken from Exodus i 7 (Acts vil 17) reminds ns of the progress
of Unal in Egypt. Op. also Lk Tiii 5-8, xiii 19-21. > Saoh at least was the

eoodoet of the Ananias of Josephns Ant. xx 9. 2. > The idea of obedience

if efpedally charaoteristio of S. Peter (I Pet i 2, 14, 22). Bat they were obedient
Bot 10 mach to the apostles as to t/i€ jaith^ a Pauline idea : op. Bom i 5 obedience
tt /oia, n 17.

88 S. STEPHEN vi 8-9

was the fruitful germ of doctrine wliich S. Paul was afterwards to cany
out to its full logical and far-reaching consequence, viz. the perfect
equality of Jew and Gentile in the church of God. This it was which
aroused first against S. Stephen the hostility of his fellow Hellenists,
and afterwards against S. Paul not merely the implacable hatred of his
fellow countrymen, but bitter opposition among his fellow churchmen.

S. Stephen then is the connecting link between S. Peter and
S. Paul — a link indispensable to the cham. Stephen, and not Gramaliel,
was the real master of S. Paul. And the main significance of these two
chapters is summed up at their close in the dramatic mention of
a young man named Saul, In S. Stephen we see how little necessary
connexion there is between length of time and greatness of work. He
is the type of the man who * being made perfect in a Uttle while, fulfils
long years' (Wisdom iv 13). His career was abruptly cut short; its
external results were nothing or worse than nothing. And yet in the
account of his work and words is written the history of the second
chapter of the church's life, which is the turning point of the Acts.
For * the work * of Stephen lasts on till chapter xii (see xi 19), and then
it is taken up by his greater pupil and successor — Paul.

Of Stephen's persoiuil history we know nothing beyond what is here
recorded. He was a Hellenist, that is a Greek-speaking Jew from
abroad : his name is Greek and means Crown, The scene of the dispu-
tation, the Synagogue of thfi Libertines^ Cyrenians, and Alexandrians^
ought to give some clue to his origin. His speech savours of Alexandrine
culture, and it is to be noticed that the word wisdom occurs four times
in these two cliapters and nowhere else in the Acts. Wisdom was the
characteristic of the Jewish theologians of Alexandria and it was intro-
duced into the church at Corinth by the Alexandrian ApoUos. It might
however be pointed out that men of Gyrene were notable in the early
church (p. 23). And a third alternative remains : he may have been a
Libertine. A libertine was a (Roman) /reeJman; and as the community
of Jews at Rome had its origin in the thousands of Jewish captives taken
to Rome by Pompey and afterwards set at liberty, the Libertines here
would specially denote the Roman Jews. S. Stephen then, if a Libertine,
may have been among the sojourners from Rome of ii 10 : but see below
on verse 9. UnUke the Twelve, but like S. Paul, Stephen was a man
of learning : his speech shews that he was instructed in the wisdom of
the rabbis as well as of the Alexandrians. Once more, if we contrast
his address to the Sanhedrin Brethren and fathers with S. Peter's
Bulers of the people and elders^ we might suppose that he was a man of
some position. In this he would again resemble S. Paul.

8 And Stephen, full of * grace and power, wrought great

9 wonders and signs among the people. But there arose
certain of them that were of the synagogue called the
synagogue of the LibertineS; and of the Cyrenians, and of the

AV reads /ait^.

VI 8-^ DISPUTES IN THE SYNAGOGUE 89

Alexandrians, and of them of Cilicia ^and Asia, disputing

10 with Stephen. And they were not able to withstand the

11 wisdom and the Spirit by which he spake*. Then they
suborned men, which said, We have heard him speak blas-

12 phemous words against Moses, and against God. And they
stirred up the people, and the elders, and the scribes, and
came upon him, and seized him, and brought him into the

13 council, and set up false witnesses, which said, Tliis man
ceaseth not to speak words against this holy place, and the

14 law : for we have heard him say, that this Jesus of Nazareth
shall destroy this place, and shall change the customs which

15 Moses delivered unto us. And all that sat in the council,
fastening their eyes on him, saw his face as it had been the
&ce of an angel*.

8 Verse 8 describes S. Stephen's ministry, which was like that of
the apostles and included preaching and the working of signs. After
his ordination he was full of grace and poiver (see verse 3). From
Lk iv 22 we should gather that the grace wa.s upon his lips, and
refers to the misdom with which he spake. Power was the direct
coasejuence of the gift of the Spirit^ and had been a special charac-
teristic of the apostles* : now it shewed itself in Stephen's speaking
and also in great wonders and signs, which he wrouaht among the
common people^. But there was another sphere of his ministry
revealed by the sudden climax now to be described.

9 This work was disputing in the synagogue with his fellow
Hellenists, and it marks a new era both in manner and place. From
preaching in the temple we come to arguing in the synagogues.
Argument in the 83magogue — that was to be the great labour of
S. raul in the future. But the synagogue had been the scene of
the teaching of a greater than either. The Lord's ministry in
Galilee had oegun in a synagogue". Even in Jerusalem itself the
Jews needed besides the temple, the place of sacrifice, buildings for
reading of the scriptures and prayer, instruction and exhortation.
The Jewish tradition that there were 480 synagogues in the city is
no doubt a Jewish fable. But there must have been niany synagogues,
with regular and distinct congregations of their own. Tlie syiiagogue
to whicn S. Stephen belonged was one belonging to Hellenists ; its
name was ^of the Libertines , Cyrenians, and Alexandrians.* It is
snrprismg to find these numerous and influential bodies of Hellenists

1 Some M88 (AD) omit and Asia. ^ Bezan adds because they were convicted

by him with aU holdness. There/are not being able to face (xzvii 15) the truth [they
wuhomed. ' Bezan adds st^tnding in the midst of them. * See i 8, iy 33.

• and which no doubt won him * favour/ ii 47, iv 33. ' Cp. Mk i 21-8, Lk ir

16-30.

90 OPPOSITION OF THE HELLENISTS vi 9-12

sharing in one s3magogue^: but probably they possessed other
synagogues besides, and this represented a peculiar combination.
It is again surprising to find the Libertines forming one in
this trio. For as ha^ been said they represented chiefly Jews
from Rome. An early and not improbaole conjecture was to
read Libystins^ viz. of libva ; for Libya (ii 10) was adjacent to
C^ene and Alexandria. Later on, however, tne discussions at-
tracted outsiders, chiefly other Hellenists from Cilicia and Asia,
i.e. the Roman province of Asia in the west of Asia Minor. Jews
from Asia we shall meet again in Jerusalem (xxi 27) ; and aroonjg
the Jews from Cilicia was an ardent and extreme Pharisee, who it
may be conjectured was the leading spirit in the actions now to be
narrated. He was that 'young man named Saul' (vii 58).

The ministry of Stephen tnen stirred up the opposition of the
Hellenists : they rose up (v 17\ As the Christian Hellenist first
saw the full meaning of the faitn, so the unbelieving Hellenists were
the first to realize the doctrinal significance and logical outcome
of Stephen's teaching. On either side it was the Hellenist Jews

10 who possessed the deepest insight. But his opponents were no
match for Stephen in argument. He was ^fidl of the Spirit^ and
had the Lord's promise of a mouth and msdom (Lk xxi 15). And on
the other side, as the Sanhedrin in ch. iv 14-16 could not gainsay
the facts, so now the Hellenists could not but agree with the prin-
ciples on which Stephen based his argument. For these principles,
such as the spiritual character of religion, the Hellenists witit flieir
wider knowledge of the world had learnt to appreciate fiur more than
the Jews at home confined within the narrow limits of Palestine.
BaflSed in argument they had recourse to the device of defeated but
obstinate disputants — viz. an appeal to popular prejudice. It was
Stephen's conclusions which they resisted, and they knew well that
in me ears of the common people his * liberal views * would sound

11 like rank blasphemy. Accordingly they instigated men to spread
among the people and among the Pharisees (for, taking away 'tiie
rulers,' the elders and scribes stand for the Pharisaic party) the
news that Stephen was speaking blasphemy against Moses ana God,
This was the fisital charge. Hitherto the disciples had been popular
with the people and tolerated by the Pharisees, but to breauie a
suspicion of disloyalty to Moses was to blast their popularity at
once. Moses to the Jews summed up all their worship and polity.
S. Peter himself had appealed to Moses, and his contention had besn

12 that Jesus was a second Moses. The people then and the Pharisees
were ^eatly stirred, and under cover of the excitement the Hdl^-
ists seized an opportunity of suddenly arresting Stephen and dragged
him with violence to the Sanhedrin. The loss of tne people's &vour
has entirely changed the situation : contrast iv 1, 31. and v 26.

1 The JewB formed one of the four classes of the inhabitants of Cyrene, and
ocoupied two oat of the five wards of Alexandria. The rabbis mention a '^yxuigogae
of the Alexandrians ' built at their own expense (J. Lightfoot, ad 2oc.).

VI 13-15 S. STEPHEN'S TRIAL 91

IS In the Sanhedrin also a regular charge was preferred. Stephen
was accused of * hlasphemy.' Blasphemy was technically to sin
against Ood 'with a high hand,' i.e. wilfully, in such a way as to
break the covenant. Such sins were — ^any kind of idolatry, breaking
the sabbath, neglecting circumcision, cursing by the Name^ The
penalty was death by stoning. The charge had to be substantiated
by *two or three witnesses*' : and accorcungly ^ofee witnesses were
BCt up. The fisilseness lay not in the actual words reported, but in
the intention— wresting S. Stephen's words from their conteirt and
giving them a fe^lse meaning. This is that half truth which is
worse than a lie, because it cannot be flatly denied. The blasphemy
of which Stephen was accused was speaking words — and that con-
stantly— against (1) this holy place^ i.e. the temple, to which the
senate-house was adjacent, (2) and the law. The charge is

14 explained by the evidence of the witnesses. They quote this
*woTd' of Stephen's — ^This Jesus of Nazareth shall destroy this
fbce and change the customs which Moses delivered unto us.* That
18, *the niace which God has chosen to place his name there' is to
be robbea of its pecuhar sanctity ; and the law of Moses, contained
in the Pentateuch, with its vast commentary of the * traditions of
the elders,' in other words, the whole Jewish system of civil and
leHffious life, is to come to an end.

15 Stephen heard his own words repeated, and he could not deny
them. He had no doubt declared that the law would pass away,
but only in the sense of being perfectlv fulfilled (Mt v 17). And
now the injustice of the charge made his face flash fire'. But he
was also */ull qf the Holy GJwst ' (vii 55) : he remembered that he
^ standing where the Lord had once stood : he realized die crisis,
how much turned on the witness which he would bear, on wliat
defence of the gospel he- would make ; and at the thought of the
opportunity, his fisice glowed with enthusiasm also. The unwonted
sight arrested the eyes of ail who were sitting in the council, not
^y of tie judges out also of the oflicers and disciples. Among
*h^ was one on whose memory the sight imprinted itself so as
Jjver to be forgotten. Years afterwards ne learnt that it was indeed
«? reflection of the divine glory which made Stephen's face to
"lAie as the face qfan angel\ He was that Saul the Pharisee, who
^then a prime mover in the charge, and to whom we probably owe
jWs report of the scene. The momentary silence was then broken
17 the judicial voice of the high-priest^Oaiaphas, calling upon the
•censed for his defence.

We seem to have been reading a repetition of the trial of the
1^ The parallel with it here is much more striking than in
the hearings of the apostles. S. Stephen's was a regular tri«J which

.' Ezod zzii 20, Deut XTii 3-7 : Nam zv 32-6, Ezod xxxi 14 : Oen xTii 14 : Levit
n? 10>28. ' Dent xvii 6. ' Like that of the angel in Judges xiu 6.

With the injoatiee cp. Naboth'a experience in I E xzi 12, 13. ^ See vii 56 and

UCoriiilS.

92 a STEPHEN'S DEFENCE vi 15

ended in death. Like Jesus Stephen was accused of blasphemy,
and by &Ise witnesses; even the charge ran in ahnost the same
words — 'destroy the temple.' To both the high-priest made appeal:
but there the parallel ends. The Christ held his peace : the
disciple made an elaborate *apology\'

§ 3 S. StepJien^s defence

At first sight S. Stephen's speech seems baffling and disappointing.
Tliere is no direct answer to the charge ; and the name of Jesus Christ
does not occur at all. An obvious reason is that he was cut short and
his defence left incomplete. But deeper consideration will shew that it
does fiimish a complete reply. In fact the speech is uniaue. It corre-
sponds exactly with the time, place, and audience : at the same time
it is marked by a strong indiviauality. It stands midway between tiie
speeches of S. Peter in chapters ii and iii and of S. Paul in chapter xiii;
but though S. Stephen has points of contact with each apostle^ Us
presentation of the gospel is entirely his own. As special character-
istics we note at once — the use made of the OT, revealing an
Alexandrine training ; the criticism of materialistic religion (verse 48),
betraying a Hellenist ; the prominence of the ministry of an^s, due
to Jewish influence; the mention of *the church in the wilaemess';
and in Christian theology the ideas of redemption and mediation
(w. 35, 38). More personal traits are the strong irony, as e.g. in
verse 25, and the fiery outburst of passion at the close (51-53) lAich
stands almost alone in the Acts. The speech is also full of expressions
which are not found elsewhere in the NT, e.g. the God of ghnj,
possession, sustenance, d^al-subtillyy avenge, redeemer (35), makHh
caJf, in-their-turn, stiffhecked, resist, the coming : in the Acts traitors
(52) and Son of man (56) do not occur again. We can clearly trace
the influence of S. Stephen upon S. Paul*. But the writer of the
Epistle to the Hebrews is more decidedly of Stephen's school He
makes a similarly elaborate use of the OT, and recounts the history of

^ ThiB word in its original meaning of a legal answer or defence ezsetly
describes the speech of S. Stephen and those of S. Paul below. So Newmtn
in his Apologia pro vita sua, * S. Peteb like Stephen goes back to the

covenant with Abraham (verse 8 — iii 25), lays stress on the Umib of the patricrck
David (16 — ii 29) ; the ruler corresponds to prince (36 — iii 15), with living oraolei cp.
prince of life (38-— iii 15) ; Peter too uses Moses' prophecy (37 — iii 22), tiie wora
denied, forethewed^ murderer (35, 52 — iii 14, 18 : cp. 24), and the name of the RighUOfU
(52— iii 14|. S. Paul follows S. Stephen in reviewing the history of Inrael dovn to
David (ziii 17-22). These ideas also are common to both : God pnniabing hj
giving men up to their own wills (vii 42 — Rom i 24-28) : God does not dwol in
temples (vii 48 — xvii 24) : the law was ministered by angels (vii 58— Gal iii 19, S0)*
The germ of S. Paul's doctrine of the law is contained in S. Stephen's speech: tea
below, and cp. the Righteous (just) of vii 52 with justify in ziii 39. A time of fwpf
years, and fulfil, occur in both speeches, vii 30 — xiii 18 and 25. Appeared \m
specially characteristic of S. Stephen's speech (w. 2, 26, 30, 35) and it seems to
have been S. Paul's word (xiii 31, zxvi 16, 1 Cor xv 5-8). Promise, oracles, and the
idea of redemption are common to all three (vii 17, ii 33, 39, xiii 33 : Tii 88, I Pet
iv 11, Bom iii 2 : vii 35, 1 Pet i 18, 1 Tim ii 6, Tit ii 14): the same words alio
mark the Epistle to the Hebrews (promise frequently, oracles t 12, redemptioniLVi),

vn THE CHARGE 93

*the&tbers'.' He draws out explicitly the comparison between Mosoa
and the Christ ; and in his arguments refers to the tabernacle instead
of the temple, as that 'which bad been appointed' by God'. The
reveWion of tiod is described by him as a ' speaking ' or ' talloDg ' to
men', and tbe ministry of angels is the ground of a special argument*.

The charge against S. Stephen was (A) in general, that of treason
against Moses and therefore against Goa, for Moses substituting a pre-
tender Jesus of Nazareth. (B) In particukr he had spoken 'blas-
phemy' against (1) the temple and (2) the law. In answer Stephen
gives a summary of the history of the chosen people &om the call
of Abraham to the days of David. Of such retrospection the Jews
were fond : and similar summaries are very frequent in the sacred and
other contemporary books'. Under persecution, the Jews recalled
God's past mercies in order to renew their trust and courage. In
adversity, especially after the destruction of Jerusalem, they pondered
on their past history to find an answer to their profound perplexity —
why had God dealt thus with his chosen ? The history revealed it :
it was a divine judgement on the sin of Israel. The Christian apolt^t
studied the past to find in it tbe purpose and plan of God working
towards its fiilfilment in the revelation of Jesus Christ, and to learn
&om it the meaning of that revelation. So S. Stephen goes back to
Abraham : S. Luke, in his Gospel, still earlier — to Adam, tbe beginning
of tbe human race : S. John earlier still — to ' the beginning itaeli,
befbrs the world was. To such writers the 'propnecy' was the

Euipose of God which was as it were wrapped up in the external
istoiy and unveiled to those whose eyes were opened by the Holy
Ghost. To this purpose of God hidden in the history of Israel
Stephen, like S. Peter, makes appeal.

The history, when unveiled or revealed, vindicated the claims of
Jesus of Nazareth. It shewed him to be (1) the Saviour, Redeemer
and so Ruler of his people, verses 25, 35, 36 ; (2) the true Prophet and
Mediator between God and his people, verses 37, 38; (3) the Kighteous
one, that is the Fulfiller and therefore the End of the Iaw. Though
the name of the Christ is not once mentioned, Stephen is all the timo
'preaching Jesus.' He preaches him in his types, especially in Joseph
(vv. 9-^6} and Moses (20-43). The scriptures contained prophecies
of the Christ in word, but the lives of ' the fathers ' were prophecies in
deed. There is one law of righteousness, and in ' learning ooedience '
saint« such as Joseph and Moses (and indeed Israel itself, the chosen
people) had passed through experiences similar to those of the Christ
ana so they foreshewed his sufferings and the glories that should
follow (I Pet i 11, 12^. What was unique in the Lord's case was the
entire submission of Ins will to the Father, to which the greatest saints
could not attain. Argument based upou type or allegory does not
commend itself to the modem mind, hut in those days it was familiar

1 Hebl xL ' iii 1-6, xi 3^-9 ; viji 2, S, ii 1 etc.: cp. Acta vii 44. > Hobr
i 1, S. U a eta. : ep. Aote vu 6, SS, 44. * Habr i 6-ii 9 ; cp. alao ii S with AcU

Tii is. * Bm e,g. Dent i-iii, Josh uIt, Nehcm iz, Jndith t>

94 THE ANSWER vii

and popular. S. Stephen in any case indulges in no extravagances,
and his hearers would thoroughly understand him. They would have
recognized in JosCT)h and in Moses portraits of Jesus of Nazareth;
they would have felt the irony, by which in the jealousy of Joseph's
brethren and the dulness of Moses' contemporaries their own folly was
laid bare'; and the words made them gnash their teeth.

(A) So far from blaspheming (Jod S. Stephen looks up to the God
of clorv and bases his defence on God's true wilL He tauces that will
in tne history of Israel and shews that as it was God who sent Moses,
so it is God who has raised up the new Prophet (w. 35-7). But the
main defence turns upon Moses. Quotations have already been

S"ven to illustrate the position he held in Jewish estimation (p. 54\
ne more will better enable us to realize the mind of Stephens
judges. In the Assumption of 3foses* Joshua speaks of him as
'the sacred spirit who was worthy of the Lord, manifold and
incomprehensible, the lord of the word, who was faithful in all thinfj^s,
God's chief prophet throughout the earth, the most perfect teacher m
the world. . .advocate to offer prayers on the behalf [of Israeli. . .the great
messenger (angel) who eveiy hour da^ and night had his Knees fixed
to the earth, praying... calling to mmd the covenant of the fistthers
and propitiating the Lord with an oath.' Now so far from blas-
pheming Moses, Stephen's contention is that of S. Peter — as Moses
was the founder of Israel, so Jesus is a second and a greater Mo8e8^
As S. Peter had shewn, Moses in his own words had declared himself
to be but a figure of the prophet to come (like unto me). But the
special addition of S. Stephen was to shew that Moses ana the Christ
had passed through the same experience : and that not so much in
their deliverance of the people as in their rejection by their own
people. If the crucifixion of Jesus was a stumblin^block to his
audience, Moses their founder had been rejected by his generation.
The comparison between the Jews of the present and their fathers
was too obvious, and led to a scene of passion which cut short
Stephen's speech. But he had already been indirectly dealing with
the two specific charges.

(B) (1) He had been secretly undermining the doctrine of the
unique sacredness of the temple\ while he was shewing that God's
chief dealings with his people — in promise, redemption, and covenant —
took place before the temple existed. Again, the most sacred places
happened to be outside the * holy land.' God had appeared in Ur of
the Ghaldees, and at Sinai : Moses had been a sojourner in Midian :
ifejrpt was the scene of Joseph's glory and the great deliverance of the
people : the bodies of the patriarchs were buried in schismatical
Samaria. But in truth it was not the temple, but the tabernacle,
which God bad ordained : and as soon as the temple was built, prophets

* w. 9, 26: with 9 cp. v 17. • Ch. xi (Charles* trans.). In Jn vi a recorded

miracle of Moses outweighs with the people an actual miracle of the Lord wit-
nessed by their own eyes. * Compare this Mosex (w. 35, 37, 38, 40) with thU
Jenu (vi 14), thU man (v 28). * vv. 2-4, 9-16, 29-34, 44-50.

vni-6 THE SPEECH 95

began to declare the spirituality and omnipresence of God. This
doctrine was brought home to the Hellenist oy bis close contact with
heathen temples and idols, and S. Stephen here uses a name by which
tie deity was known among the Gentues also — the Highest^. S. Paul
nroclaimed the doctrine in Athens in almost the same words : the
Iioid himself had prophesied its recognition — * the hour cometh when
neither in this mountain nor in Jerusdem shall ye worsliip the Father '
(Jniv2a

(2) The answer on the second point, the law, is less obvious'.
But we find in S. Stephen all the germs at least of the teaching
afterwards developed by S. Paul. First, the promise was ^ven before
the l&w. Then, when the law was given, Stephen recognizes that it
was 'holy and righteous and good,' for it was living oracles. But the
Israelites had b^n unable to keep it : as soon as it was given, they
made a calf, and next they exchanged the divinely appointed tabernacle
far a temple. There was indeed one who had fulfilled the law, the
Bi^teous one, viz. Jesus : and S. Stephen might have ^one on to
declare the doctrine of justification. But at this moment his feelings
ovennaBtcred him, and he drove home the inability of man to keep
tiie law by a personal retort, *It is not I, but you who by your
muder of the Righteous have broken the law.' This was the end;
ttd it was reserved for one of his present hearers — S. Paul — to com-
fkte his doctrine by proclaiming that by this man everyone that believeth
w j^ified from all things, from which ye could not be justified by
^ ioip qf Moses (xiii 39).

7 And the high priest said^ Are these things so ? (2) And
he said,

BreUiren and fathers^ hearken. 'The God of glory
appeared unto our father Abraham^ when he was in Meso-

3 potamia, before he dwelt in Haran^ and said unto him, ^Get
thee out of thy land, and from thy kindred, and come into

4 the land which I shall shew thee. Then came he out of the
hiMl of the Chaldseans, and dwelt in Haran : and from thence,
^rtien his fether was dead, God removed him into this land,

5 wherein ye now dwell : and he gave him none inheritance in
% *no, not so much as to set his foot on : "and he promised
that he would give it to him in possession, and to his seed

t ^r him, when as yet he had no child. And God spake on
this wise, Hhat his seed should sojourn in a strange land, and

4S : cp. xvi 17. « w. 5. 17, 88-48, 61-58. ■ Blftss* edition of

ttxt has onlj The Ood of glory appeared unto our father Abraham, and said
Km, Get thee out... shew thee. And he [removed him into this land, eto. See
am n 97-xu 5. « Gen xu 1. * Deat ii 5. * Gen xvii 8 (xlyiii 4).

f Omxf 18, 14.

96 S. STEPHEN'S ini6-^i

that they should bring them into bondage, and entreat them

7 evil, four hundred years. And the nation to which they shall
be in bondage will I judge, said God : and after that shall

8 they come forth, ^and serve me in this place. *And he gave
him the covenant of circumcision : and so Abraham begat
Isaac, and circumcised him the eighth day ; and Isaac begat
Jacob, and Jacob the twelve patriarchs.

9 And the patriarchs, 'moved with jealousy against Joseph,

10 sold him into Egypt : and ^God was with him, and delivered
him out of all his afflictions, "and gave him fitvour and
wisdom before Pharaoh king of Egypt ; and he made him

11 governor over Egypt and all his house. '^Now there came a
famine over all Egypt and Canaan, and great afliiction : and

12 our fathers found no sustenance. But when Jacob heard that
there was com in Egypt, he sent forth our fathers the first

13 time. And at the second time 'Joseph was made known
to his brethren ; and Joseph's race became manifest unto

14 Pharaoh. ^And Joseph sent, and called to him Jacob his
father, and all his kindred, threescore and fifteen souls,

15 And Jacob went down into Egypt ; and "he died, himself

16 and our fathers ; and they were carried over unto Shechem,
and laid in the tomb ^Hhat Abraham bought for a price in
silver of the sons of Hamor in Shechem.

17 But as the time of the promise drew nigh, which God
^vouchsafed unto Abraham, ^*the people grew and multiplied

18 in Egypt, till there arose another king over Egypt, which

19 knew not Joseph. The same dealt subtilly with our race,
and evil entreated our fathers, that they should cast out

20 babes to the end they might not liva At which season
was born, "and was "exceeding fair ; and he was nourishedli — -

21 three months in his father's house : and when he was casts^
out, Pharaoh's daughter took him up, and nourished him for

22 her own son. And Moses was instructed in all the wisdoufe.

1 Exod iii 12. » Gen xvii 9-12, xxi 2-4 (Lk ii 21). » Gen xxxro

IL 28. * xxxix 2, 21, 23. » xU 40-46 (Pa cv 17-23). • xU 64, xlii 2.

' xlv 1-4, 16. 8 xly 9, xlvi 6, 27. » xlix 33, 1 13, 26, Exod xiU 19, Joah

xxiv 82. *" Gen xxiii. " Gk agreed to (Mt xiv 7), AV reads awom,

" Exod i 7, 8 : 10, 11 : l/>-17. »» ii 2, 6, 10. " Ok fair to God— • Hebraicm;
cp. Gen xxiii 6, Jonah iii 3, U Cor x 4.

m 22-88 DEFENCE 97

of the Egyptians; and he was mighty in his words and
J3 works. *But when he was well-nigh forty years old, it came

into his heart to visit his brethren the children of Israel.
14 And seeing one of them suffer wrong, he defended him, and
lb avenged him that was oppressed, smiting the Egyptian : and

he supposed that his brethren understood how that God by

)ii8 hand was giving them 'deliverance ; but they understood
}% not 'And the day following he appeared unto them as they

strove, and would have set them at one again, saying. Sirs, ye
17 are brethren ; why do ye wrong one to another ? But he

that did his neighbour wrong thrust him away, saying, Who

28 made thee a ruler and a judge over us ? Wouldest thou kill

29 me, as thou killedst the Egyptian yesterday ? And Moses fled
at this saying, and ^became a sojourner in the land of Midian,

30 where he begat two sons. And when forty years were
fulfilled, '^an angel appeared to him in the wilderness of

31 mount Sinai, in a flame of fire in a bush. And when Moses
saw it, he wondered at the sight: and as he drew near to

32 behold, there came *a voice of the Lord, ^I am the God of
thy fathers, the God of Abraham, and of Isaac, and of Jacob.

33 And Moses trembled, and durst not behold. And the Lord
said unto him, 'Loose the shoes from thy feet : for the place

34 whereon thou standest is holy ground. *I have surely seen
the affliction of my people which is in Egypt, and have heard
their groaning, and I am come down to deliver them : ^^and
now come, I will send thee into Egypt.

35 This Moses whom they "refused, saying, Who made thee
a ruler and a judge ? him hath God sent to he both a ruler
and a ^-deliverer with the hand of the angel which appeared

30 to him in the bush. This man led them forth, "having
wrought wonders and signs in Egypt, and in the Red sea,

37 and in the wildenicss forty years. This is that Moses, which
said unto the children of Israel, ^^A prophet shall God raise

38 up unto you from among your brethren, like unto me. This

* Exod ii 11, 12 : Gk tchen his time of forty years was being filled (verse 80, iil,
He. : xiii 18). • Gk talvation. « Exod ii 13-16. * ii 22. » Or

\he angel [df the Lord AV] Exod iii 2 foil. • Or the voice, ^ ill 6.

' hi 6. • lii 7, 8. w iii 10. " Gk denied. « j^arg redeemer.

* Exod vii 8. ^* Deut xviii 15 (Acts iii 22).

K. A. 7

98 S. STEPHEN'S vn S8-49

is he that was in the ^church in the wilderness with the angel
which spake to him in the mount Sinai, and with our fathers :

39 who received living oracles to give unto us : to whom our
fathers would not be obedient, but thrust him from them,

40 and turned back in their hearts unto Egypt, saying unto
Aaron, ^Make us gods which shall go before us : for as for
this Moses, which led us forth out of the land of ISgypty we

41 wot not what is become of him. And they made a calf in
those days, and 'brought a sacrifice unto the idol, and

42 rejoiced in the works of their hands. But Qod turned, and
gave them up to serve the host of heaven ; as it is written in
the book of the prophets,

^Did ye ofier unto me slain beasts and sacrificeB
Forty years in the wilderness, 0 house of Israel?

43 And ye took up the tabernacle of Moloch,
And the star of the god 'Bephan,

The figures which ye made to worship them :
And I will carry you away beyond Babylon.

44 Our fathers had ^the tabernacle of the testimony in the
wilderness, even as he appointed who spake unto Moees,
Hhat he should make it according to the figure that he had

45 seen. Which also our fathers, in their turn, brought in
with "Joshua when they entered on the possession of ihe
nations, which God thrust out before the face of our fathers,

46 unto the days of David ; who found favour in the sight
of God, and asked *to find a habitation for the "'God of

47 Jacob. ^^But Solomon built him a house. Howbeit the

48 Most High dwelleth not in homes made with hands ; as
saith the prophet,

49 "The heaven is my throne,

And the earth the footstool of my feet :

What manner of house will ye build me? saith the

Lord :
Or what is the place of my rest?

' Gk eecletia. ' Exod xx^cii 1, 4, 6. * Or (AV) offered merifiiu,

^ Amos V 25-7. * Bompha B, Homphan K, Rempkam Bezan, Rempkan AV.

» Exod xxxviii 21 (Rev xv r>). 7 x^v 40 (Hebr viu 6). • Gk Jem

(Hebr iv 8). » Ps cxxxii 5 (II Sam vii 1-3). ^^ Some MSB (6tBD) haie

houu. " I K vi 2. " laai Ixvi 1 (Mt v 34-6).

i

vn 2-6 DEFENCE 99

oO Did not my hand make all these things?

51 Ye 'stiflfhecked and uncircumcised in heart and ears, ye

do always resist the Holy Ghost : as your fathers did, so do
62 ye. Which of the prophets did not your fathers persecute ?

and they killed them which shewed before of the coming of

the Righteous One ; of whom ye have now become betrayers
53 and murderers ; ye who received the law ^as it was ordained

by angelSy and kept it not

The first thing which attracts attention in the speech is the number

rf variations from, and additions to, the record of the Old Testament.

This has caused a great deal of labour to commentators, but it need

not cause us much anxiety. The five books of the law possessed a

unique sacredness in the eyes of the Jews, but outside the Pentateuch

there were many other writings and books in circulation, some included

in 'the Prophets' and *the rsalms,' others not. With regaxd to the

Pentateuch itself, it is doubtful whether its text liad as yet received

the final fixed form in which it has come down to us : the Greek

translations made during the preceding two or tliree hundred years

shew what varieties of reading were once in existence. Again there was

a nuyas of current interpretation and traditional filling up of the

lustoiy. The ahoaost contemporary works of Philo and Josephus, and

^ writings of the rabbis, are themselves great monuments of such

fttgeos: and they shew us that Stephen was only reproducing to his

P^ the learning of the day'. Indeed his general agreement with

^w deepens the suspicion that he was himself an Alexandrian.

To take the points of disagreement briefly and in order, (1)

S Stephen makes God appear to Abraham for the first time in the

^ qf tie CkcUditeans (i.e. 'Ur of the Chaldees' which was

loinetimes reckoned by the Greeks in Mesopotamia), Genesis is

^t about this appearance, and makes the first call, the words

of which are quoted by Stephen, at Haran. Philo and Josephus

Iwwever agree with Stephen, and the earlier appearance is supported

^kyJosh xxiv 2-3, Nehem ix 7. (2) Stephen — ^and Philo agrees —

»}*8 that Terah died before Abraham left Haran. The figures

given in Genesis (xi 26, 32, xii 4) would imply that Terah liad yet

fi W years to live*. ^ (3) Stephen and Pliilo, wim Genesis xv 13, give

¥^ymrs as the time of IsraeFs bondage in Egypt, evidently using

A round number. Exodus xii 40 is more exact and says 430 years.

' Ezod xzzui 3 : Dent z 16, Jer ix 26. ^ Literally unto ordinances of angels,

ijt. Uthe ordinance {appointment verse 44) of angels. ' The Assumption of

Mms^ n ft speeimen of current Uterature, which S. Stephen may have himself read.

Catetnljr in iu 11 it has a striking parallel to verse 36 : 'Is not this that which

Mbsm did then declare unto as in prophecies, who suffered many things in Egypt

mi Out Bed Sea and in the wilderness during forty years ? ' ^ The Bezan text

•• fncn l^ Blass, chiefly on the authority of Irenaeus, would remove both these

iiKRpiBeiea. See note on text

7—2

i

100 THE SPEECH vii 6-4f

Tills is the number given by S. Paul in Gal lii 17, but he makes ft
cover the whole period from the covenant with Abraham. This wai
also the reckoning of the rabbis, and of the Greek translators ^^riio
in Exod xii 40 read in Egypt and in Canaan. Sometimw
Josephus agrees, assigning 215 years to the stay in each country |
7 at other times he says simply * 400 years.' (4) Stephen adds to
Gen XV 13-14 and serve me in this placet words taken from
Exod iii 12, and so understands by the place Palestine and not

14 Mt Sinai as is meant in Exodus. (5) He says 76 souk : (}en xM
26, Exod i 5, Deut x 22 say 70, and so Josephus. But the LXX in
Exodus and in some Mss in Deuteronomy have 75, reckoning in
Joseph's oflFspring bom in Egypt. Philo had observed the di»-

16 crepancy and found an allegorical explanation for it. ^ (6) Joshua
xxiv 32 tells us that Joseph was buried at Shechem : in adding his
brothers — our fathers, i.e. Jacob's twelve sons, — Stephen is probably
quoting contemporary tradition. Jerome says that their tomb was
shewn at Shechem in his day, and the rabbis agree as to their bodies
having been brought up out of Egypt. (7) The latter part of
Stephen's statement further implies some confusion. According
to Genesis (xxiii, xxxiii 19) Abraham bought a burial ground rf
Ephron at Hebron; and later on Jacob bought a parcel of ground at
Shechem ^of the children of HamoTy Shechem* s father J On the
strength of this information, the AV in this place gratuitously trans-
lates of the sons of Emor the father of Svchemy though ^o^A^ is not
in the Greek : the true reading is as in the RV in Shechem. There
were many traditions and ymtings current in the holy land about
the lives of the patriarchs, and Stephen is quoting some such autho*

22 rity. (8) The education of Moses in all the wisdom qfthe Egyptian$
is not mentioned in Exodus, but is reported by Philo. It was mdeed
an obvious conclusion, at a time when Egypt had become a centre,
not only of Egyptian, but also of Greek and Jewish learning.
Philo and Josepnus also mention Moses* eloquence, which Iiard^
agrees with Exodus iv 10-14. S. Stephen's phrase mighty in his
words and works need not bo more tlian the general description of a

23 great prophet, as in Lk xxiv 19. (9) Tlie age of Moses at tlie
crisis, forty years, was discovered by the rabbinical interpreters.
Forty is tlie Jewish round number. The OT only states, in Exod

25 vii 7, tliat he was eighty at the time of the exodus. (10) The
deeper motive, the desire to give deliverance to his people, which is
important in the parallel with the Christ, is ascribed to Moses by
Philo as well as by Stephen. Exodus is silent on the subject, anioi
also puts his flight down to fear of Pharaoh rather tlian, as here
30 apparently, to rejection by his own people. ^1 1) Exodus iii 1 hai
42 Horeb instead of Sinai, (12) Nothing is said in the Pentateudi
as to this worship of the host of heaven, i.e. sun, moon and stars : i1
is taken from uescriptions of later Jewish idolatry found in the
)rophets, e.g. Jcr viii 2, xix 13 etc. : cf. 2 Kings xxi 3, xxiii ft
13) The quotation from the book ^fth€ prophets, i.e. the 12 minoi

n

vn 42-53 AND THE OLD TESTAMENT 101

prophets which formed one roll, is an example of contemporary
exegesis. In the original prophecy Amos asked his question as a
protest against the extenialism of the worship of the Israelites;
ne shews that God did not re(juire sacrifices in the wilderness.
43 Then the following sentence is either a picture of the idolatry into
which they had actually fallen, or more probably a prophecy of
punishment, i.e. they shall carry in captivity the shnnes and
unages of the Ass3rrian gods^ S. Stephen treats the passage as a
description and reproach of Israelitish idolatry in the wilderness.
He also substitutes Babylon for Damascus, just as the Greek
translators had already changed the names of the gods. In the
OT we read ye have borne Siccuth your king and Ckiun your images^
the star of your god (liV). These are probably Assyrian deities —
one rather obscure, oakkut, and one more familiar, the star god
K&iyan or Saturn. Siccuth however as the RV margin shews may
be taken as tabernacles, and so the AV and LXX have translated it.
Then for king they have substituted the Palestinian deity Moloch,
almost the same word in the Hebrew. The common confiision be-
tween the Hebrew letters K and R probably caused the change of
Kiun into Bephan or Bomphan, a name otherwise unknown. (14) In
52 the OT we read of but few martyrdoms of the prophets : besides
ihe slaughter of the prophets of the Lord by Jezebel, there are the
murders of Zechariah tne high priest in 2 Chron xxiv 20-2 and of
Urijah in Jer xxvi 23. But again current literature was not limited
to the books of our Old Testament. There were many traditions as
to the fetes of the prophets ; and the persecuting and slaying of the
righteous was recognized as a feature of the history of Israel. This
wcuaation was driven home by the Lord himself, quoting 'the
jrisdom of God,' which was perhaps some contemporary * wisdom '
53 l)ook^ (15) The most interesting advance upon the OT is found in
^ ordinances of angels. Whfle the awe of the sacred Name
™1 been deepening among the Jews (p. 49), the philosophers of
Alexandria liad on their side been developing the doctrine of the
*^e incomprehensibility, or, if we may so speak, the aloofness of
fi<^ Both alike shrank from the idea of an immediate revektion
rf God, and in consequence they developed the doctrine of angels.
"^U8 (a) for Jehovah was substituted his Aiigol. Tliis doctrine is
mdeed to be found in the OT itself. According to the OT, which
8. Stephen quotes, it was the angel of the Lord which appeared to
Moees in the bush. The angel of the Lord also appeared to
Abraham, Hagar, and Jacob; and he was 'the angel of the presence'
wlo was with the Israelites in the wilderness*. This angel speaks
with tie voice of the Lord, as God ; and he is in fact, to use another
ottne which had come into use, the Word of the Lord. How this
doctrine had been growing we see from verse 38, whence we learn

' See I§u xliri 1. ' Mt zxiii 37: Lk zi 49. Cp. aUo I Th ii 16, Hebr xi 87.

f a«ti xxii 11-lS, XTi 7-14, xxi 17-lD, xxxi 11, xlviii 16, ExoU iii 2: Isai Ixiii 9-
Se* PP* 71-2 above.

102 a STEPHEN'S vn «-«

that at Sinai it was the angel who spake to Moses and gave him
the law. (B) In its turn that revelation required lucdiation. Am
the angel of tne Lord more and more filled the phice of Jehovah, he
was himself removed from men by the cloud of divine maiesty, and
mediators were again needed. For the giving of the law he had tQ
employ 'ministers and stewards of his mysteries.' And followiiii
the suggestion of Deut. xxxiii 2, these ministers were identified wiu
the angels : and their office in the appointing or ordainina the Um
was fully recognized by the Jews in the first century. We find it
in Josephus; and in the NT in S. Stephen, S. raul, and the
Epistle to the Hebrews*.

Having somewliat cleared tlie ground, we can the more freely
follow the argument of the speech. Stephen begins with the God ^

2 glory. The title is only found here^ : it is r^ly the God cf tJk
glory^ i.e. the Shekinah or * glory of tlie Lord '—the bright cloud (A
divine majesty which was as it were the pavilion of (jod himself
The title then denotes God in his divine being, rather than in
his relation to man of wliich S. Peter reminded his hearers in hit
* God of our fathers.' It was then the very God who appeared ic
Abraham, How he appeared, S. Stephen does not say : but the word
denotes a visible appearance. Probably he would have said in the
I)erson of his Angel. Appearing however and speaking (verse 6) an
the words for a divine revelation, the manner of which is less im-
portant. The revelation of God is the foundation of all religion ; and
S. Stephen's argument is marked by three progressive revelations or
appearances, viz. of (1) the God of glory in verse 2 : (2) Moses, the
prophet and mediator, in verse 20 : (3) the Angel of the Lord in
verse 30. The last appearance was the occasion of the formation of
the ecclesia Averse 38). This threefold revelation is as it were sealed
by the tlireetold vision of S. Stephen at the close of liis speecL

3 The first revelation was made in an idolatrous country. Abra-
5 ham was indeed called into Canaan. But there was no temple as

yet, when God gave him (before the law) a pfvmise. Li sign
8 of acceptance Abraham submitted to circunichion, and so toe
promise was strengthened into a covenant. The promise was in
the first place the inheritance of tliis land of Canaan'; but con-
trary to his expectation Abraham himself did not receive so much
B as a foot^. For preparation is necessary on man's side. Abra-
liam's descendants must endure the fire of adversity and the trial
of waiting, for 400 years, (As the Christ had to suffer before enter-

^ Joaephas Ant, xv 5. 8 : Acts vii 53, Gal iii 19, Hebr ii 2. ' i.e. in the

NT : in the OT cp. Ps xxix 3. S. Paul speaks of God as the Father of the glory^
and of Ghrist as the Lord of the glory (Eph i 17, 1 Cor ii 8) : S. Peter adds the SpirU
of the glory (I Pet iv 14). * S. Stephen la only oonoerned with the literal senai

as yet. In S. Peter the promise is the Holy Spirit tii 33), in S. Paul the raising uf
of the Christ (xiii 32) : in S. Stephen's mind the thought is probably of the ne«
ecclesia (verso 38 : cp. xz 32). -* Cp. Hcbr xi 8-12, which also speaks of the land
of the promise.

VII 9-29 DEFENCE 103

ing into his glory, so*) Israel had first to be reiected and cast
out of that holy land which they were to receive. This experience
however finds a more vivid expression in the fortunes of an
9 individual — Joseph. (As Jesus was sold by Judas to the high-
priests, and by them delivered up to the Gentiles, and that for

10 envy\ so) his jealous brethren sold Joseph into Egypt. But there
Chd delivered him\ and mad^ him governor over Egypt and all
Pharaoh's houses (so God raised up Jesus from the dead and exalted
him to be a Prince and Saviour, and gave him to be head of the

11 church, the house of God). Joseph thus proved to be the salvation

14 of his brethren. He called them into Egypt ; and there they formed
the first ecclesia, or rather the germ of the ecclesia, for as yet they

15 were in the house of bondage. The patriarchs too, like another

16 patriarch — ^David (ii 29\ died and were buried ; and their tomb lay,
as Stephen points out oy the way, not in the holy places but in
schismatical Shechem or Samaria. Before Israel can enter on its
inheritance (or the ecclesia be manifested) a deliverance is necessary.

17 Of this deliverance Moses was the instrument, and his work and
appointment must be fully understood. In proportion as the time
0/ the promise (of the inheritance) was drawing near, the people
were prospering in numbers (vi 1\ but a new king brought upon

20 them affliction and persecution. At such a season (xod raised them
up a saviour — Moses was born; (so when the fulness of the time
came, when after so many oppressions the iron hand of Rome now
lay upon Israel, God sent fortn his Son bom of a woman to deliver
his people). Moses had all the qualities requisite for his task :
(1) natural gifts — he was exceeding fair*, (2) education — in all the
wisdom of Egypt, and (3) force of character — he was mighty in
words and works; (so Jesus advanced in wisdom and stature and
was mighty in deed and word). But Moses, like the other servants
of the Lord, must first pass through the experience of rejection and

21 suffering. This began early. He was cast out at the age of three
months, and then brought up in a strange house ; (so Jesus after his
birth was carried hastily from Bethleliem to Egypt, and he was
brought up not in his own city Jerusalem but in tlie despised

23 Nazareth). When his time of preparation, forty years long, was
now being fulfilled^, Moses visited his brethren to bring them salva-
tion, and appeared unto them. (So about his thirtieth year Jesus
v^isited his people and revealed himself to them, appearing in the
Bvnagogue at Nazareth to proclaim release to the captives ; but the
Nazarenes cast him out of their city, as) his brethren refused to
believe in Moses : they understood not (25\ they thrust him away

29 (27), they denied him (35)". Moses thereiore fled into *a strange

1 The sentences in brftokets are the arguments implied but not expressed,
s Mk XT 10. ' Ood was with him, i.e. Joseph (verse 9), as with Jesus (x 88).

*■ Both Philo and Josephns tell ns of the beauty of Moses, but the Servant of
Jehovah had no beauty that we should desire him (leai liii 2). ^ Cp. ii 1, xili

25 : Lk iu 23. • Cp. xiii 46 : iii 13.

§

104 S. STEPHEN'S vu 29-39

land ' : Midian^ a place particularly hateful to Israel, became his
home for another ybr/^ year 8^ and there he married and had 8ons\

30 But the promise of God cannot fail; and when the people are
prepared by affliction, God is ready to exalt them (xiii 17).
Accordingly he appears unto Moses. For the fulfilment of the
promise demands a fuller revelation, which is summed up in the

33 giving of the law. The scene of this appearance — ^true kdy
ground — was again outside the holy land, in the wilderness.

35 Here S. Stephen breaks off the continuous narrative to present
to his judges in four dramatic sentences the chief elements of the
work of Moses — that is of the Christ. (1) The stone which the
builders had rejected is made head of the comer. This rejected
Moses is made by God ruler and redeemer : so he had made the
crucified Jesus Lord and Clirist, Prince and Saviour. Moses
redeemed Israel by bringing the people out of Egypt: the Clirist

36 redeems by delivering from sin and death. (2) The divine
appointment was conlirmed by toonders and signs, which also
formed part of the credentials of the Christ^ For Moses was
accompanied by the hand qf tlie angely i.e. by the strength or power
of the Lord'. By this arm of the Lobd Moses had wrought the
chief wonder and sign, i.e. the bringing forth of Israel out of i^gypt
through the Red /S^, as the same right hand had exalted Jesus

37 from the dead. f3) But this redemption was not final : Moses
himself declared tnat his work was only preparatory to and typical

38 of that of a greater Prophet, whom God uvuld raise up*. (4) For
the redemption out of Egypt was only preparatory to a revelation
whicli should make the people into an ecclesia or church. Of
tliis revelation Moses was the prophet, filling a threefold position.
{a) He was in the ecclesia, i.e. in the midst of the people, one in
lull sympathy with and a true representative of them, (fc) He
was mediator between the angel, i.e. God so far as he appeared or
revealed himself, and the fathers^, (c) For this purpose he received
fi-om God living words of God, which ne was to utter — as a prophet —
to the people. So like unto Moses, the Christ (a) was tne Son of
man, verse 5G : he took fiesh and blood that he might be one with

39 The parallel is made complete by what follows. The revelation in
the law was living^, and meant to give life, but the Israelites uxndd
not obey it : so now the Jews of S. Stephen's day were disobedient
to the new Moses.

1 Exod ii 22, xviu 4. « Cp. ii 22, x 38. » iv 30, xi 21, xiU 11. The

hand is the power of the Spirit with which Jesus was anointed. * iii 22, 26,

xiii 33. ^ The law was ordaiiied by angels in tht hand of a mediator (Qal iii 19).

« Hehr ii 10-18. ^ i Tim ii 6. « Acts ii 33. » Hebr iv 12. For Uft

cp. Deut xxxii 47, Levit xviii 5, Rom x 5. The law is for life or death Dent xxx
15-19, Kom vii 7-23. Oraclet ure words of God Rom iii 2, 1 Pet iv II.

VII 39-48 DEFENCE 105

This has brought us to the specific charge of blasphemy against
the law. Stephen's answer is that from the first Israel ha^ not
obeyed it. He dwells on their idolatry, no doubt for the edi-
fication of and a warning to the Sadducean priests. The source of
disobedience lay in obstinacy of the will : they willed not to become
obedient. The causes of tnis obstinacy were (1^ hankering after

40 Egypt, i.e. lust of worldly position ; (2) lack of faith, — and as the
Israelites had said of Moses on the mountain top, so the Jews now
were saying As for this Jesus we know not what is become of him ;

41 (3) self-will—f^^y rejoiced in the iix}rk^ of their hands, i.e. idols : so
the present generation had formed their own conceptions of what the
Messiah should be and do, and refused to surrender them. The

42 punishment now would be the same as of old, when God simply gave
them up to their own hearts' desires, their self-chosen blindness*.
This is the doctrine of punishment by which S. Paul accounts for
the depravity and blindness of the pagan world also, in the first
chapter of the Romans (cp. II Thess li 9-12).

44 From the law to the temple. At Sinai besides the law the
fathers received the tabernacle (tent) of the testimony^ It was
this, and not the temple, which was appointed by God and made

45 after a heavenly pattern. It was this which Joshua had brought
into the holy land, when God gave them the promised possession
(verse 5), expelling the fonner owners of the land. It was tnis which
remained the sanctuary till the time of David, If Jehovah had
required a temple, surely no fitter builder could liave been found

46 than David, vfho found favour with God', or, as S. Paul puts it, was
after God's own heart and did all his wiU ; and yet, although David
himself asked to build a more worthy dwelling place for the God of
Jacob, his prayer was refused, and the king who built the temple was

47 Solomon, wlio afterwards fell away. Solomon then built for God the
first house, the precursor of Herod's temple, the glory of the Jews, *the
work of their hands * in whicli they were rejoicing (cp. verse 41). But

48 S. Stephen reminds them that the Most llhjh doe^s not dwell within
walls made bv hand^i. By his recital of the divine appearances
Stephen has himself shewn tliat God can specially manifest his
presence in particular places, and therefore in a temple. But the
word dwell denotes (as m verses 3 and 4) having a fixed and limited
dwelling place. The Alexandrian philosophers had been developing
the doctrine of the divine nature, and from them Stephen would
have learnt that it was absurd to suppose tliat the Creator could

1 Cp. xxviii 25-7. ' This is a mistranslation in the Greek Bible for the

tent of meeting. With this passage op. Hebr viii 2, 5, ix 1 foil. The Hebrews also
agrees with Stephen in referring to Joshua, not mentioned elsewhere in the NT:
cp. Hebr iy 8, xi 30-1. * Cp. verse 10, ii 47, iv 33, Lk ii 40, and below xiii

22. The OT gives a different impression of the relations of Solomon and David in
building the temple, bnt the words of the Acts certainly imply that S. Stephen took
(he line of argnment represented above. S. Stephen is at least adding the snpple-
ment to the OT in his doctrine of yar^a 48, as the Lord had similarly ' falfilled '
the OT in Jn iv 21-4.

106 THE MARTYRDOM vii 48-58

be contained by a creature, or the omnipresent Spirit be confined
within four waUs. But this truth had already been revealed in the
scriptures. Solomon himself at the dedication of the House had
deckred that though it was built for the Name of the Lord, yet
heaven was his dwelling placed And this doctrine was driven home
49 by Isaiah, who by the title of the prophet is made to rank on a level
with Moses (verse 37) in the authoritative revelation of the divine
truth.

51 This open criticism of their most cherished glories was too much
for the Sanhedrin. For a long time Stephen's bitter irony had been
cutting them to the heart'; and now their indignation must have

flven rise to some demonstration, some grinding of their teetL
or Stephen in return is provoked to an outburst. He breaks off
his argument for a personal home thrust, which proves to be the
conclusion. Stijffhecked, i.e. disobedient to God like that generation
of old*, and though boasting in their circumcision (verse 8) yet in
heart uncircumcised, i.e. with will and understanding hardened
against God's revelation, it is you he says tcho (xre resisting the Hohf
^irit. Then God had put his Spirit in Moses, but their fisithers
resisted or strove against nim^. So now God is speakmg in the new

52 ecclesia against wluch the Sanhedrin are striving. The Israelites
of old had indeed killed the proplietSy but it is you who have actually
betrayed and murdered the Christ himself, *the Prophet.' The
Israelites of old had disobeyed the law : but the Sanhedrin had
put to death the Righteous one, the one — and the only one — who

53 had fulfilled the law. By this crucial act they had proved that they
were still of the same character as their ancestors, who when they
had received the divine revelation at the hands of heavenly
ministers yet kept it not. This direct attack rendered conciliation
impossible, and the next utterance of Stephen under the inspiration
of the Spirit brought about the catastrophe.

8. Stepheiil^s death

The defence of Stephen resulted in his murder. {A) It is the
second death recorded in the Christian community, and the first
martyrdom, so correspnonding to the death of Abel in Gfenesis iv 1-15*.
Simimr martyrdoms in the OT are the murder of Zechariah in the
temple in 2 Ghron xxiv 20-22 and the stoning of Naboth in I Kings
xxi 13. (JB) The occasion is worthily marked. S. Stephen's defence
had been to trace the progressive revelations of Gk)d in history, and now
they are completed by a crowning appearance of the divine flflory,
of which he had spoken in verse 2. Tiie langusj^e reminds us ?a) of
Isaiah's vision* when he saw his glory (Jn xii 41) and heara the
seraphim cry Holy, Holy, Holy : and also (6) of the baptism of the

1 I K viii 27 f . * Cp. v 33. * Terse 89 and Exod xxxiii 3, 5. * Cp.Num
xxvii 14, Isai Ixiu 10. » Cp. Lk zi51, Hebr xi 4, xii 24. « In his hiatoiy

8. Stephen had not reached so far, bnt he had spoken of Isaiah as * the prophet,'
▼iz. as marking an epoch in the divine revelation.

vii 54-56 OF a STEPHEN 107

Lord at the beginning of the Gospel, when the /leavene were opened
and the Spirit appeared in visible form and a voice came from
heaven ^ Like those, this vision is marked by tlureefoldness : Stephen
is full of the Spirit ; he sees the glory of God ; and Jesus at his right
hand. {(T) This brings us to the new circumstance which makes it
the complete and fin£d revelation. Jesus is standing at the right hand
of God. It is the first appearance of Jesus in his divine glory. At
the transfiguration he haa appeared in glory to Peter, James and
John, but on earth : now Stephen sees him in heaven. This vision,
which is hereafter to be granted to S. Paul and S. John alone, is
the proof of the apostolic testimony to his exaltation in ii 33, iii 21,
V 31, and of Stephen's own teaching. He sees Jesus standing, i.e.
as Prophet and Mediator standing between God and men (w. 37, 38).
And the unique cliaracter of the revelation is sealed by the name
SON OF MAN, which in the NT occurs here alone outside of the
four Grospels.

54 Now when they heard these things, they were cut to the

55 heart, and they gnashed on him with tlieir teeth. But lie,
being fiill of the Holy Ghost, looked up stedfastly into heaven,
and saw the glory of God, and Jesus standing on the right

56 hand of God, and said, Behold, 1 see the heavens opened, and

57 the Son of man standing on the right hand of God. But
they cried out with a loud voice, and stopped their ears,

58 and rushed upon him with one accord ; and they cast him
out of the city, and stoned him : and the witnesses laid down
their garments at the feet of a young man named Saul.

59 And they stoned Stephen, calling upon tlie Lord, and saying,

60 Lord Jesus, receive my spirit And he kneeled down, and
cried with a loud voice, Jjord, lay not this sin to their charge.

8 And when he had said this, he fell asleep. And Saul was
consenting unto his death.

54 Amidst the evident signs of the fury of his judges^, Stephen

55 looked up to heai^i for succour, and he received an answer. In the
power of the Holy Spirit he saw the glory of God and Jesus standing

56 on his right hand. At once Stephen as a true * martyr ' bears witness
and so adds that name — of which he had been silent in his speech —
Son of man. Of course in describing such a vision of divme and
spiritual realities human language and experience altogether fail,
lie opening of the heavens is a Jewish metaphor for insight into

1 Ab in verse 32. See Isai vi : Lk iii 21-2. For other yisiona cp. I K xxii 19,
Esek i, Dan vii 9-14 : Aots iz 3-9, Bev i 9-20. ' The Greek tenses denote not

a sudden ontborst, bnt a oontinnous state. So in 55 fuU of the Holy Ohost does not
mean a sodden inspiration as in iv 8, bat Stephen's existing condition : cp. vi 3, 5, 8.

108 THE DEATH vii 56-6o

divine things' : and on this ground there is no difficulty when the
apostles speak of Jesus as sittiria, S. St^^phen as standing. Both ex-
pressions are symbolical : and tne Lord stands as intercessor for his
people, or because he has risen to aid his * martyr/ to welcome and
receive him. Stephen's utterance indeed takes us back to the First

■ Martyr himself, wno had exclaimed in the Sanhedrin * From hence-
forth shall the Son of man be seated at the right hand of the power

67 of God* (Lk xxii 69). In each case the utterance proved fatal.
Stephen's judges uttered a cry of horror at the blasphemy, tiie
high-priest no doubt rent his clothes and gave the verdict * he hath
blasphemed,' and with one mouth all condemned him to deatli.
But their feelings were too exasperated for judicial order : the whole

58 assembly, like a tumultuous moo (xix 29), rushed upon him^ carried
him out of the city — as the law required^ — ^and then and there
proceeded to stone him. In this summary execution the Sanhedrin
were exceeding their powers. They say explicitly in Jn xviii 31
* it is not lawml for us to put any man to death,' and in a.d. 62,
when in the interval between two governors the high-priest Ananus
seized the opportunity to destroy James the Lord's brother, he was
deposed for it. Here it is obvious that passion liad overcome their
prudence; but Pilate being what he was, with his weakness of
cliaracter and necessity of standing well with the Jews, they would
not have had much difficulty in getting him to overlook it'.

The death is briefly described. According to the law (Deut xvii
7) the witnesses must caat the first stones, so they strip oflf their
flowing upper garments and lay them at the feet of Saul, Saul, as
we have inferred, was a member of the Cilician synagogue, and had
been one of the disputers with Stephen. Probably as a member of
the Sanhedrin, he had heard Steplien's defence and given his vote for
his death. And his own words in xxii 20, / was standithg by or otwr,
witli liis subsequent commission, seem to imply that he was in chaige
of the execution. He is called a young man, but that need only mean
a man in the prime of life, between thirty and forty, as distinct

59 from an * elder man (p. 67). Stephen meanwhile was calling vpon
the Lord whom he had seen to receive his spirit. To call upon
means to invoke in prayer, but the AV had no ground for inserting

60 God : the object of the prayer was the Lord Jesus. When the
stoning had be<^un*, he knelt down and shewed his own obedience
to his Lord* by forgivii^ his murderers. When we contiast
the dying nrayer of the OT martyr Zechariah *The Lord look
upon it ana require it,' we see that the cross had done its work.

I Cp. X 11, Lk iii 21, Bev iv 1, xix 11 etc. ' Levit xxiy 14, Nnm zv 85.

So, like Christ, he suffered * without the gate/ Hebr xiii 12. Cp. Lk It 39, Jn Yui
59, X 31. 'If the martyrdom and persecution took place in 36 or 87 as Bom»

chronologists reckon, this difficulty would disappear. Pilate had been teoalled in
disgrace, and Vitellius the governor of Syria who twice visited Jerusalem treated
the Jews with marked favour. * According to Jewish tradition stoning began

with casting the victim from a raised platform on to a great stone. * In

contrast to the disobedience of the Israelites to Moses (verse 89).

vm 1 THE PERSECUTION 109

Like Christ on the cross', Stephen prayed for them — ^literally Set not
this sin to them ; where set means either (1) set in the scales against
them, or (2) set it down firm, unmovable, to tlieir account.
8 1 Of this tragedy, though he did not throw a stone, Saul bore the
full guilt. For he teas consenting to it. The word denotes the
consent of the will, as in Lk xi 48 ; and such moral consent carries
with it far more responsibility than the actual doing of the deed, as
Saul himself had learnt when he wrote of those who, * knowing the
ordinance of God that they which practise such things are worthy
of death, not only do the same but also consent with them that
practise them' (Rom i 32). S. Luke his faithful disciple records
his action as briefly as possible : but the blood of Stephen was upon
him, and he never forgot the scene; years later, he says *wnen
the blood of Stephen was shed, I was standing by and consenting
and keeping the garments of them that slew him ' (xxii 20). The
Acts itself affords a striking illustration of the working of divine
retribution. For although forgiven S. Paul bears his punishment,
and we shall see him undergoing all the sufferings of S. Stephen,
only increased tenfold*.

§ 4 The persecution

The immediate consequence of those events wiis a 2}ersectUion,
Tlie Sadducees had been hostile from the first, and now the Pharisees
and the people are turned into enemies by Stephen's * blasphemy.'
Very likely the triumphant Saul led the excited crowd from the
stoning to a raid upon the houses of the Nazarenes on that very efay ;
and so the church liad its first taste of that which was to be the mark of
its external history for the next 300 3rears, — ^persecution. This is the
first of the fi&mous series of ' Persecutions.' It had been hard for the
disciples to understand the sufferings of the Christ ; it must have been
no less hard for them to understand their owti sufferings for righteous-
ness' sake. As a clue to the explanation, they had, however, not only
the history but the warnings of Christ, and the experience of the
church of the OT as set forth in its Psalms of Persecution (Ixxix,
Ixxx). Even many years later it seemed a 'strange thing' to them
(I Peter iv 12). We notice) tliat the actual suffenngs are not dwelt
ni>on : no names of the martjrrs are given : only incidentally do we
gather a few particulars. So it was in the other early jjersecutions.
It was reserved for later generations to describe the physical tortures
and glorify the names and tombs of the martyrs. But the severity of

1 Ilk zxiii 84. The prayer of S. Stephen is an early testimony to that ntteranoe
of the Lord. ' The Jews disputed with and resisted Paul in the synagogues : he
was falsely accused, mohbed at Philippi and in the temple, tried before the Sanhe-
drin in Jerusalem, stoned at Lystra. The same accuHations were made against
him— of blasphemy (xix 37), disloyalty to Mos^s (xxi 21) the holy place and cuHtoms
(xxi 28, xxiv 6, xxv 8, xxviii 17). Verbally, cp. crying mit (xxi 28), rushed with one
accord and seized (xix 29), out of the city (xiv 10). Further he suffered persecution
at Antiodi (xiii 50), was dragged (xiv 19: cp. xyii 6) into prison (xvi 23), and was
hound (xxi 13, 33) : cp. viii 1-3.

110 THE PERSECUTION vnil-3

tliis great persecution can be measured by its result — the temporary
break up of tlie church in Jerusalem. And it left bitter niemones, as
we should infer from 1 Thess ii 14-16 and Hebrews x 32-4. In the
OT we may compare Jezebel's persecution of the prophets of the Lord
(1 Kings xviii 4, 13, xix 2).

8 And there arose on that day a great persecutiou' agdnst
the church which was in Jerusalem ; and they were all
scattered abroad throughout the regions of Judsea and

2 Samaria, except the apostles. And devout meu buried

3 Stephen, and made great lamentation over him. But Saul
laid waste the church, entering into every house, and 'haling
men and women committed them to prison.

The Nazarenes were all driven from the city and scattered abroad.
Though the word ally if taken literally, would be an exa^eration, yet
it means that for the present the church at Jerusalem^ which had been
making such vigorous progress, was now broken up. It did not indeed
cease to exist, for the apostles remained in Jerusalem : they could not
desert their post in the time of danger. It seems strange that we do
not hear of their arrest or persecution. In later times the bism>p8 of
the church were the first object of attack. Saul however does not
seem to have come in contact with them. No doubt they could lie hid
as after the crucifixion (Jn xx 19) : but perhaps the real reason is that
it was the Hellenist side of the church which nad been most aggressive
and therefore bore the brunt of the attack. The afiair had begun in a
Hellenist synagogue and the chief of those who were scattered were
Hellenists (xi 20;. An immediate result was that S. Stephen lackdi
Christian burial : but, as in the case of the Lord, there were devout men
among the Jews who recognized his holiness and the monstrous in-
justice of his murder, and they buried him with great lament(Uion\

Jewish devotion to the law took another form in the case of Saul,
the zealous Pharisee. He was the leading spirit in the persecution.
In fact it could be described as his work, and he could say of himself
with truth *I persecuted the church of Grod.' S. Luke says he
devastated or laid v)aste the church Uke a savage animal, quoting the
very word of Ps Ixxx 13 'the boar out of the wood doth ravage it':
in his own words he 'sacked the church,' like soldiers who have
stormed a city. He was almost beside himself with anger, * being ex-
ceeding mad against them ' ; and Uke an infuriated beast he breathed
out ' threatening and slaughter.' From his own subsequent references
to the persecution we can form some picture of it*. Armed with a

1 Bezau adds and affliction. ' i.e. dragging, ' Devout ia generally

used by S. Luke in conuexion with the law, cp. ii 5, xxii 12, Lk ii 25. Josephus
records similar conduct among the pious Jews at the murder of James by Ananas.
« See xxii 4, 19-20, xxvi 10-11, Gal i 13, 1 Cor xv 9, 1 Tim i 18. We most however
remember that in these words we arc lisienins to the self-accusations of a great saint

vm 1-3 OF THE CHURCH 111

commission from the high-priests he visited every lumse of the Nazarenes,
and there made inquisition. All who would not blaspheme the Name
were put in bonds and dragged off to prison, not only men but tvomen
also. Numbers of victims were thus obtained. These were then
examined in the synagogues — the courts of first instance ; and if they
proved obdurate were beaten and otherwise tortured. Loss of their
property was a natural consequence. Such scenes were enacted in
* all the synagogues.* But did the punishment extend to death?
If the murder of Stephen was illegal, the Jews could hardly have
ventured on a number of similar executions in cold blood. In any
case only the Sanhedrin could have pronounced sentence of death. It is
true that S. Paul speaks of his * giving his vote when they were put to
death ' and says * I persecuted unto death.' But such phrases may be
generalizations from S. Stephen's case^ Possibly some other cases
terminated fetally, and the death of a few religious fanatics would not
have caused the Roman government much concern. The case of
Ananias and Sapphira shews how easily in an oriental city sudden
death may occur without enquiry. Whatever we may conclude, there
was enough to enable S. Paul to call himself one who had been *a
blasphemer and persecutor and injurious.' If, as is likely, this per-
secution is 'the great conflict of sufferings of the fonner days of
Hebrefws x 32-34, then the sufferings were mainly disgrace, imprison-
ment and confiscation, and they had not 'resi^tea unto blood' (Hebr
zii 4).

SECTION II ( = Ch. a 4—11. 26)
The things that arose about Stephen

The death of Stephen was the crucial event which started the
expansion of the church. And now S. Luke is goin^ to trace its
result in four different lines which will bring us to the great work
which opens in chapter xiii. The blood of the martyr was the seed of
the church. And that in a very literal sense ; for (1) the Christians
were scattered abroad, and went about unto many places. The word
scatter-abroad is derived from the word for sowing : and so they were
scattered-abroad like seed sown, and consequently the word grew. For
(2) where they went, thev evangelized or preached the word. Thus as
the chirf strength of Judaism, both political and intellectual, lay in its
Dispersion or bcattering-abroad, so the new Dispersion of the Christians
formed the progressive and missionary element m the church. At first
this spreading of the word was confined to the country districts of
Palestine, but some prophetic spirits were ready to overleap these
bounds. Such an one was Philip the Evangelist.

< Just as the outsidf cities of xxvi 11 means probably only Damascns. S. Lnke
mentions tlaughter in ix 1, but it may mean only uttering threats of slaughter.

r

112 S. PHILIP AS PROPHET vin

SECTION II A ( = Ch. 8. 4—40)
The Ads of Philip

Tlie first missionarv work of the church was spontaneous, not
undertaken under the lead or official guidance of the apostles. The
Twelve remained at Jerusalem, and the placo of leadership was filled
by those who ranked next to them. After the death of Stephen,
S. Philip is now first of the Seven, and like Stephen he now appears
as (1) endowed with that wonder-working power which had hitnerto
been confined to the apostles ; and (2) a preacher of the word, or, as
he was entitled later on, an evangelist. But he has also (3) a special
characteristic of his own. This chapter is thoroughly Old Testament
in its spirit and language, and the evangelist acts exactly like one of
the prophets of old : we could imagine that we are reading of a second
Elijah or Elisha. Philip then is a Christian prophet — one of those
prophets who were ranked with the apostles in the foundation of ^e
church. Like an OT prophet he wanders about^ with sudden and
spontaneous movements under the immediate impulse of the Spirit
But the true inspiration of the Spirit which marks a prophet is above
all seen in the daring insight wnich led liim to begin the work of
breaking through the barriers of Jewish limitation. He was thus a
true predecessor of S. Paul ; and as he will hereafter (in ch. xxi) meet
with the apostle in the flesh, he forms a connecting Imk between the
two parts of the Acts — the original and the developed, the Jewish and
the Uatholic, church.

He made two steps fonvard. (1) He preached to the Samaritans.
The Samaritans were not entirely an alien race ; there was Israelitisli
blood in their veins. But when they advanced pretensions to posses-
sion of the true law and temple, a violent quarrel with the Jews was
the result. The Samaritans were worse than aliens. They were
lieretics, schismatics, more to be hated than infidels. In the OT the
bitterest enemy of Israel had been his brother Edom ; so now the Jews
liad no dealings Avith the Samaritans. (2) He baptized the Ethiopian
eunuch. As an Ethiopian, the eunuch was a stranger ; and though he
was an adherent of Judaism, the law was stern in excluding such as
he from * the assembly or ecclesia of the Lord ' (Dent xxiii 1).

We also detect an advance in his teaching. At Samaria he preached
the kinadom of Grod, and it is the first time the kingdom is mentioned
sinc^ the first chapter (i 6). This doctrine of the kingship of the
Qurist we shall find developed by S. Paul in his gospel to the Jews
(ch. xiii).

§ 1 Philip preojches in Samaria

The picture of tlie prophet is matched by the picture of a * fiilse
prophet*' — Simon Magus. The whole east at this time, we are told by

-* Cp. Micaiab Aod i^edekiah Ui J Kxxii 22 -24, Jeremiah and Hananiah in Jer xxviii.

vffl FALSE PROPHETS 113

the historian Suetonius*, was flooded with Messianic expectations, and
the expectations produced a harvest of false Christs. But apart from
such special ideas, there was, in the decay and exhaustion of the
old pagan religions, a greatly increased demand among men for re-
lipoDs teachers, to tell them something of the truth, to heal their
diseases of spirit and mind as well as of body, to open up some
channel of intercourse with the spiritual world, and in a word give
them some knowledge of God. Tne class of * prophets,' * seers,' and
*magi,* who answered to this demand had always existed in the east,
bat now they were especially abundant. The developments and inter-
mixture of Greek pmlosopny and oriental religion liad given them
most varied characters. They appeared sometimes as exorcists, healers,
wonder-workers ; sometimes as astrologers or spiritualists. Some really
tried to fill the place of philosophers and moral teachers; others
daimed to be prophets and possess a divine inspiration. A few of
the class may have been great men with more or less sincerity.
Eke Apollonius of Tyana, whose biography was put forward in a later
g^ier&tioQ to compete with the gospels. But the temptation to gain
«h1 cheat was too powerfiil, and the majority were nothing else Uian
pretenderBy quacks, and charlatans. Some were learned in astrology
^ the learning of the east^ and the magi of Chaldea had an
^H)nidble reputation*. But the boundaries between true and false
science, as between religion and superstition, had not yet been clearly
iQitiked outy and so tne word magus had already acquired its evil
associations of magic and sorcery.

As the counteneit of the true, these false prophets were among the
Qiost dangerous enemies of Christianity ; and the distinction between
^ true and iJie false, between religion and spiritualism, had to be
Aaiply drawn once for all. The Lora had warned his disciples against
&lse prophets and fedse Christs, and in the Acts we find the class
convicted and judged in the persons of Simon Magus and Barjesus.
%iiOD, as his name ' the Magus ' and his position in Christian tradition
^tew, was in the first rank of these pretenders. By his skill in magic
« had acquired quite a sovereignty over the Samaritans. His
daim to be some great one fverse 9) was probably a Messianic pro-
ton*. But ho aspired still higher. Besides being a magus, he was
J^ philosopher ; and he had elaborated a hierarchy of divine emanations
^ BQccessive mediators between God and man^ which he called
™er8. Of these Powers he professed to be himself the chief, giving
kmadf the name of The Great Power of God, It is in view of such
f theories about Powers that the apostles assert the superiority of Christ
to all such orders of being. S. Paul calls Christ * the Power of God';
m the Acts the divine Power is generally associated with the Holy
8pirit^

> VttpoM. 4. ' Cp. the magi in Mt il * Cp. Lk i 32 (and Aois v 36).

* A« tiMword *fp'eat* seems hardly to require the explanation which it called^ it

hm bmm tiigge«ted by Klostermann that it is reaUy the translituration of a

fiaiBAritan word which means revealing. So Simon would be the Power which

JL A. 8

114 S. PHILIP \TII4-1S

4 Tliey therefore that were scattered abroad went about
'preaching the word.

5 And Philip went down to the city of Samaria^ and

6 proclaimed unto them the Christ. And the multitudes gave
heed with one accord unto the things that were spoken by
Philip, when they heard, and saw the signs which he did.

7 For from many of those which had unclean spirits, they came
out, crying with a loud voice : and many that were palsied,

8 and that were lame, were healed. And there was 'much joy
in that city.

9 But there was a certain man, Simon by name, which
beforetime in the city 'used sorcery, and amazed the people

10 of Samaria, giving out that himself was some great one : to
whom they all gave heed, from the least to the greatest^
saying, This man is that Power of Qod which is called Great

1 1 And they gave heed to him, because that of long time he

1 2 had amazed them with his 'sorceries. But when they believed
Philip 'preaching good tidings concerning the kingdom of
God and the name of Jesus Christ, they were baptized, both

13 men and women. And Simon also himself believed : and
being baptized, he ^continued with Philip; and beholding
signs and great "miracles wrought, he was amazed.

The Lord himself had preached to the Samaritans at Sychar
(about 7 miles from Samaria) for two days, and the conversation of
the Samaritan woman shewed their strong Messianic convictions*.

5 Now Philip goes down to their capital, the old Samaria, which had
been rebuilt by Herod the Great on a magnificent scale and called
after Augustus — in Greek Sebastos — Sebaste. Here like a herald
he proclaimed the Messiah, i.e. the establishment of the kinffdom of
God (verse 12). This kingdom was neither the Jewish ecclesia nor
the nval Samaritan ecclesia, but a new ecclesia which bore tie
name of Jesus, who had been anointed as its Messianic king or Christ.

6 Philip confirmed his words bjr working many signs of heaUng.
The superstition of the Samaritans made them specially liable to
amazainent (vv. 9, 11, 13), or, as the AV implies, to 'being be-

revealt. For Powers see Bom viii 3S, Eph i 21, I Pet iii 22 : I Cor i 34 : Aete i 8^
iv 83, X 3S etc. This idea of successive gradations in the revelation of Gk>d ivas
greatly elaborated by the Gnostics. It also lay at the bottom of Jewish angelologj,
saoh as was condemned by S. Paul in the Colossians. ^ Gk evangelising, and

so in verse 12. * AV and Bezan road great. ' Gk was-a-magtu or practit^
wapic, and in verse 11 magical doings. * Gk cimtinued-ttetifasUg {i 14).

^ Gk powert, ^ Ju iv 4-^2, esp. verse 25.

vni4^i3 AND THE SAMARITANS 115

9 witched' by a power they could not understand*. Accordingly
the miracles were necessary in order to overthrow tlie power and
influence which Simon had acauired over them by his false miracles.
Those of Philip were real, ana the result was corresponding. The

6 aMention of the whole population was won ; the healings caused

12 great joy ; the people at once believed that Philip's words must
likewise be true, and many be^n to carry their belief into action

13 by being baptized. It is surprising that no opposition was offered
by Simon. But in fiswt he himself was deeply impressed by the real
spiritual power of Philip and by his signs which altogether eclipsed
his own. He believed, i.e. recognizea their reality ; and in con-
sequence VX18 baptized, and became a disciple of Philip as of a
superior master. The nature of his faith was soon to be tested and
laid bare.

§ 2 The gift of the Holy Ghost and the conviction of Simon

The new step of evangelizing the Samaritans required the sanction
of the church and also the divine approval. The approval depended
on the Pentecostal gift — would the Lord give to the Samaritans also of
his Spirit? Again, as always, grsuce is dogged by sin. l^e great
spiritual endowment is counterbsJanced by a nirther lodgement of sin
in the church, and S. Luke ^ves the judgement of this its second
manifestation. The OT parsdlel to Simon is Gehazi, the prophet's
servant, making money out of the baptism of Naaman in II Rings v.
In S. Paul's career compare xix 19.

14 Now when the apostles which were at Jerusalem heard
that Samaria bad received the word of God, they sent unto

16 them Peter and John : who, when they were come down,
prayed for them, that they might receive the Holy Ghost :

16 for as yet he was fallen upon none of them : only they had

17 been baptized into the name of the Lord Jesus. Then laid
they their hands on them, and they received the Holy Ghost.

18 Now when Simon saw that through the laying on of the
apostles* hands the 'Holy Ghost was given, he offered them

19 money, saying. Give me also this *power, that on whomsoever
520 Ilay my hands, he may receive the Holy Ghost But Peter

said unto him, Thy silver 'perish with thee, because thou hast

^ Their saperstition is Ulustrated by the event which led to the downfall of Pontiaa
Pilate. About a.d. 35 a false prophet gave out that he would find on Mt Gerizim
the saered Tessels hidden there by Moses, and an inunense multitude followed him.
Pilate however was beforehand and hsid sent some soldiers who dispersed the
crowd with much slaughter. The Samaritans appealed to the proconsul of Syria,
Titdlins, who sent Pilate to Borne for trial. '^ Gontinued-with is the word

used in ii 42. > Marg with KB omity Huly. * Gk authority, ^ Gk he

witk thee for or unto perdition,

8—2

I

116 THE GIFT OF THE SPIRIT vin u-is

21 thought to obtain the gift of God ^ith money. Thou hast
neither part nor lot in this ^matter: for thy heart is not

22 *right before God. Repent therefore of this thy wickedness,
and pray the Lord, if perhaps the thought of thy heart shall

23 be forgiven thee. For I see that thou 'art in the gall of

24 bitterness and in the bond of iniquity. And Simon answered
and said, ^Pray ye for me to the LoM, that none of the things
which ye have spoken come upon me.

14 After an interval, perhaps when the persecution was over, news
of Philip's work reached the apostles at Jerusalem (verse 1). The
Samaritans had accepted the Lord Jesus as the Messiah and kad
been baptized into his name (p. 32); but on the other hand there
had been no sign of any outpouring of the Spirit, no speaking wiUi
tongues nor any such sign as had happened at the first Pentecost
The apostles fully appreciated the importance of the occasion, for
they sent to Samaria the first two of then: body, Peter and John (iii 1).

15 They in their turn ^ve their sanction to the work, for they desired
it to be completed by the ^t of the Spirit They adopted the
same mode of procedure as m the ordination of the Severn They

17 prayedy and then laid their hands on the Samaritans. The prayer
was answered, and the Ssunaritans besan to receive the Hohi Spmt,

18 There must have been some extemaf phenomena (saeh as sp^Jdng
with tongues) as evidence of the fact, for Simon saw that through
the laying on of the apostles^ hands the Spirit was given.

It is evident from the NT that that which makes a man a fully
equipped member of the church is the indwelling of the Holy Ghost
This presence is not innate in man ; it is a gift fix)m God, given as
here aescribed. But there are manifold workings of the Spirit Even
before Christian &ith the Spirit works, for S. Paul says ' no man can
say Jesus is Lord without the Holy Spirit*.' Similarly the Pentecostal
gift does not, as we have seen (p. 61]), exclude further gifts afterwards ;
and this is indicated in the Greek in this passage, where there is no
article and it runs receive Holy Spirit in verses 15, 17, 19. However
the initial gift which makes the man a full Christian is so special
and distinct, that of cases where it had not been received we read in
scripture that the Holy Spirit was not yet, or that as yet he was faUm
upon none of them'. On the other hand this gift does not neceffiarily
accompany either ba{)tism or the act of faith by which Jesus is accepted
in the heart. This is clear from this passage and ix 17. When and
how, then, is this gift received ? We learn, as the church has learnt

1 Gk word, ^ Gk straight. ' Marg wilt become gall (or a gaU root)

of bittemesi and a bond of iniquity. * Bez&n has I beteeeh you, prajffor me to

Ood that none of the evils which ye have spoken of may come tmon me. And he eetued
not weeping greatly. ^ I Cor xii 8. ' vene 16 and Jn vii 89. 8. ChiyMM-

tom thnfl distingtiiBhefl this gift from that of their baptism : * they had leoeiTed the
spirit of forgiveness, bat not yet tiie spirit of signs (wonder-working)/

VIII 18 AND THE LAYING-ON OF HANDS 117

in the main, from this incident. The apostles supposed that the Spirit
would be given in answer to prayer and the laying on of their hands.
Their expectation was justified ; and the church has accepted this as
the normal method.

S. Luke gives us, in all, four accounts of the outpouring of the
Spirit— (1) at Pentecost, on the original disciples; (2) here, on the
Saniaritans ; (3) at Caesarea, on Cornelius and his company who were
Gentiles ; and (4) at £phesus, on the disciples of John the Baptist.
These are evidently meant as typical pictures. They represent each a
different class of religious status ; and as evidence that the Spirit is
given to all classes alike, the gift is followed by external or extra-
ordinary signs, (a) On two occasions the gift itself was extraordinary.
The Spirit fell as it were immediately out of heaven upon the church
at Pentecost^ and upon Cornelius' company even before their baptism.
(6) The other occasions were normal, and the gift was conveyed by
prayer and the laying on of hands. These hands were apostolic ; in
the one case those of Peter and John, in the other of Paul. Nowhere
in the Acts is the laying on of hands by other than apostles mentioned
in this connexion ; and it is evident from this incident that, although
Philip was a prophet and one of the Seven, although he preached the
word and baptized, yet he did not possess this power. We conclude
then that, as S. Luke states it, through the laying on of the hands of
the apostles the Spirit is given.

We are justified then m finding here the beginning of the church's
rite of Confirmation. We say * beginning' because it was inevitable
that at the first some time must elapse before the establishment of
fixed order. The method of the gift had to bo learnt in a measure
experimentally from the signs which confirmed the gift. Its regulation
had to follow. Of the absence of regulation we find an illustration in
the next episode. We are surprised to find the eunuch so suddenly
baptized and then continuing his journey to a country where he would
find no fellow Christians, no ministry, no sacramente. And we may
ask — who laid hands upon him ? Again, already there are Christians
at Damascus (ix 2) when as yet the apostles have not left Jerusalem.
Who laid hands upon them^? Who was to lay hands upon distant
oonverte ? This is the very problem which the apostles are now being
called to £su^. Their first solution is to send Peter and John to
Samaria. But it would be impossible for the Twelve to visit all the
churches, and so another solution was found, viz. the method of delega-
tion. Simon assumes that Peter and John can give tliis authority to
oUiers, and they do not contradict him. Later we find Paul exercising
the authoritjr, and ai)pareatly he also delegates it to Timothy in the
Pastoral Epistles. The Chnstians at Antioch, who will soon come
before us, present us with a case in point. They needed the gift of
the Spirit as much as the Samaritiins, but this time the apostles did

1 Ananias at Damascus laid hands on Saul. He was evidently a person of note
in the ehoroh, and may ha?e been one of the Seventy as tradition alleges.

118 THE JUDGEMENT OF vin I8-22

not go themselves. Instead the church at Jerusalem sent a repre-
sentative, Barnabas. He appears to exercise apostolic powers, and
so may have been a delegate of the Twelve for this purpose also.

This new Pentecost is followed by the conviction of sin — a true
sign of the presence of the Spirit. As the generosity of Barnabas had
been counterbalanced by the covetousness of Ananias and Sapphira^ so
was the free gift of the Spirit by the error of Simon. For Simon's sin or
rather trickedness (verse 22) lay in his principles, the conceptions of his
heart. The love of gain introduced a false principle which would have
fatal consequences in action. It connected money with the exercise
of spiritual authority and functions. The two spheres of the spirituid
and the carnal must indeed touch; the minister of the gospel must
live of the gospel. But to preserve the connexion fit)m confusion is
the more essential in proportion to the diflSculty. Untold evil has
ever resulted to the church from the buying and selling of spiritual
oflSce. However carefully disguised, it ultimately rests on this thought,
first expressed by Simon, that the gift 0/ God can be acquired far
money. This idea and the consequent sin of simony (for from Simon
comes the name of the sin) must receive a decisive judgement once
and for all*.

The sin was within the church, for Simon had believed and been
baptized; and apparently he continued faithful to Philip. But
he had neither fully understood, nor was his will wholly turnttl.
{a) He had a false thought or intellectual conception about we
laws of spiritual life. (6) But this thought was of ths hearty i.a it
arose from his will or his own moral intention ; and this intention,
or his heurt, was not straight with God\ It was distorted by
selfishness. He saw the evident power of the Spirit and he coveted

19 it for liis own aggrandizement. Hence he found no mentcd difficulty
in supposing that this power could be purchased ybr numey. A^in,
as from Ananias (v 4), we have found that sin lies *in the heart/ ie,
the will. And as soon as it is laid bare, the moment for judgement
has come. This rests with the apostles'. It is a striking scene —

20 the two Simons face to face, Simon Magus and Simon Peter. For
the second time Peter exercises the power of binding. * 75ly monetf
ao with thee to perdition*— thd proper end for *sons of penrdition'
like Judas. In spite of his baptism Simon had not really accepted

21 the word or doctrine of the Messiah ; and his part and lot* in ^

22 kingdom was taken away, until he should repent. For, althoush the
sin was after baptism*, yet repentance, i.e. a change of wiu and
mind, of the thought of the hearty was still possible, and therefore
forgiveness. S. Peter speaks doubtftilly, but the doubt concerned

^ No one has more fiercely denouuced the sin or more completely reTealed iki
evil oonseqaenoes than Dante. See especially the Ivfemo^ canto xix. 'Woe to
thee, Simon Ma^uB 1 woe to yon, hlB wretched followers ! ' etc. * The phraae

is taken from Ps Ixzviii 37. Simon had gone attray having fonaken the Mtraight
way and followed the way of Balaam who loved the hire of wrong-doing (TL Pet ii 16).
' S. John Goncurs: cp. ye in verse 24. * From Dent xii 12: op. Crol i 18.

The lot i0 the share in the inheritance (xxvi 18). * Cp. Hebr. yi 4-8.

vra 22-24 SIMON MAGUS 119

not 80 much the possibility of forriveness as of Simon's repent-

23 ance. For his heart (a) was full of t^ bitter gall of sin ana fast
bound with the chain of his iniquity (a reminiscence of Isai Iviii 6).
Such is the meaning of the English translation. The first expres-
sion however is taken from Deut xxix 18, where the Israelite whose
lieart turns away from Ood is among the people as 'a root that
beareth gall and wormwood,' i.e. *a root oi bitterness*.' And as
the Greek is literally thou art for or wwft?', (6) the rendering of the
RV margin is the best. S. Peter sees — ^and sees most truly — that
Simon's sin will be a root of bitterness and gall to the church and

24 a fetter' of iniquity, impeding its free course. Simon instead of
repenting is apparently only moved by fear. Unable to pray himself,
he asks iox their intercessions for his deliverance from the perdition
of which they had spoken. From the Bezan text we learn that
he shewed his sorrow in loud weeping*.

Simon Magus now disappears from me Acts — but not from Christian
tradition. In that he received the unenviable position of proto-here-
siarch or first founder of heresy. Justin Martyr, who was himself
a native of Samaria and lived about a hundred years after this,
is our first informant. He tells us that Simon was a native of
Gittho in Samaria, that he was almost worshipped by the Samaritans,
and that he went to Rome in the reign of Claudius (a.d. 41 to 54)
where the senate erected a statue to him as to a god. The last
statement has received an interesting explanation. In 1574 a statue
was dug up at the place Justin mentions bearing a dedication to a
Sabine go<i sbmoni sanco deo fidio. This is evidently what Justin
saw, and being a stranger not familiar witli Latin he had read it

as 8IM0NI 8ANCT0 DEI FILIO, i.e. TO SIMON THE HOLY SON OF GOD.

Justin further and erroneously attributes to Simon the fully developed
doctrines of the Gnosticism of his own day. But the words in the
Acts, Power and Thmvghty which played a part in those systems, shew
that Simon may have held the germs of gnostic doctrine. In Justin's
time there were some heretics called Simonians, and they would
naturally be clad to claim as their founder a famous wonder-worker
of the preceaing century. On the other hand the church would
naturally look for a father of heresy in scripture, and so make Simon
Magus, who in the Acts was the first to enunciate false doctrine,
responsible for all the subsequent gall and bitterness caused by heresy.
In any case his legend continued to grow. The so-called Clementine
literature was written in the third century to glorify S. Peter and
denounce S. Paul, and in it Simon appears as the great opponent
of Peter, with whom he has public disputations at Caesarea, Tyre,
Laodicea, and Antioch. In the next century legend was busy with his
end. At Rome he again met, and was denounced by, S. Peter. To

> Hebr xii 15. ' Like unto perdition in venie 20. ' Or posaiblj con-

spiraejf, for which the Greek word is used in Jer xi 9, as for trecuon in 11 K xi 14.
^ Thin would be a sorrow of the world an to death: Peter's bitter weeping was
of repentanoe onto salvation (U Cor ?ii 10).

120 S. PHILIP vin 25-30

maintain his reputation with the emperor and tlie populace, he under-
took some feats of magic, and offered either to fly or to be buried
alive. An experiment was made and it terminated fatally. Without
committing ourselves to legend at all, it is extremely probable that
Simon did not repent ; but that having lost his reputation or at least
liis influence in Samaria, he went to Rome — the common resort of all
new teachers, philosophers, and doctrinaires — and there won a body of
disciples who preserved his memory and teaching, and proved to be a
root of gall and bitterness to the church.

§ 3 The conversion of the ciimich and arrival at

Caesarea

Having completed their mission and themselves also testified}, the
apostles return to Jerusalem ; and on their way home follow up the
work by preaching also in many Samaritan xnUages, Philip by oirect
inspiration is guided to another step forward, the iJaptism of tne eunuch,
and this concludes his special contribution to the advance of Chris-
tianity. From the DidachS we learn that wandering prophets might
settle down*; and so S. Philip seems to liave settled down to a
stationary ministry at Caesarea, where he prepares the ground for
the further and decisive advance in the baptism of Cornelius. In
the Etliiopian eunuch are fulfilled the divine promises to the faithful
eunuchs of Isai Ivi 3-5 and to Ebed-melech, the Ethiopian eunuch of
Zedekiah (Jer xxxviii 7-13, xxxix 16-18). There is a contrast between
Simon Magus and this Ethiopian treasurer which recalls the contrast
between Gehazi and the stranger Naaman who was baptized in the
Jordan.

25 They therefore, when they had testified and spoken the
word of the Lord, returned to Jerusalenoi, and 'preached the
gospel to many villages of the Samaritans.

26 But *an angel of the Lord spake unto Philip, saying,
Aiisc, and go '^toward the south luito the way that goeth

27 down from Jerusalem unto Gaza : the same is desert And
he arose and went : and behold, a man of Ethiopia^ a eunudi
^of great authority under Candace, queen of the Ethiopians,
who wa^ over all her treasure, who had come to Jerusalem

28 for to worship ; and he was returning and sitting in his

29 chariot, and was reading the prophet Isaiah. And the Spirit
said unto Philip, Go near, and join thyself to this chariot.

30 And Philip ran to him, and heard him reading Isaiah the

1 The apostolic fanction, see pp. 7, 31. ' ' Eveiy tme propbel who wiab«8

to settle among yon is worthy of his food ' (oh. xiii). > Gk evangelited^ so in

vv. 85, 40. * Or the* ^ Marg at noun, ' Qk a magnate.

VIII sa-40 AND THE EUNUCH 121

prophet^ and said, Understandest thou what thou readcst?

31 And he said. How can I, except some one shall guide me ?

32 And he besought Philip to come up and sit with hinu Now
the place of the scripture which he was reading was this,

^He was led as a sheep to the slaughter;
And as a lamb before his shearer is dumb,
So he openeth not his mouth :

33 In his humiliation his judgement was taken away :
His generation who shall declare?

For his life is taken from the earth.

34 And the eunuch answered Philip, and said, I pray thee, of
whom speaketh the prophet this? of himself, or of some

35 other ? And Philip opened his mouth, and beginning from

36 this scripture, 'preached unto him Jesus. And as they went
on the way, they came unto a certain water ; and the eunuch
saith. Behold, here is water; what doth hinder me to be

38 baptized?* And he commanded the chariot to stand still:
and they both went down into the M'atcr, both Philip and the

39 eunuch ; and he baptized him. And when they came up out
of the water, Hhe Spirit of the Lord caught away Philip ;
and the eunuch saw him no more, for he went on his way

40 rejoicing. But Philip was found at Azotus : and 'passing
through he 'preached the gospel to all the cities, till he came
to Ca)sarea.

26 The opening words and others in tins paragraph remind us very
much of Elijah*. Like a new Elijali, then, Philip is divinely'
directed to go southwards (or at noon^) till he reaches the road
from Jerusalem to Gaza, Gaza was a strong fortress, two miles from
the sea, at the extreme south of Palestine. As the Egyptian traffic
passed through it, it had for a long time been a flounshing city in
spite of many reverses, such as that in the 4th century b.o. when on
his march into E^ypt Alexander the Great had sacked it after two
months' siege. In b.c. 96 however the Maccabean prince Alexander

* Isai liii 7, 8. ' Gk evangelized. ^ AV, Bezan, and ' some ancient

aaihorities insert, wholly or in part, yerse 87 * (BY marg) Av4 Philip iaid. If thou
htUevest with aU thy hearty thou mayest. Ami he answered and iaid, I believe
that Jenu Christ is the Son of God. * Bezan has the Holy Spirit] fell upon

the eunuch, but the angel [of the Lord caught away Philip, ^ Or going about,

• Elijah was gnided hy the angel of the Loan (I E zix 5-7. II E i 3, 15). He
alflo ran (verse 80, I E xviii 46), and was caught away by the Spirit (verse 39,
I K xviii 12, n E ii 11. 16). ^ por the angel, see pp. 71, 72. ^ The word

occurs in zzii 6 : op. also at noon I E xviii 27.

122 S. PHILIP VIII 26-35

liad uttei<y destroyed It : and after this it remained desert. Never-
theless, under the fevour of the Romans it revived, but the new city,
distinguished by the name of 'maritime,' was built on the coast,
leaving the old Gaza still in ruins. The direct road to Egypt
would run through the old Gaza, and this is the point of the remark

27 — this, viz. the old citjr, is <j/£sert{ec[)\ On his road Philip fell in
^^dth the caravan of an important official of Ethiopia. Ethiopia was
a wide term which covered all Africa south oi E|g3^t, including
Nubia, Abyssinia, etc. Among its kingdoms that of Meroe was at this
time, according to Pliny', governed by queens whose royal title was
Canduke. In B.G. 22 one of these queens had attacked the Roman
frontier of Egypt; and now the treasurer' and chamberlain of
another had been on a journey to Jerusalem. He was a eunuch^
and he had 'joined himself to the Lord ' ; for he was a student of
the scriptures, and liad come up to Jerusalem as a pilgrim to some
feast, probably Pentecost. Such intercourse was not new. The
queen of Sheba liad visited Solomon, and Zedekiah had an Ethiopian
eunuch. And so to-day the Abyssinians have their church, and

28 that an imposing one, at Jerusalem. The eunuch was reading

29 aloud his Greek Bible, and Philip under a sudden divine impulse

30 ran up and asked if he understood what he tvas reading^ The

31 eunuch confessed liis need of a guide — a very obvious metaphor
for a teacher, when life is thought of as a road, and the church is
called * the way.* And the Smrit who was then guiding Philip is
the guide of the church into all tlie truth (Jn xvi 13).

32 The passage indeed called for an interpreter. For it was the
great picture of the suffering Servant of Jehovah in Isaiah liii, and
by his eni^uiry the eunuch shewed his ignorance of this Servant
That he meekly submitted to death was clear from the words
quoted in verse 32, but the meaning of the following verse was

33 itself obscure. There are many different interpretations of the
Hebrew original, but the RV seems tlie best : J9y oppression
and judgement he was taken away (i.e. he was cut off by an
oppressive judgement); and as for his generatioUy who among
them considered that he tins cut off out of the land qf the living !
The Ethiopian however was reading the Greek version, and that
seems to refer the 'taking away* to the glorification consequent
upon the suffering. When he humbled himself (in death, Phil li 8),
his judgement was taken away^ his condemnation reversed : and
who shall be able to declare his generation, the new seed which he
wins by his death (Ps xxii 30) ? JPor his life is taken away from
the earthy it has been taken up into a higher, a heavenly sphere.

35 In any case the great prophecy of the atonement was an excellent
text tor Philip. Starting from it he preached the gospel qf Jesus

^ This is Prof. G. A. Smith's account in Hist. Geogr, of the Holy Land pp. 186-7.
> Hitt. Nat, Yi 29. ' The Greek for treasure is gaza, * There ia a play

upon the sound here : the Greek words for underttajui and read are ^noikein and
anagindtkein.

>

viii 35-39 AND THE EUNUCH 123

unto htm, S. Peter in presenting Jesus as the Servant of the Lord
had referred to this prophecy chiefly in reference to the exaltation of
the Servant ^ but tne special mention of the Lamb may suggest
that S. Philip rather dwelt upon what we should speak oi as
the doctrine of the atonement. The word take away is that used
by S. John of * the Lamb of God, which taketh away the sin of the
world.' Philip's gospel however also included the doctrine of

36 baptism. For on reaching some water the eunuch asked if there
were any impediments in the wav of his being baptized. A strict
Jew could have alleged two : (1; he was a Gentile, (2) he was a
eunuch. But Philip knew that only faith and repentance were

38 necessary, and he baptized him. The RV has removed verse 37 to

37 the margin, which leaves the eunuch's question unanswered. Cer-
tainly the verse cannot remain in the text according to the best
Greek mss. But it is part of the Bezan text ; and we can imagine
that S. Luke, when revising his work, in his effort after conciseness
and brevity drew his pen through it. The profession of fedth at
baptism must have been familiar enough to his Christian readers.
The alternative is that it was an early interpolation. But the other
accounts of baptisms were not interpolated in this way, and the
appositeness and extreme simplicity of the question and answer
point to their genuineness. After his experience of Simon it is
natural that Plulip should lay stress on faith from the whole heart
(w. 21, 22) : and tliat Jesics, the Lamb slain but taken up from
the earth, was the Son of Go^i must have been the very gospel he
preached to the Gentile eunuch^

39 The baptism over, S. Philip was immediately caught away by
divine agency, in this case represented by the Spirit. The * catching
away' implies some extraordinary separation, not merely parting
company*. The eunuch however went on his way rejoicing. There
had been joy in Samaria (verse 8), but the idea of joy after
separation* as after persecution (v 41, xiii 52) is very characteristic
of S. Luke. Nothing more is known of the eunuch, nor do we hear
ajjain of Christianity in Ethiopia until the starting of a mission
there by two Christian laymen m the fourth century. The eunuch,
as already noticed, goes home, apparently without the gift of the
Spirit: unless indeed an immediate descent, as on Cornelius, is
implied in the mention of the Spirit of the Lord. This gives a creat
probability to the Bezan text which explicitly states that tlie Holy
Spirit fell upon the eunuch and ascribes the snatching away of Philip
to the same agency as before — the angel of the Lord (verse 26)'.

1 Cp. iii 18, 26, 1 Pet ii 22-25 : Jn i 29. I Jn iii 5. > llie chief objeotion

is that this profession of faith anticipates 8. Paul. See on ix 20 : but notice the
complement in the Son of God to the Son of man of vii 56. Perhaps the elimination
of the text was due to the tendency to conceal the Christian mysteries. ' The

word is used of S. Paul's being caught up to heaven (II Cor xii 2, 4) and forcibly
earrUd away by violence (Acts xxiii 10). 8ee also the references above about Elijah.
The word was found also points to something exceptional. ^ Cp. Lk xxiv52. Contrast
the Ephesian elders iu xx 37. * The Spirit of the Lord is a unique phrase in the Acts.

r

124 CAESAREA vni 40

40 However conveyed thither, Philip was found at Azotus the old
Philistine city of Ashdod, about 20 miles north of Gaza. This he
made the starting point of a new missionary tour\ visiting and
proclaiming the gospel in all the cities of the Shephelah or low
coastlaud. These cities were more important than the Samaritan
villages (verse 25), and contained a large Gentile population. Among
them we may reckon Jamnia, Lydda, Joppa, and Antipatris. Last
of all he would come to the most northern city, Caesarea, This
was indeed a ^reat centre, for it was the Koman capital of the
province of Judaea.

Here Philip stopped. And here we sliall find him again, twenty
years later, entertaimng S. Paul and S. Luke. On that occasion most
likely he supplied S. Luke with the present narrative, which even
among these early chapters with their Hebraic style has a distinct
chajacter of its own*. S. Philip had then a house, with four daughters
who like himself prophesied. So we shall hardly err in concluding that
Philip had resided at Caesarea during the interval as head of the local
church. His arrival and early preaching probably had some connexion
with the critical event in the history of this church which is soon to be
related. Meanwhile the name of Caesarea which concludes this section
marks a great extension of the church. And as S. Philip must have
been only one of many evangelists we shall not be surprised at the
rapid p*owth of the church or to find Christians even before this at
Damascus.

SECTION II B ( = Ch. 9. 1—30)
The Acts of Saul

We now retrace our steps to another result of S. Stephen's death.
S. Luke places it here, oecause it is the central result, which
makes Stephen's death a station on the great main line of church
development. It was also the immediate result : the direct answer
to Stephen's prayer and the firstfruits of his blood. The chapter
opens with an extraordinary manifestation of Jesus in glory, which also
connects it with S. Stepnen's death. This epiphany was for tiie
purpose of apprehending (Phil iii 12), that is laying hold of, the great
apostle of the second part of the Acts — S. Paul. The conversion of
S. Paul brings the church into a wider sphere. For unlike the other
apostles S. Paul was a man of aristocratic birth and influence, a learned
scholar and theologian, a statesman and man of affairs. Possessing
these special qualifications, S. Paul was the Lord's 'chosen vessel
for carrying forward the work which was the great necessity of the

^ going about, as in verse 4, xi 19, xiii 6, zvi 6, xx 25. ^ This section is

specially marked by the word evangelize whioh occurs five times and in different
oonstmotions (w. 4, 12, 25, 35, 40). The works of propJiet and evangelist go
hand in hand: op. Isai xl 9, Iii 7, Ixi 1, Nahum i 15.

IX SAUL THE PHARISEE 126

church at this stage of its growth. This work was the extension of
the church to the Gentiles and its transformation from a church of
Jews into a church of all men and nations. And the part S. Paul
plays in it raises him to a level with S. Peter. The two apostles stand
side by side as the apostle of the Circumcision and the apostle of the
Gentiles (Gal ii 8).

We must then first form some idea of the new actor. S. Luke
introduces him to us as 'a young man/ probably about 35 years of age\
consenting to Stephen's death and persecuting the church. That is all
S. Luke gives us, but the apostle's own wor(& and writings* supply us
with abundant material for filling out the portrait of Saul. For * Saul '
we must call him as yet. There were three distinct epochs in his life,
and S. Luke carefully distinguishes (1) Saul the Phansee, (2) Saul the
Christian, and (3) Paul the Apostle.

To begin then with Saul the Pharisee, (i) He was bom at
Tarsus, — *a citizen of no mean city' he says with a ring of civic
patriotism. For Tarsus was an ancient city and the capital of Cilicia :
more than this, it was at this time the seat of a university and school of

Ehilosophy which came behind Athens and Alexandria alone'. But if
y accident of birth Saul was a Hellenist, in other respects he remained
a thorough Jew : he was *a Jew of Tarsus,' * an Israelite of the tribe of
Benjamin.' His &mily could have settled at Tarsus only recently or
temporarily, for they prided themselves on their Hebraic and Pharisaic
traditions : Saul was *a Hebrew sprung from Hebrews,' *a Pharisee, a
son of Pharisees.' He himself was educated at Jerusalem in the school
of the greatest rabbi of the Pharisees, Gamaliel; and he had a married
sister in the city who evidently moved in high-priestly circles*. These
circumstances, together with the important commission entrusted to
Saul by the Sanhedrin, assure us that Saul's family must have held a
high place in the Jewish aristocracy. Indeed his own words 'I gave my
vote, taken strictly, imply that he himself was a member of the
Sanhedrin*. His 'gains (Phil iii 7) were further enhanced by the
possession of the Roman citizenship". In days when the civitas or
citizenship was still hard to obtain, it was indeed a privilege, and
one which carried with it veiy solid advantages, to be able to say CivU
Bamanus suniy 'I am a citizen of Rome,' a fellow-citizen of the
Augustus. Saul was 'a Roman bom,' and as Tarsus did not possess
the Roman civitas, it must have been a special privilege of his own
fisunily. The citizenship might be acquired (1) by manumission : when
a slave was liberated by a Roman master and became a freedman, he
also became a Roman citizen. In this case Saul's father would have

^ 8. Paul then at his conversion would haye been like Dante * nel mezzo del
camrain di nostra vita ' (in the middle of ^e journey of oar life). In the east men
woold hardly enter into pablic life till about 80. Thia was the age at whioh
our Lord began his ministry, and the minimum age required for bishops and
presbyters. * See espeoiaUy oh. zxii, zxvi : II Cor xi— xii, Gal i, ii, Phil iU.

* So Strabo informs us, Oeogr. ziv 5. 18. * zxiii 16 foU. ^ zxvi 10. Professor
Ramsay has also drawn attention to the evidenoe of wealth in Paul's funily. This
will be considered when we come to ch. xxi foil. * See xvi 87-89, xxii 25-29.

1

126 SAUL THE PHARISEE ix

been the freedman of some Roman &mily. (2) By purchase : so
Claudius Lysi&s, a Greek, had bought it for a heavy price. But
S. Paul's answer to Lysias in xxii 28 and the dignity oi his family
exclude both these alternatives. It must then have been (3) a dft^
bestowed as a mark of favour or as a reward of special service ; and in
those days the gift would have come firom some great general or states-
man, such as rompey or Julius Caesar, Antony or Augustus. As a
Roman citizen Saul must have had, in addition to his Jewish, a Roman
name.' And such a name was ready to hand. By a slight change
Shaulj in Greek Saulas, would become the Latin Paulus, a name which
carried all the associations of the great and aristocratic Aemilian house
or gens^.

(ii) At Tarsus the Jews must have needed a knowledge of Ghreek,
and it is unlikely that Jews of good position, and Roman citizens
to boot, would have altogether denied themselves the educational
advantages of the place. And so at Tarsus Saul, although he did
not get nis main education there, would have acquired that intimacy
with Greek customs, literature, and philosophy, which is shewn by his
life and letters. It was the Jewisn custom to teach all boys some
manual trade, and once more we can trace the influence of Tarsus, for
Saul learnt its local industry of making tents out of the goats' hair
which was called after Cilicia, cilicium. In accordance however with
the strict Hebrew tmditions of his family, Paul was sent to Jerusalem
to be * brought up at the feet of Gamaliel ' ; and there he became versed
in all the learning of the rabbis, as is abundantly evidenced by his
rabbinical interpretations of the scriptures of the OT. So he bcM^ame
4eamed^' But he had far more than mere learning. He po^essed
the originality of thought which makes a philosopher and the spiritual
insight which makes a theologian. It was Saul who first grasped the
drift of Stephen's teaching ; who when he became a Christian was the
first to fully understand the outcome of the gospel of the Christ ; and
who in his writings laid the foundations of Christian theology.

(iii) His cluracter is patent fi-om his letters and his whole histo^.
All its varied aspects were controlled by and can be summed up m
one central thought — that of Religion. One overmastering principle
ruled Saul's heart and mind, and this was Faith : faith in Jehovah
the God of Israel, in his promises and the destiny of Israel ; faith in
the unseen, to which the spiritual is the real world ; faith in his own
personal relation to God, his call and election. This faith shewed
itself outwardly in a burning *zeal for God,' which was the dis-
tinguishing feature of the contemporary Jews in general (xxii 3).
But faith also requires a personal satisfaction, tliat is union with its

^ The name may denote some special connexion with that fanuly: Joseph,
the Jewish historian, oaUed himself Flavitu Josephua after the emperors Vespasian
and Titos of the Flavian gens. As a Boman citizen S. Paul must have had at least
one more name, viz. a gentile name to shew which gewt he or hin patron belonged
to, and it is singular, not to say disappointing, that we are quite ignorant of it.
^ Jn vii 15 : contrast Acts iv 13.

IX SAUL THE PHARISEE 127

object or the finding of God. And there was but one means to this,
viz. obedience to the will of God or Righteousness. That then was the
one end and aim of Saul's life — to attain unto righteousness. As yet
the divine will was known to the Jews only in the law, and righteous-
ness meant observance of the law. To fulfil the law, to obey its letter
to the utmost, the zealous Jews left no stone unturned; and their
scnipulous fear of disobedience had fenced it all round with an
additional burden of the traditions of the fathers. But in the matter
of * zeal for religion ' Saul outstripped all his contemporaries. And in
Saul as in the rest, this zeal led to (1) an intense pride of race and
teligion, of which we can hear an echo in the * boasting' of Phil iii and
2 Cor xi ; and (2) an intense hatred of any disloyalty to the law ;
bence his ibnatical persecution of Stephen and the Nazarenes because of
tbrir 'blasphemy against Moses.' But (3) within Saul's own heart no real
satisfaction had been won. In his epistle to the Romans he has laid
W all the inner experience b^ which he found the law to be unto
deatL For he founa it to be impossible by his own efforts to attain
to righteousness and fulfil the law ; and the law, thus transgressed,
became a stem judge, uttering the sentence of death on its trans-
jiresaore. And at tnis moment his very excess of zeal, venting itself
in the persecution of the (Christians, had itself disturbed his conscience,
(iy) If this description is rather that of a restless fanatic, there is
quite another side which must not be left out of sight. Saul was a
t)om leader of men, possessing an extraordinary power of fascination
over others and of arousing enthusiasm in them : and to this he may
haye owed in part his commission from the Sanhedrin. This power
koiever springs from sympathy and implies strong affections. And
^hen 8. Paul became a oiscinle of Jesus, under the new commandment
of bye the affectionate siae of his nature became the ruling one.
In his writings he appears almost to rival S. John as an apostle of
Charity* ; and in his nistory, wherever he goes we find him surrounded
^J a band of absolutely devoted disciples and friends, his 'very children
inthefeith.'

§ 1 The vision on the road to Dainascus

We now turn to the first step in the conversion or 'turning' of

Sa'd the Pharisee into Saul the Christian ; that is, the vision of the

I^ on the road to Damascus. The story of the vision is fully told

al^^t^ler three times in the Acts, here ana in xxii 5-16, xxvi 12-18 ;

awi this indicates its crucial importance. S. Paul further alludes to it

ID Gal i 15-16 and 1 Tim i 12-13. We may compare the call of Samuel

by name and the change of heart in Saul the son of Kish, and there are

recorded the different calls of the prophets Moses and Elisha, Isaiah

and Eiekiel, Jonah and Amos' : but this ' conversion ' remains unique.

CSooversion such as this was a new thing in the world. Perhaps the

' Cp. eg. I Cor xiii, Bom xiii 8-10, Col iii 14 . « Cp. I Sam iii 1-10. x 1-13 :

£xod iii : 1 K xlx 19-21 : Isai vi, Ezek i, Jonah i-iii, Amos \ii 11-15.

128 THE CONVERSION ix 1-8

greatest likeness to the apostle is to be found in Jeremiah*. For (1) he
too had been predestined before birth for his office ; (2) this included
a special mission to the Gentiles ; and (3) involved great opposition
from his own people and the kings of Judah.

S. Paul himself was the authority, and the sole authority, for
this narrative. It was a story he must have told again and again.
Excluding the adaptations to local circumstances, both the agreements
and disagreements in the accounts in the Acts are the signs of an oft-
told tale. Accordingly, in one comment we will try togather together
the scattered details into one picture and harmony. This chapter like
the last is still very Hebraic and similar to the OT, both in matter and
st^le. The calls both of Saul and Ananias by name and their colloquies
with the Lord continue the series of similar dialogues in the OT, only
here the Lord (Jesus) takes the place of the Lord Jehovah. The
Christians are still known by Hebrew terms — those who call upon the
Name^ and a title which appears here for the first time but was
already familiar to the Jews, viz. the saints or holy ones. For a long
time past among the Jews there had been those who aspired to greater
devotion to the Lord and shewed their protest against the worldliness
of their contemporaries by greater strictness of life; and such were
known as the rious (Chasidim), Both terms form part of S. Paul's
vocabulary. Another mark of this chapter is the demiite and common
use of the Lord simply for the Lord Jesus. This was the regular title
among Christians at the time of S. Paul's epistles. Hith^to in the
Acts this use has not occurred, except possibly in one instance (ii 47).

9 But Saul, yet breathing threatening and slaughter against

2 the disciples of the Lord, went unto the high priest, and
asked of him letters to Damascus unto the synagogues, that
if he found any that were of the Way, whether men or

3 women, he might bring them bound to Jerusalem. And as
he journeyed, it came to pass that he drew nigh unto
Damascus : and suddenly there shone round about him a

4 light out of heaven : and he fell upon the earth', and heard a
voice saying unto him, Saul, Saul, why persecutest thou me ?

6 And he said, Who art thou, Lord ? And he said, I am Jesus

6 whom thou persecutest^ : but rise, and enter into the dty,

7 and it shall be told thee what thou must da And the men
that journeyed with him stood speechless, hearing the *voice,

8 but beholding ^no man. And Saul arose from the earth ; and

^ Jer i 4-10. * A Bezan text adds toith great amazement (ecttaty).

* AY and Bezan add here, or in verse 4, it is hard for thee to kick agaitut the prieke
(qp. xxvi 14). Then And he trembling and astonished said, Lord, what dost thmswiU
me to dof And the Lord said to him, [Rise (op. zxii 10). ^ Marg sound (ii 6).

* A Bezan text reads no mnn] tcith whom ne was talking. But he said to them, liaise
me from the earth ; and wlien tliey had raised him [and his eyes.

IX 1-2 OF SAUL 129

when his eyes were opened^ he saw nothing ; and they led
9 him by the hand, and brought him into Damascus. And he
was three days without sight, and did neither eat nor drink.

1 Said then, having as he thought stamped out the church in
Jerusalem, but still * being eoxeedingly mad against the disciples/ still
f>reatk%ng in^ — as we should say, an atmosphere of — threatening and
slau^hteTy looked about to complete his work. It is evident that
outside of Jerusalem there were at present no bodies of Christians
in the holy land of any account : the church in Judaea^ Samaria,
and Oalilee, owed its rise to the persecution itself (viii 1, ix 31).
And yet we hear of a considerable body of Christians at Damascus.
This is however readily to be accounted for, and the case
of Damascus will illustrate the growth of Christianity in other
foreign cities such as Alexandria and Rome'. We are familiar with
Damascus in the OT as the capital of Syria. Under the Greek
kin^ of Syria it was partially eclipsed by the glories of the new
capital Antioch. But its natural advantages — its situation in the
fertile plain which was watered by the golden streams of the
Chrysorrhoas*, and on the highway of traffic with the east —
prevented its losing its importance; and centuries later under
Mohammedan rule it regained its former position, which it still
retains. To-day it is a city of 150,000 inhabitants, while Antioch
has sunk into a mere village. Damascus was close to Palestine,
and naturally had a large colony of Jews. There were several
syna^Offues ; all the women of the city (so Josephus informs us*)
liad fallen under Jewish influence ; and in the Jewish war as many
as 10000 or even 18000 Jews were ma^^sacred in Damascus.
Such an important centre must have been in close communication
with Jerusalem. The fame of the Lord's ministry had spread over
all these imrts of Syria ; many of the Damascenes may have heard
him, and Ananias may have been one of his disciples. Again,
manv Jewish pilgrims must have taken home to Damascus the news
of rentecost and the doings of the apostles*. The result was a
similar rapid acceptance in Damascus of the new * way * of Judaism,
and the new teacning of Jesus as the Messiah. For that was as yet
the simple form of Damascene Christianity ; the Nazarenes had not
yet separated from the synagogues, and their head, Ananias, had a
good report of all the Jews for his piety in observance of the law
(xxii 12). They appeared among the Jews as a new Way or party
conspicuous for strictness of living; hence the name by which they
are knovni — Saints. Damascus, then, a|)peared to Saul as the next

2 obvious point of attack, and he obtained letters from the high priest

^ So the Ghreek (sb in Josh x 40) : we say breathe out. ' Andronicus and

Jnnias, who were connected with the Roman Church and eonspicuotu among tlu
apo§tlea, were in ChrUt before Sanl's conversion (Rom xvi 7). They may have been
miKsionaries at Rome, cvou at tbis time. ^ i.e. the golden-flowing. * B. J. ii
90. % ^ So news of Saul's oommiflsion had preceded him (yerses 18, 14).

B. A. 9

130 THE CONVERSION 1x2-5

and the Sanhedrin, that is from both Sadducees and Pharisees, to
the rulers of the synagogues, authorizing him to arrest (Mny whom he
should find of the Way^ and to bring them to Jerusalem ror punish-
ment. The Jews had obtained from the Komans many privileges,
among them the right of managing their own judicial affairs.
Exact details are wanting ; but this jurisdiction would be exercised
in the s}Tiagogue, and the beatings of S. Paul afford evidence of its
existence. Such judicial powers would not of course cover the
infliction of death, while everywhere the synagogues would recognize
the Sanhedrin as their supreme court of appeal.

3 The journey (possibly on foot) was nearly at an end. It was
mid-day, the usual hour for rest ; but Saul was eager to finish his
work, and Damascus is already in sight. SuddetUy like lightning
there flashed upon them from heaven a dazzling light, w more
dazzling than tne blazing mid-day sun. All /M to the ground.

4 But in that momentar3r flash Saul had caught sight of a human
form, whose dazzling brightness blinded his eyes. He liad faHen at
his feet as one dead (Rev i 17), and then he heard a voice speakina
in his own Hebrew tongue ana calling him by his own name with
solemn reiteration, S/iaul, ShaOl', It asked Why art thou perse-
cuting me? The Question was a simple one, but it contained an
overwhelming revelation. In Stephen, in the hapless Nazarenes,
Saul had been persecuting the Messiah himself, * the Lord of the
glory.* The voice added It is hard for t/iee to kick against the
pricks. This is a common proverb, found in Greek and Latin
literature as well as Hebrew ; and it might seem a bathos, but that
it is thoroughly in the proverbial style, familiar but incisive, of
Jesus of Nazareth. And in fact it was the best description of what
Saul had been doinij — trying to stifle the pricks of his inmost heart
or conscience, which all the time was asking. Is this righteousness
of mine own really joy and peace? what if Stephen and the
Nazarenes are right after all, and in possession of the true secret ?

5 There was little need now to ask who was speaking, but it was all
that the trembling and amazed' persecutor could say. Who art thou,
Lordi For indeed could that Lord of dazzling glory be the
crucified Nazarene ? Yes : / am Jesus qf Nazareth whom (for the
second time) thou art persecutina. Once more, even in tiiis be-
wildering conviction of his past life, the character of the zealous
doer of works betrays itself. What shall /or must I do, i.e. to be
saved*? Tlicrc are indeed great things for Saul to do and to be

^ See p. 76. The vay is a mark of this section and a sign of an early date.
' This repetition always oarries with it warning or reproach in S. Lake :
Martha Martha (x 41), Jenualem JemtaUm (xiii 34), Simon Simon (xxii 81). In
the OT we have the double Abraham^ Motea and Samuel — all direct from heavai
(Qen xxii 11, Exod iii 4, 1 Sam iii 10). For oalling by name, see Jn x S. * The
trembling and amaxement have disappeared from the revised text. The same
emotions marked the first news of the ro>(nrnH>tion (Mk xvi C. 8). * Like the

qnestion of the Philippian jailor, xvi «M. iiut it >^uji a common thonght i^"?""g
I he Jews: of. Lk xviii 16.

IX 5^ OF SAUL 131

dans to him, but as yet he cannot bear them. He cannot under-
stand, his whole philosophy of religion has first to be reformed, and

6 80 the command is given -Ar/V, and go into t^ city : there it shall
be tdd thee (by those of the Way which he came to stamp out)

7 fchat thou must do. Tliis brief colloquy took but a moment. His
company were already on their feet but still struck dumb by the
sndaen flash and the sound which they heardy but which to them

8 was inarticulate and may have been taken for thunder ^ They
lifited up the exhausted Sauly who on opening his eyes found that he
was blind. And so the proud Pharisee and infuriated persecutor
had to he led Ity the hand into Damascus, There he was taken to
the house qf Judas in the ^Straight Street,* which at this day still

9 runs straight through the city from east to west. Instead of
delivering his letters and commencing the inquisition, Saul remained
three days in darkness, both physical and spiritual, without food or
drink', overwhelmed at the collapse of his past life and dark as to
the Aiture. All he could do was to pray.

This interval will afford us space for some reflection upon this
&Vpeaiance. For it was a Vision (i.e. a Seeing) in the real sense of the
term, — a Seeing of the Lord Jesus. Thereby God revealed to Saul his
own Son*, and that in glory, * in the glory (the Shekinah") of the Father.'
Thog like Stenhen Sam also saw * the glory of the Lora.' That in the
flwh of light Saul actually saw with his eyes Jesus the Lord is evident
^ the words of Ananias, Barnabas, and Saul himself^ Further,
S" PmI always claimed with empha.sis to have seen the Lord. The

5tte8tion will probably suggest itself. If Saul had been brought up in
etottlem, must he not have met with Jesus of Nazareth? must he not
»^ seen Christ crucified only three years back ? He does in fact speak
w iaving * known Christ after the flesh'.' But in any case * if he had
l^pown Canst after the flesh, he knew him so no more.' If he had seen
™ then, it was not with the eyes of a disciple. And compared with
^ &11 such sight of the Lord sank into insignificance. For this
'^ was (1) a sight of the Risen Lord. To have seen the risen Lord
^ we remember, the unique qualification of the apostolate, for it
**Ued them to bear witness to the resurrection. And accordingly
on tliig vision S. Paul bases his claim to be an apostle ; it raises him
tothe level of the Twelve, and of James the Lord's brother to whom
m the Lord had shewn himself. Bestowing then such a qualification,
^ vision of the risen body of Jesus must oe distincuished from ihe
<>«er appHsarances of the Lord with which S. Pam was so richly
b^OQiea, in dream and trance or ecstasy ' : it was seeing him with the
Mtcd eye. It was also (2) a vision of the Glorified Lord, and so a

' As in Jn xii 29 : q>. the voice at Pentecost like the wind (ii 2, C). The dis-
IbmUob between hearing the sound as here and {not) hearing the articulate word*
/Z2ij 9) it marked bj the nw of a different case in the Greek. ' Thns there

k i fut al the orina, aa in the Ufe of Elijah (I K xix 8) and after the baptism of the
hotd (Lk iy 2). » Gal i 16. * verse 17, xxii 14: verse 27: xxvi 16.

0 II Cor ▼ 16. • I Cor ix 1, xv 5-8. See pp. 6-6. ' Cp. xxii 17-21,

%tid 9, xxiii 11 : and n Cor xU 1-d.

9—2

132 THE REALITY OF ix 1-9

mark of special honour. For, as has been noticed (p. 107), only four
such a])pearances are recorded in Scripture. One was before the cruci-
fixion, when Jesus was transfirared before Peter, James and John.
TTie other three were after he nad been taken up into ^lory : first to
S. Stephen, then to S. Paul, and the third to S. John, which was many
years later and concludes the Scripture.

Just as the reality of the vision was called in (question by S. Paul's
opponents, so it is to-day by certain critics. It is assumed that the
literal sense of the narrative is impossible, and an easy explanation is
forthcoming. Realize the uneasy conscience with unstrung nerves, the
fatigue of the journey and eyes inflamed by the hot sun, add the
sudden change n*om the blazing sand to the refreshing ^reen of gardens,
with a sudden stroke of fever, and we have quite sufficient cause for an
hallucination, and therefore for ' one of the most important fisu^ts of the
history of humanity\*

(1) A sufiicient answer to such a theory is ^ven by the plainness
and simplicity of the narrative. It is extremdy natural and quite
matter of fact There is none of the rhetorical embellishment wnich
that age was so very capable of adding. The situation presented is
certainly most dramatic : Saul the persecutor brought £Bkce to £stce with
his persecuted Lord and God (Jn xx 28), and if it was the work of a
literary imagination, we cannot conceive an author (least of all in those
da3rs of fading talent) thinking out a colloquy, so extraordinarily simple,
and yet on me other hand so full of deep pathos, so characteristic of
both the speakers, and we might add so much in harmony with the
subsequent intercourse of the Lord with his disciple. To this argument
must be added the effect produced, for to it S. Paul always and
with truth ascribed his whole after life. We know what that was, and
cause must have some adequate relation to effect This argument we
also use about the resurrection itself, and the two events stand or fall
together.

(2) The discrepancies between the three narratives are allied. But
our harmony above shews that they are susceptible of an explanation.
If any real contradictions are involved they must have been as patent
to the compiler of the Acts as to us. In hct the variations are rather
a proof of genuineness. In telling and retelling the story, while using
in the main the same words, S. Paul must have sometimes varied in
detail, and used a fireedom relative to his environment ; as in eh. xxvi,
where in one sentence he sums up much subsequent revelation.

(3) A final confirmation of the narrative is given by the last words
Go into the city and it shall he told thee^ etc., in other words by its exact
correspondence to the spiritual conditions of the moment. At that
moment Saul could not possibly have borne any further revelation
(Jn xvi 12). His mind, dazed and bewildered, could only realize
this — ^that he had made a disastrous mistake, and that he had seen the
Messiah the hope of Israel. Beyond this aU was darkneea. The
sudden and complete transformation of Saul the Pharisee into Paul the

^ T!iis is BenaQ*8 aocount in La Apotrcs,

IX 10-19 SAUL'S VISION 133

apostle, with which our imagination is familiar, fs not tlie impression
wliich the Acts would convey. This incident is but the first step in
Saul's * conversion ' ; to define more exactly, it is his arrest or * appre-
hension,'— from another point of view, the conviction of his sin. This
is followed by death, death to the old life. He is crucified with Christ,
and the three days of darkness are Uke the three days in the tomb.
But on the third day with Christ he rises from the dead in baptism ;
after this he is filled with the Holy Ghost — his Pentecost ; then he is
joined to the disciples and admitted to the fellowship of the common
meal ; and henceforth Saul the Pharisee is a new creature, Saul the
Christian. In Romans vi 3-11 S. Paul describes holy baptism as a
death and burial followed by a resurrection to a new life, and no doubt
he is writing out of his own experience.

§ 2 The baptism of Said

10 Now there was a certain disciple at Damascus, named
Ananias ; and the Ix)rd said unto him in a vision, Ananias.

1 1 And he said. Behold, I am here, Lord. And the Lord said
unto him, Arise, and go to the street which is called Straight,
and inquire in the house of Judas for one named Saul, a man

12 of Tarsus : for behold, he prayetli ; and he hath seen' a man
named Ananias coming in, and laying his hands on him, ttiat

13 he might receive his sight But Ananias answered. Lord, I
have heard from many of this man, how much evil he did to

14 thy saints at Jerusalem : and here he hath authority from

15 the chief priests to bind all that call upon thy name. But
the Lord said unto him. Go thy way : for he is a 'chosen
vessel unto me, to bear my name before the Gentiles and

16 kings, and the children of Israel : for I will shew him how
many things he must suffer for my name's sake.

17 And Ananias deimrted, and entered into the house ; and
laying his hands on him said, Brother Saul, the Lord, even
Jesus, who appeared unto thee in the way which thou camest,
hath sent me, that thou mayest receive thy sight, and be filled

18 with the Holy Ghost And straightway there fell from liis
eyes as it were scales, and he received his sight ; and he arose

19 and was baptized ; and he took food and was strengthened.

10 News of Saul's mission, as well as of the havoc he had wrought
at Jerusalem, liad reached the Christiann at Damascus \ and Ananias^

1 AV with B adds in a vition, ' Gk vettel of choice {election).

/

134 THE BAPTISM ix 10-17

no doubt one *cliief among the brethren*/ was deliberating with
anxiety when he had a msian. This vision is complementary to the
one on the way to Damascus. The Lard (Jesus) as master of the
house must, so to speak, complete the arrangements for adding Saul to
13 liis household. Like the prophets of old, Moses and Samuel, Jonah
and Jeremiah^ Ananias at first shrank from &cing the persecutor :

15 tlien the Lord revealed to him what had happened (verse 17) and
the future destiny of Saul. For he was * a vessel qf choice unto me'
As the human body is the vehicle and instrument of the spirit, it
is very natural to speak of it as a vessel : but the Jews probably
drew the metaphor from the work of the potter, and regarded men
as vessels made by the Creator. Thus Jeremiah spoke of Coniah
as a despised broken vessel, and in the Maccabees the Jews are
called vessels of glory. Similarly Christians are vessels of God,
filled with his grace, nimishing and adorning his house'. And now
Saul is a chosen, specially selected, vessel. (1) As the Lord (Jesus
Christ) had chf)sen the Twelve to be his apostles, and Matthias to fill
the vacant place, so he had chosen Saul for the work of an apostle.
This was to oear his name or bear witness to him ; and that primarily,
though not exclusively, b^ore the Gentiles, for Saul was to be the
apostle of the Gentiles ; and it was to reach even kingSj not merely
petty kings like Agrippa or delegate like the Roman governors,

16 mit the king himself, the Caesar (xvii 7). Such bearing of the
Name would necessarily also carry with it a load of sufferin^^.
(2) But the choice was not only for office : there was a prior choice
— for the sonship of God. So (Jod had 'chosen the lathers,' i.e.
Israel, to be his people, and their divine choice was the pride and
fundamental doctrine of the Jews. In the NT we learn most about
tliis divine election to sonship from S. Paul, though as a ChriBtian
doctrine it is of course common to all the apostles. The choice is
of God*s pure goodness; it precedes human efibrt, and runs back
to the eternal will, even before the world began. But though it
is prior to human choice, the will of God requires human corre-
spondence, and so the eternal choice is manifested in time. It then
becomes a call, which man has to answer. Thus Saul, who like
Jeremiah had been ' set aj)art even from the womb,' who had been
chosen and foreordained, is now 'called by the grace of God' —
called on the road to Damascus and again tmrough Ananias.
Obedience to the call is followed by a further divine £Ekvour of
justification which opens the way for the gift of sonship, and so in
answer to Ananias Saul arises and is baptized'.

17 For the interview between the two we may compare S. Paul's

I Tradition — not an early ono— places him in the Seventy, and this is not at
all improbable. See above, pp. 117, 129. » Ezod iii 10 f, I Sam iii 15, Jonah

i 8, Jer i 6. • II Cor iv 7, I Th iv 4 : Jer xxii 28, 1 Maco u 9 : U Tim ii 20-21.

^ The word hear is the same which S. John (xix 17) uses of hearing the cross.
• For election see i 2, 24, vi 5 (Stephen) : xiii 17 : (S. Paal's) xxii 14, xxvi 16 opd with
z 41. Also Bom ix 11, zi 6, Eph i 4 : calling and election II Pet i 10, Bev xvii M :
Gal i 15, Bom viu 28-80.

IX 17-iy OF SAUL 135

account in chapter xxii. Ananias addresses the persecutor with
words of forgiveness as Brother Saul, declares his mission from

IS the Lard, even Jesus, and lays an hands, when the scales fall off
from Saul's eyes and sight is restored. Then he interprets the
meaning of the vision (xxii 14) : (1) It was the revelation of the
will qf Gad, (2) This will is revealed in Christ, and so Saul had
seen the Righteous One^, The occurrence of this name is one of
those subtle coincidences which are the surest marks of genuine-
ness. It is not merely that this was an early name for the Lord :
it was the name which would at this stage more than any other
appeal to Saul. Here was the Righteousness after which he had
been striving all his life. (3^ This vision and hearing of the Lord
had been vouchsafed to him, oecause he was to be a witness afwhat
he had seen, viz. the Lord in glory. In other words, as Saul would
learn later on, the vision potentially constituted him an apostle^
Therefore Why hesitated Arise and be baptized, fl) By being
baptized Saul washed away his sins; and God in lorgiving him
justified him or accepted him as righteous. In baptism also, by
calling upon the name of Jesus Christ, Saul professed his faith in
Jesus as liord. f 2) Then he was filled tvith the Haly Ghost (verse 1 7)
and so sanctifiea'. How this gift was conveyed we are not toldf.
(a) It might have accompanied Ananias' laying on of hands and the
recovery of sight. In tnat case it would have preceded baptism,
as in the case of Cornelius, (ft) Ananias may nave again laid on
hands after his baptism, (c) The Spirit may have fallen immediately
from heaven, as on the apostles at the bediming. However received,
the gift was probably followed by speaking with tongues and pro-
phesying as m ii 4, X 46, and xix 6*. (3) JBy his baptism Saul was
added to the church, and would therefore be admitted to the

19 common meal of the brethren, their Agape and Eucharist. At this
meal he probably broke his fast ; and thus taking food, he was
strengthened in body, mind, and spirit.

1 xxii 10 : q). vii 53, iii 14. ' The words thou ihaU he a %eitne$i are the

same (in the dngnlar) as those addressed to the Eleven in i 8. * S. Paul

constantly speaks of Christians as having received the gift of the Spirit at some
definite moment, as in II Cor i 22, y 5, Gal iii 2. This mnst cover his own ex-
perience, and he would be referring in his own case to this moment. In I Cor
vi 11 he describei the process thus : ye were teaehed (from yonr sins in the blood of
CSurist), ye were ianctified (by the gift of the Holy Ghost), ye werejuttified (accepted
as rignteons children by the Father). * It is not necessary to suppose that

the recovery of sight, baptism, and gift of the Spirit, all took place at once at this
interview. The word arise (xxii 10) seems to imply some definite change of scene
and action (cp. v 17, viii 26). Baptism required some open confession of faith in
the name of Jesus (viii 37) which is intimated in calling upon hie name (Greek aorist).
In any case some witnesses would have been required for such an event as the baptism
of Saul. It is quite possible then that the baptism and laying on of hands took
place at some gathering of the disciples and was foUowed by their * breaking of
bread ' together. On the other hand we have the sudden baptisms of the eunuch
and the Philippian jailor.

/

136 THE PREACHING 1X20-30

§ 3 SanVs preaching to the Jews and reception

by the church

Aft^r his vision and baptism the one thing which Saul needed was
a 8^e for silent reflection and communing with God. His old ideal
of righteousness, of the scriptures, of the Messiah, had to be formed
anew : he had to learn the true meaning of the new revelation of Gk>d and
the gospel of the Christ, of his own election and the work to which ha
was called. So like Moses, like Elijah, like the Lord himself, he retired
into the wilderness. 'Immediately,' he writes to the 6alatians\ *I
conferred not with flesh and blood : neither went I up to Jerusalem to
them which were apostles before me : but I went away into Arabia and
again I returned unto Damascus.' He may have gone like Elijah to the
mount of God in the peninsula of Sinai* ; but S. Paul does not appear
to have been much subject to the influence of place, and any of^the
deserts in the neighbourhood of Damascus would be included in
* Arabia.' S. Paul continues * Then after three years (i.e. in the third year)
I went up to Jerusalem,' so that his retirement in the desert and his
work at Damascus must have filled at least two full years. Subsequent
history gave a new importance to this retirement. It strengthened
S. Paul's contention that he had not received his gospel from human
teaching; but at present all this was hid in the future. Nor did the
visit to Arabia either belong to the public history of the church or
contribute to S. Luke's aims ; so the nistorian has altogether omitted
it, like so much else that would be of intense interest to us, but not
without leaving space for it. The words he was strengthened end a
paragraph, and the flrst words of the next paragraph And he uxis may
mark a new start. Elsewhere they represent the Hebrew phrase Ani
it came to pass^ which generally begins a narration after some interval,
whether short or long'.

What was of importance to Cliristian readers and the public was
(1) Saul's new teaching; and we see at once the result of a new
personality and of his meditations in Arabia in a new advance. Foi
the first time in the Acts, as far as our records go (if we exclude from
our text viii 37, p. 123), Jesus is proclaimed as the SON OF GOD,
S. Peter had called him Lord ana Christ, but S. Paul was the first to
make explicit what was contained in the relationship of the Messiah to
the Father. It is true that in the Gospels the Lora had called himseU
the Son of the Father in the unique sense of the only begotten*, and
this title had been treasured in the memory of some at least of thf
apostles, notably S. John. But though firom the time of the resurreo-
tion and ascension the disciples had worshipped Jesus and acted towardi
him as towards the Lord (Jehovah), yet tliey were slow to adopt nen

1 Gal i 16 foU. ^ Op. Gal iv 25. » So e.g. iu Lk i 6, /»9, ii 1. 6, iii 21. v 1
13 ; Acts iv 5, viii 1, ix 32, xvi 16, xix 1, 23, xxviii 17. The tenses also in verse 31
(aorist and pluperfect) are those of persons looking back over a considerable interval
How the two years are to be divided between Damasoas and Arabia we do not know
Verses 19-25 point to a considerable period at Damascus. ^ Lk x 29 : op. alsi

iii 22, ix 35.

IX 20-30 OF SAXJL 137

and startling tenns. There is a difference between implicit faith and
explicit statement : and the gradualness of development in the form of
' the teactiing ' is evident. So it was in the change in ordinary speech
from the Master to the Lord : so in other cases of doctrine, markedly that
of the catholic character of the gospel ; it takes the whole of the Acts
almost to make explicit what was contained in the words of S. Peter's
first sermon— />OMr out my Spirit upon ail flesh, (2) The new relation
of Saul to the church. W hat would the church say to his account of
liimself ? would the apostles forrive the persecutor, believe his story,
and accept him for a teacher ? The answer to this is the main subject
of the following passage.

And he was 'certain days with the disciples which were

20 at Damascus. 'And straightway in the synagogues he pro-

21 claimed Jesus, that he is the Son of Qod. And all that heard
him were amazed, and said. Is not this he that in Jerusalem
made havock of them which called on this name ? and he had
come hither for this intent, that he might bring them bound

22 before the chief priests. But Saul increased the more in
strength \ and confounded the Jews which dwelt at Damascus^
proving that this is the Christ ^

23 And when many days were fulfilled, the Jews took counsel

24 together to kill him : but their plot became known to Saul.
Aud they watched the gates also day and night that they

25 might kill him : but his disciples took him by night, and let
him down through the wall, lowering him in a basket

26 And when he was come to Jerusalem, he assayed to join
himself to the disciples : and they were all afraid of him, not

27 believing that he was a disciple. But Barnabas took him,
and brought him to the apostles^ and declared unto them how
he had seen the Lord in the way, and that he had spoken to
him, and how at Damascus he had preached boldly in the

28 name of Jesus. And he was with them going in and going
out at Jerusalem, preaching boldly in the name of the Lord :

29 and he spake and disputed against the 'Grecian Jews ; but

30 they went about to kill him. And when the brethren knew
it, they brought him down to CH)sarea', and sent him forth
to TaiiiUH.

^ Some Bezan texts have very many dayi, as below And he entered into the
gynagogue* of the Jews and proclaimed with aU boldness Jesus, that he is the Christ,
[the Son of Ood : aUo in verse 22 with some other msb was the more strengthened] in
the u>ord; and the Christ] in whom Qod is weU pleased, ^ - Qk HellenUts.
^ Some Bczan texts aild hy night.

138 SAUL AT DAMASCUS ix 19-26

19 On his return from Arabia Saul was received by the church at
Damascus, and made his home with the disciples instead of tiie

20 Jewish authorities. After this had been settled, he straightway
made public confession of his new fedth in the synagogues by
proclaiming Jestis ; i.e. he proclaimed him as a hendd proclaims

21 the name of his sovereign, and this name was the Son qf God, This
bold preaching and public recantation caused first amazement^ then
controversy. The effect of this new force among the disciples was

22 to precipitate the disruption between ^the Jews* and *the cnurch' ;
and in the unique mention of his (i.e. Saul's) disciples we find a sign
that the cause was a strong personal influence. It became more and
more a personal matter. Saul on his part was daily growing in the
power^ of the Spirit, so that like Stephen he reduced his Jewish
opponents to confusion. With the Jews the first subject of
controversy, which preceded the question of divine worship, was
whether Jestis is the Messiah ; and the manner in which Said put

23 together^ the scriptures was irresistible. History began to repeat itself.

24 The defeated disputants made a plot to kill him. It became known
to Saul and he hid himself. At this time the Arab kings of Petra
had won a considerable dominion on the boundary of 3ie Roman
empire, and Damascus wavered between the two iurisdictions. To
juoge from coins, it was under the Romans from aoout a.d. 30 to 34.
But in the latter year it may have been given back to Aretas
(Hareth), the able King of Petra who about this time inflict(Kl a
severe defeat upon Herod Antipas. The Jews, then, secured the
good offices of Aretas' governor, and were allowed to keep a watch at

25 the city gates to prevent SauFs escaping. Saul, perhaps in a state of
nervous prostration, as on some subsequent occasions*, passively ac-
quiesced in the action of his disciples, who let him down in embasket
through a window on the wall. The shame of this humiliating
escape seems to have affected the once proud nature of Saul more
than any of his bodilv pains. Tears later he singles it out as the
greatest of all his weaknesses and sufferings'.

26 From Damascus Saul went up to Jerusalem, In the two years'
interval peace had been restored to the devastated church : but the
scattered Christians had hardly returned as yet ; and so in Gala-
tians i 22 S. Paul speaks of *the churches of Judaea' rather than
* the church of Jerusalem.' Saul now looked upon them as brethren
and attemptsd to be received into their body". But this was no easy
matter. The disciples^ including the apostles, were full of fear
and suspicion : they had no clear proof of his sincerity. On the
other hand SauFs nature could ill brook mistrust ; and there might

^ Cp. the effect of the change of Saul's heart in I Sam x 11-12. ^ The

word in Greek is different from the strength of verse 19 : op. I Cor ii 4. * The

somewhat onasoal word proving meanH literally putting together, and so is used for
the patting together of argnnients. In the (dreek) OT it is regularly osed in the
sense of tfufruet, as in I Cor ii 16. It reonre in xix 83, where is a similar connexion
with confounding. * Cp. verse 30, xvii 14. * II Cor xi 31-3. For similar

incidents see Josh ii 15, 1 Sam xix 12. ** Cp. v 13.

IX 26-30 SAUL AT JERUSALEM 139

have been unliappy consequences but for the work of a mediator.

27 Barnabas was at Jerusalem, and he was a man of authority in the
church. Cyprus, his home, lay opposite Cilicia, and thus he may
have had some previous acquaintance with Saul or his family. In
any case he now welcomed him and heard his story. Then, true to
his character of *son of consolation,' he took him by the hand,
formally introduced him to the apostolic college, and as a sponsor
vouched for the truth of his vision. The apostles, who were m fact
represented only by Peter and James the Lord's brother*, received
him ; S. Peter even took him into his own house ; and after this

28 Saul lived tvith them in regular intercourse. This intercourse, with
the Hebrew expression for it — going in and going out\ almost
implies some recognition of an apostolate. Certainly Saul besan to
work in Jerusalem as at Damascus. Like an authorized preacner of
the word he ^>ake boldly in the name of the Lord. It is difficult
however to understand why Saul had in fact so little social inter-
course with his fellow-Christians, that years later he could say

fenerally that he was 'unknown by fevce unto the churches of
udaea.' (1) There are some explanations ready to hand. Saul
was a *new man,' and diflferences of character and of antecedents
remained. The disciples were still scattered, and in fact th^m in
verse 28 applies to the apostles. Moreover Saul was in Jerusalem
onljr a fortmght. (2) Probably however the real reason lay in the
distinction between the Aramaic-speaking and Greek-speaking
disciples, i.e. between the Hebrews and the Hellenists. That this
division was far greater in ordinary life than we suppose we have
been already led to suspect by tlie strange escape of the apostles in
the persecution (p. lio), and henceforth Saul's life and activity lay
on the Hellenist side ot the church.

29 In this direction he now turns his face. Like Stephen he argued
ftnth the Hellenist Jews, probably in the very same synfu^ogue, and
already we see the retribution begin to work. The Hellenist Jews
dealt to him the same measure as to Stephen : they sought an

30 opportunity to kill him. The brethren perceived it, and Saul let
them — no doubt Barnabas in the first place — take him dawn to
Caesarea and there put him on board ship for Tarsus, This time
we know the reason why Saul y-ielded to their wishes, for he tells us
himself in xxii 17-21. Like the other Christians Saul frequented

22 the temple for prayer: and one day, being weighed down with

17 despondency at the obstinacy of the Jews, he fell into, a trance or

18 ecstasy. He again saw the Lord, who ordered him to leave JeruscUem

19 with haste. Saul almost excused the Jews for their unbelief: with
his work as a Persecutor so fresh in their minds, how could they

21 trust him as an Evangelist ? But the Lord was going to send him

^ For tliefie and other details see Gal i 15-24. > It is used of the Lord in

i 21, and of the shepherd in Jn x 9 : in the OT of David, I Sam xviii 16. It seems
to imply that Saul had already beoome a tdieplierd or leader of the people.

140 DIFFERENCES BETAVEEN ixso

forth^ from Jerusalem to a wider field where this obstacle would not
be felt, viz. to the Gentiles far off. This vision Saul no doubt kept
9 to himself. But when shortly afterwards the brethren wanted to send
30 him forth} y he recognized the hand of the Lord and gladly retired
for the time to his native city Tarsus, There he could revolve in
his mind this new idea of a mission to the Gentiles, and there
we leave him, working *in the regions of Syria and Cilicia' and
being prepared for the future.

This history has already brought us to a difficulty in the Act«.
For the life of S. Paul we have besides S. Luke another authority, and
that of the first class, viz., S. Paul himself in his own writings and
speeches. Now at times, and especially in Galatians i and ii, S. Paul
seems to give quit^ a different account from that of the Acts. This
difference becomes crucial when we get to the council in the 15th
chapter, but we must consider it at once. That the differences are not
irreconcilable the attempted harmony may have shewn. But there
are certain differences in fact and nature, which when realized will
t«ach us that the difficulty is exactly what we should expect to occur
in a true history.

(1) First, there is the difference between facts as seen from within
and without, i.e. between the inner and outer history. After all it is the
inner thoughts and feelings, motives and policy, of the actors which
make history. But the general public can only see the external action.
Until the inner working is laid bare, this outward action is capable of very
different and cjuitc erroneous explanations. 'J'hese can only be set right
when the diaries, letters, and secret despatches, of statesmen and others
are published, and the result of such publication is full of surprises :
there often seems to be a contradiction between the facts of the history
as hitherto known to the public, and the real history as revealed in
the minds and private deeds of the statesmen. Now this is the first
difference between the Acts and S. Paul's epistles. In the epistles we
liave his inner history, in the Acts the history of his external action as
an apostle of the church.

(2) There are differences of view between individuals. No two
j persons have exactly the same ideas ; and the difference of mind makes
a difference of vision. Men see the same fa(»ts differently. There is
perhaps hardly an event in history, of which the different accounts will
oe found to agree exactly. Now S. Luke was an ardent disciple of S. Pa« 1,
but he had a character of his own. His own personality was by no
means swallowed up in that of his master, and naturally they saw
things differently. Thus we have two accounts of the council which
give different impressions ; and no doubt, if S. Peter and S. James had
written on the subject, we should have had two more accounts, each
perfectly true and yet each giving a new version of it.

(3) Again, in wTitings everything depends on the intention of the
writer. S. Paul had a definite purpose in giving us what auto-

^ The Greek words in iz 30 and xzii 21 are the same.

IX so & LUKE AND S. PAUL 141

bi^^n^hical notices he does. But S. Luke's aim in the Acts was a

<iifferent one. It was to write neither S. Paul's iiuier history nor a

complete history of his life, but tlie history of the church of God.

Thus he omits a great deal in S. Paul's life which does not bear

immediately on his purpose. He omits the visit to Arabia ; he passes

over in silence several years of work between ix 30 and xi 25 (c. a.d. 35

to 42) ; years of work at Corinth and Ephesus, and missionary tours of

several months, are summed up in a paragraph or even a sentence, e.g.

in XX 2 ; and, lastly, not a word is said about S. Paul's epistles. If we

compare S. Paul's list of his sufferings in II CJor xi with the Acts, we

shall get an idea of how much S. Luke h&s left out. Indeed, if he

had attempted to record all that S. Paul said or did, he might have

complained, like the Evangelist S. John, that the world would not

contain the books to be written.

Now with regard to the affairs at Jerusalem, S. Paul is simply
concerned with ms relation to the Lord. He had had such direct
yiflions and calls that external recognition by the other apostles was
to him in his personal life of minor importance. But in this matter
the point of view of the church was very different, and S. Luke
was writing for the church. The ordinary churchman might not be

auwnted with S. Paul's inner life and spiritual experiences : but he
require to be assured of S. Paul's position — viz. whether he was an
spofide or no. In the matter of apostleship, as well as of sacraments,
tBe inward and outward are inextricably bound together. And so
8. Luke, in writing the external history, is careful to shew that S. Paul
^W8 duly baptized, filled with the Spirit, and received into the fellowship
of the apostles.

To conclude, S. Luke himselP can have seen no contradiction or
incompatibility between these different views ; else he would not have
M>«rted in the same book the different accounts of the vision at
l^aacus and of Saul's departure from Jerusalem. That he was also
perfectly aware of his omissions will be evident, if we compare, e.g.,
nis report of S. Paul's speech at Ephesus in xx 18-35, and espeoiafiy
^^erses 19 and 34, with his own account of the apostle's ministry tliere
w xix 1-22.

SECTION lie ( = Ch. 9. 31—11. 18)

The Acts of Peter and tlie opening of the door

to the Gentiles

, While the future apostle of the Gentiles, having received his
^ion, is gone to Tarsus, his work is anticipated by the apostle of the
^^tumcision. S. Peter was chosen by God (xv 7) formally to admit the

* Or, for thoae who reject the Luoan authorahip, the final compiler whoever he
Otty lave been.

142 THE PENTECOST OF THE GENTHjES ix si

Gentiles to the church. As the apostle to whom the keys of the
church had been entrusted, he opens the door ; and the first entrance
of the Gentiles is the subject of this section. Hitherto the church
has had to deal only with Samaritans, or proselytes like Nicolas of
Antioch, or a ' stranger ' in the exceptional position of the Ethiopian
eunuch. Now it is brought face to face with the ordinary Gentiles of
the world, uncircumcised Gentiles. It will take several chapters (x~xy)
and many years before their reception on a basis of equality will be
fully and frankly conceded, as at the council of a.d. 48 (ch. xv). But
the baptism of Ck)melius is the initial step and the decisive one.
Cornelius had indeed made some steps towams Judaism, but his case
was evidently crucial and typical His baptism was the Pentecost of the
Gentiles. Bv the gift of tibe Holy Spirit, in no whit short of the gift
at the first rent<5cost, God shewed that he was no respecter of persons,
that in his sight Jew and Gentile were equal. It was, as it were, the
divine announcement to the world that henceforth distinction of rac«
in the matter of spiritual privilege is abolished. By this baptism God
cleansed the hearts of the Gentiles (xv 9). It was, we might almost
say, a new creation.

In the history of it, as we shall see, there are two points to be
carefully distinguished : viz. (1) the relation between Jews and Gentiles
in respect of simple race distinction, ^2) the relation of Gentiles to the
church in respect of the gospel, o. Peter (1) by his eating with
Gentiles shews that the barriers of intercourse are broken down : and
(2) by the baptism of Cornelius he receives them into the church.
The narrative from ix 31 to xi 18 forms one whole, which evidently
forms a companion nicture to ix 1-30. It bears the same Hebraic
complexion as the early chapters ; the mention of the saints links it with
the preceding paragi-aphs, and so with them it may have come from
Philip ; but it has none the less a character of its own\ The incidents
narrated in ix 32-42 form the introduction to the cardinal event and
bring Peter down to Joppa : while as a starting point S. Luke gives
us a picture of the quiet growth of the church.

§ 1 The peace of the church

The Persecution of the church was followed by a Peace, This was
the natural consequence of the conversion of the chief persecutor, SauL
But as time advanced, the Jews were to find good reasons for leaving the
church alone. In the year 38 the Gentile population of Alexandria
made an onslaught upon the Jewish quarter, and a terrible persecution
of the Jews ensued. Next year the mad emperor Caligula, having
discovered that he was a god, insisted on his image being put up in the
temple at Jerusalem. This presented to the Jews a dire dilemma : to

1 (a) SainU in ix 32, 41 : cp. veise 13, xxvi 10 : op. ves»el ix 15, x 11 ; (6) q).
peace ix 31, x 86 : alma ix 36, x 2, 4, 31 ; the Hebraism it came to pasa is a mark of
this section ix 32, 37, 43, x 25 : the same (Greek) word occurs six times besides.
The question of the Bezan text here becomes of importance : it has some interesting
additions which have aU the marks of genuineness.

X 31 THE PEACE OF THE CHURCH 143

)ermit the erection of the statue was an absolute impossibility, and
^bellion and war would have been the only issue. Aft«r months and
nonths of terrible strain and suspense, they were however happily
lelivered by the assassination of Caligula in 41. The long Peace thus
lecured for the church was a period of quiet and steady growth.

M So ^the church throughout all Judsea and Galilee and
Samaria had peace, being edified ; and, walking in the fear
of the Lord and in the comfort of the Holy Ghost, was
multiplied.

The 'scattering abroad* of the persecution has spread the church
wer the whole of Palestine. But this is the only time we hear of the
ihurch in Galilee, — the chief scene of our Lord's ministry, and a
century later the headquarters of rabbinism. The growth of the
ihurch is described from within and without. (1) Internally, the
church was bmng edified^ that is buildsd up. The metaphor of a building
)r temple has already been used by S. reter in iv 11, as it will be by
3. Paul in xx 32 ; and the word edify is generally used in the spiritual
sense. The stones had been hewn and prepared by the persecution,
md now in the time of peace they are firmly built in their place.
(V^averin^ and uncertain adherents have been changed into definite
md decided Christians. (2) The next clause describes the external
nnltiplication of numbers, and we glide into the familiar metaphor
>f the way. To walk in the way the Christian needs two helps : the
^ear of the Lard drives him to keep the commandments, and the help
'jMraclesis) of the Holy Ghost enables him to do so. Like the judgement
)f Ananias, the persecution had taught the church the fear of the Lord
[Jesus)' — to be near him was to be near the fire : now in the peace
uhey were enjoying the comfort of the Paraclete.

Tlie apostolic visitation ami preparatory signs

The case of the Samaritans had shewn the need of apostolic
journeys ; and now the great extension of the church was drawing the
ipostles away from Jerusalem. When S. Paul visited the city, he
found there Peter alone of the Twelve (p. 139), and in xi 1 the apostles
ure throughout Judaea. S. Luke, then, gives a typical picture of an
^stolical, or we might say episcopal, visitation through all parts,
the incidents further illustrate the place of miracles within the
dhristian household. Here they come m answer to prayer, as gifts of
iivine &vour. But they do not lose their symbohcal chw'acter.
rhe record of these two miracles at this point makes us fancy that
S. Luke saw in them a double sign of the great event to which they
were the preface, viz. the gift to the Gentiles of repentance unto life
[jd 18). For they are complementary: (1) The healing of Aeneas
denotes the restoration of activity ; and in tne parallel sign of the Lord,

^ AV and Bczan have tfie churches, ' v 11 : qp. II Cor y 11.

i

144 a PETER'S VISITATION ix 32-42

the healing of the palsied man at Capernaum, this is associated with
the forgiveness of 8ms\ (2) The raising of Dorcas denotes the gift of
life; and it shews the need oi it even for the pious such as Dorcas, as for
the innocent like Jairus' daughter, whom the Lord raised*. In Aeneas
then we may see symbolized tne healing of those Gentiles who are sick
with sin, or repentance; in Dorcas the giving of life to those
Gentiles who, though full of good works, are yet aliens firom the life of
God because of the ignorance that is in them (Eph jv 18)*, Besides
the Lord's miracles, we have similar miracles of life-giving wrought by
Elijah and Misha*; and in S. Paul's ministry (1) the healing of
Publius' father and (2) the raising of Eutychus*.

32 And it came to pass, as Peter *went throughout all parts,

he came down also to the saints which dwelt at Lydda.
38 And there he found a certain man named iEneas, which had
34 kept his bed eight years ; for he was palsied. And Peter

said unto him, iEneas, Jesus Christ healeth thee : arise, and
36 make thy bed. And straightway he arose. And all that

dwelt at Lydda and in Sharon saw him, and they turned to

the Lord.

36 Now there was at Joppa a certain disciple named Tabitha,
which by interpretation is called 'Dorcas: this woman was

37 full of good works and almsdeeds which she did. And it
came to pass in those days, that she fell sick, and died : and
when they had washed her, they laid her in an upper chamber.

38 And as Lydda was nigh unto Joppa, the disciples, bearing
that Peter was there, sent two men unto him, intreating him,

39 Delay not to come on unto us. And Peter arose and went
with them. And when he was come, they brought him into
the upper chamber : and all the widows stood by him weeping,
and shewing the coats and garments which Dorcas made,

40 while she wa8 with them. But Peter put them all forth, and
kneeled down, and prayed ; and turning to the body, he said,
Tabitha, arisen And she opened her eyes ; and when she

41 saw Peter, she sat up. And he gave her his hand, and raised
her up ; and calling the saints and widows, he presented her

42 alive. And it became known throughout all Joppa : and

1 Lk V 17-26 : Mt ix 2-^, Mk ii 8-12. « Lk viii 41-56 : Mt ix 18-26. Mk

V 22-43. « Cp. ix 34 and X 38: ix 86 and x 1, 88. ^ I K xvii 17-24, U u

8-37. • xxviii 8, xx 7-12. « Or went about (cp. viii 40. xiii 6).

7 i.e. Gazelle, ^ Bezan texts add in the name of Jesus Christ or our Lord J, C.

IX 32-41 LYDDA AND JOPPA 143

43 many believed on the Lord. And it came to pass, that he
abode many days in Joppa with one Simon a tanner.

32 Lydda was a large village, almost a city, on the road from
Jerusalem to Joppa and 12 miles from the latter. It was at the
foot of the hills of central Palestine in the fertile plain of Sharon
(so famous for its flowers) \ which lay between the hill country and

36 the sea. Joppa^ the modem Jaffa, was (and is) the port of Jeru-
salem. To it Hiram sent the timber for the temple ; and thither
Jonah fled to find a ship bound for the west^. The Maccabees
had won it in B.c. 148, and they made it into a thoroughly Jewish
city : it was the only seaport which the Jews ever possessed for
themselves. These two cities lay in the district evangelized by
8. Philip on his way to Gaesarea : and Aeneas with his thoroughly
Greek name and Simon the tanner (verse 43) sound very much
fike his work. Joppa however was in such close connexion with
Jerusalem, that, as at Dams^cus, there must have been disciples
there almost from the beginning ; and the mention of the widows
prints to a developed organization as in the mother church (vi 1).

33 If these events took place in a.d. 37, the eight years of Aeneas'
wralysis would coincide with the years of the church's new life.

34 In working the cure S. Peter, as before in iii 1, makes it clear that
it 18 Jesus Christ who is still doing good and healing (x 38) in the

35 person of his apostle*. The sign had a great effect on the whole
of the surrouncung population who consequently turned towards the
Ml, Their attention was attracted to the church and the
Messianic claim of Jesus. It is not stated that aU believed (verse 42)
w were baptized.

36 At Joppa at this moment there had died a disciple, Tabitha,
Tttitha is the type of the Christian woman devoted to practical eood
works, as distinct from the more contemplative * virgin ' or * widow '
<fc^ted to prayer*. And in the nioaem Dorcas societies she

38 >ppear8 as the patroness of such domestic charities. The expectation
rf the disciples shews their faith in the power of S. Peter (cp. v IS-
IS), although hitherto we have not read of an instance of the
ipoptles ftiltilling their commission to 'raise the dead' (Mt x 38).
As the Macedonian invites S. Paul in xvi 9, they invite S. Peter to
come and help them ; and they use the words with which Balak

Msmnmoned Balaam (Num xxii 16). Tlie description of the miracle
dosely resembles that of the raising of Jairus' daughter, but unlike

41 bis Lord Peter first kneels and prays. He also takes Tabitha's hand
after she has returned to life ; to have done so before would have
made liim unclean. Further, like Elijah and Elisha, he wrought the

1 Song of Sonf;^ ii 1. - II Chron ii 16 : Jonah 18. 'In the Greek

Atn it a nmilarity of sound : iAtai se legoui would be Uke saying the Healer heals
l*iy : cp. p. 122 not« «. ^ Beel Tim ii 10, v 10 and in the OT Proverbs

MUi 1(^-81. The oontemplatire side is represented by the prophetess Anna in Lk
uM: cp. Mary and Martha Lk z 38-42.

ILA. 10

i

146 CAESAREA ix 42-43

42 miracle in complete solitude. News of the sign spread outside the
church, and made a great impression on the whole city. Many
believed and were added to the church.

43 To gather up the fruits of the work demanded a prolonged stay
in Joppa. The lodging S. Peter chose — the house of Simon a
tanner — is a sign of the breaking down of Jewish prejudices, and a
fit preparation for the following history. For the trade of tanning,
involving continual contact mm the skins of unclean animals, wa^
inevitabfy held unclean by the Jews. And now from Joppa we must
look north to Caesarea.

§ 2 The preparation of Cornelius

Caesarea owed its greatness to Herod the Great. It was originally
an insignificant town called *Strato's Tower.' Augustus gave it to
Herod, and Herod transformed it into a great city. First he made a
superb harbour, which was a ^reat want on that open coast, and tibe
remains of his immense breakwaters are still to be seen. Then he
rebuilt the city on a magnificent scale, and renamed it after his patron
Caesarea Augusta. It was built in the Greek style with theatre,
amphitheatre, and a palace for himself (xxiii 35) ; and it was sdected
by Herod as the centre for the worship of Rome and the Emperor.
Tfiiis cult was rapidly spreading over the provinces, and was becoming
almost a test of loyalty. Accordingly, to tne great scandal of the Jews,
a temple with images of Augustus and of Rome stood overlooking the
harbour. In the population the Gentile element naturally predominated,
and the Jews were in the minority, although Herod was a Jeyddb king.
Both races however had equal civil rights, and this proved a source of
constant friction.

When the Romans took over Judaea, they made Caesarea the
capital of the province and the residence of the governor or procurator.
As such it also became what we should call a garrison town. According
to Josephus, five cohorts and a squadron of cavaliy were stationed at
Caesarea. These were auxiliary troops, levied for the most part out of
Syria. Nothing is told us of any other forces there ; but it is quite
reasonable to suppose that there would have been a nucleus of Roman
soldiers in the province. Legions were not stationed in the smaller
provinces, and so S. Luke is probably quite right in speaking of the
Italian cohort, for that was the name for auxiliary cohorts raised out
of Italian volunteers. One inscription shews that there was such an
Italian cohort in S>Tia in the 2nd century, and another recently
discovered in Austria proves that there was one there in a.d. 69*; and

^ Mr Haverficld called attention to this insoription in the Chiordian of
June 10, 1896. The significant words are opt. coh. it. italic, c. r. F...Tiyi ex vxxil.
8AGIT. RXKR. 8YRIACI, i.e. adjutant of Uie 2nd Itulian cohort of Roman citixenM, of the
century of Faiutinus, from the archery divition of the army of Syria. It is not
necessary to suppose that Cornelius' cohort was part of the garrison of Oaesarea: he
seems to have been well known in Judaea (x 22). Or again, I do not know that the
Greek prevents our supposing that he may have retired from an Italian cohort
and settled at Cae^forcu.

11 CORNELIUS THE CENTURION 147

it cannot be yery rash to iufer that there was also one in Judaea before
tlie reign of Herod Agrip^ (41-44) when this incident happened.
Possibly S. Luke has not given us the name in common use : having
his eye ever upon Home, the goal of the book, he may have intentionally
selected out of the ftill officieu title the epithet Italian.

The legion was the regiment of the Koman army, and it consisted
nominally of 6000 men. Each legion was divided into ten cohorts, and
again each cohort contained six centuries or 'hundreds' of men.
Toe ofBcer in command of a cohort was called a tribune or in the
Greek ckiliarch : such was Claudius Lysias of xxi 31 and xxiii 26. A
century was under a centurion or hekatantarch. The centurions then
would rather correspond to our non-commissioned officers ; but any
Roman officer would enjoy great authority and power in respect
of the Movincials, and easily find opportunities of amassing money.
The NT however presents the centurions in a very favourable
light In an army when a soldier is reli^ous, his religion is, or
n&sst must be, thorougL Like other armies the Roman army was
not wanting in soldiers of deep religious feeling and genuine piety.
Snch men would be mostly found among the centurions, men who had
rifloi by their character, and for such soldiers of a simple and natural
religion, who were 'feeling after God,' the Jewish faith of the One (Jod
nnut have had a great attraction. Thus at Capernaum there was a
centurion, who *loveth our nation and hath built us a synagogue'
(li Yii 5), and now at Caesarea we find another well reported of by the
tnlofa nation of the Jews.

This was Cornelius. From the name of his cohort we may conclude
ttat he was an Italian (if not a Roman by birth), and as such he
poBsessed the Roman citizenship. He himself bears the name of the
peat Roman house to which belonged the Scipios and Sulla, and must
W stood in some connexion with it. Sulla himself manumitted
10|000 slaves all of whom would have taken the name of Cornelius.
Our Ciomelius however was evidently (1) a man of importance in
Caesarea. He was well known to the whole Jewish nation ; and he liad
■ttny dose friends and kinsfolk in Caesarea, whether we are to under-
>Und by the latter actual relations, or simply Italians, of the same
ution&hty as himself ^ Besides this he was (2^ a devout man and one
^feared God*. This is the regular description in the Acts for the
«ter ring of God-fearing adherents to the Jewish faith. They were not
*proflelytes' : 'proselytes were circumcised and bound to keep the whole
»w*. The * God-fearing ' only accepted the creed of the One True God,
■Muie varying compliances with Jewish customs, and were admitted to a
place in me synagogue. Tlieir position is well illustrated by Cornelius.
(l)He was friendly to, and well reported of by, the Jews. (2) His
nogion shewed itself in the forms of natural piety recognized by them.

' 8. Paal ipeaks of the Jews as his kirufolk in Bom ix 3. ' There are two

Qivk words for devout in the Acts, one used of Jews in ii 5, viii 2, xzii 12:
dbother as here of Gentiles ty. 2, 7. ' Gal v 8.

10—2

148 THE VISION x 1-3

Prayer and Almsgiving (especially to the People)^. The subject of his
constant prayer is revealed by this history, and shews that he was one
of those seekers who were * feeling after God if haply they might find
him.' In this position he was not alone in Caesarea. He seems to
have been the centre of a kind of church in his house. His own
household, as was natural then, followed his fiaith'; his kinsfolk were
in S3rmpathy with him : and he had those who stedfasU^ continued
with him. This word is used in the Acts for relidous adhesion',
and certainly one of these was a soldier like himself devout. Perhaps
in all this we may see some effect of Philip's influence, for before tms
probably he had reached Caesarea and begun to evaiigelize. For an
OT parallel we may compare the chief captain of Syria, Naaman,
coming to the prophet of despised Israel, and sent to baptize himself
in Jordan (II Kings v 1-19).

10 Now there was a certain man in Caesarea^ Cornelias by

2 name, a centurion of the band called the Italian ^band, a
devout man, and one that feared God with all his house^ who
gave much alms to the people, and prayed to God alway.

3 He saw in a vision oi>enIyy as it were about the ninth hour of
the day, an angel of God coming in unto him, and saying to

4 him, Cornelius. And he, fastening his eyes upon him, and
being afirighted, said, What is it, Lord ? And he said unto
him. Thy prayers and thine alms are gone up for a memorial

5 before God. And now send men to Joppa, and fetch one

6 Simon, who ia sumamed Peter : he lodgeth with one Simon a

7 tanner, whose house is by the sea side^ And when the angel
that spake unto him was departed, he called two of his
household-servants, and a devout soldier of them that waited

8 on him continually ; and having rehearsed all things unto
them, he sent them to Joppa.

3 According to his custom Cornelius was observing with prayer
the ninth hour, which was the time of the evening oblation, about
3 p.m.' According to the AV of verse 30 he was also fasting \
but the word is absent from the earliest mss and there is confusion
in the readings of the mss which mention it. On this occasion
he had a vision. He dearly saw a man in bright apparel enter the
room and stand before him. Cornelius perceived that he was an

1 For almsgiving cp. e.g. Tobit iv 8-11. If with some mss in x 30 we addFa«t»ii^,
we have the three duties of Mt vi 2-18. ' Gp. xvi 82, 34, xviii 8. > In

ii 42, yiii 13. ^ Gk cohori. * AY with Bome Bezan texts adds he thail UU

thee what thou must do (op. ix 6, xi 14). ^ Gp. iii 1, 1 K XTiii 86, Dan iz 81.

X4-8 OF CORNELIUS 149

iangd qf God\ and was filled witli the fear which accompanies

supematiiral appearances. He was however reassured by the

message of the angel. * His prai/ers had beeti heurd, and his alms

were had in remembrance bejore God^ (verse 31). The Jews hud

rightly perceived that the real punishment to be dreaded was to be

foigotten or forsaken of God*; and their constant prayer was

'Remember me, 0 God/ their anxious desire to find something

to serve for a memorial of them before God. In particular this

name of memorial had been given to that part of the meal offering —

the handful of flour with oU and incense — which the priest burnt

apon the altar and which ascended unto the Lord as a sweet

savour'. The firagrance of the incense called Israel to remembrance

before Jehovah, as the sweet smell of Noah's sacrifice reminded

him of Noah. This offering then accompanied the daily sacrifice

and putting the Lord in remembrance made the sacrifice acceptable

t43 him. It is evident that this was a foreshadowing of the

• perpetual memory ' of the sacrifice of Christ which, to use human

speech, by reminding the Father of the oblation upon the cross

makes the Christian prayer and sacrifice acceptable and efiicacious.

One (rf the Psalmists however had seen that prayer itself was a sweet

savour, when he said (cxli 2) * Let my prayer be set forth as incense

before thee ; the lifting up of my hands as the evening sacrifice ' : so

in the case of Cornelius, who as a Gentile had no share in the daily

oflFering in the temple, his prayers and alms went up to God* and

scTYed as a memorial before nim. God then remembered Cornelius,

^t the revelation for which he prayed was not to be given directly :

5 like Saul he must be told by the church. Accordingly he is to send

^f<^ (me Simon surnamed Feter, — an unknown Jew, lodging in a

"^ very humble abode, the house of a tanner. Cornelius, however,

^ overcoming any instincts of pride, obeyed at once. He sent three

i&essengers who at noon of the next day reached Joppa, a distance

rf 30 miles or more. While they were asking for Simon's house,

^ther divine communication was there being made.

The preparation of Peter and I'^ision of cleansing

The mere growth of the church of itself was forcing upon the

*P08de8 the practical problem of their relation to the Grentifes. To

IJM Jews all Gentiles were unclean : consequently, although there were

fflffffent views as to the amount of rigour in practice, it was unlawful

M^/ew to join himself or c^^w^ ^f^^o one of another nation, Jews and

Gentiles were separated by a sharp barrier. For (1) in general, in

\ Tb« nfttnral exprewiion of a Gentile : not as heretofore the angel of the Lord.

Cj^i 10. * Cp. Mt xxYii 4G. ^ Mnemotunon, It occars in Levit ii 2, U,

▼ IJ; etc.: laai Ivi 5 : EcduB xxxviii 11, xlv 11 (the breastplate), 1 16 (the sin^nng
ei the priests). For Noah cp. Ghen viii 21. In Lk xxii 19 a different word
AmawmHiM is used for the Lord's memorial. * Through the ministry of

■lyli aoeording to the later Jewish doctrine. Raphael says to Tobit (xii 12) * I did

ng the memorial of your prayer before the Holy One.' Cp. ivov viii S-4.

s

150 THE VISION X9f.

contrast to Israel, the * peculiar people ' having a definite covenant with
Grod, the Gentiles were common : they had not been called into relation
with Grod, they were 'aliens from the commonwealth of Israel and
strangers from the covenants of the promise/ (2^ In particular, they
were all in fact unclean in virtue of the law of cleanliness. The Gentiles
did not observe the distinction between clean and unclean meats :
consequently to avoid nollution Jews abstained, not only frx)m the use
of Gentile markets and butchers, but practically from all social inter-
course with Gentiles ; for there can be no real social intercourse when
eating together is prohibited \ On the other hand, if Jews despised
G entiles as common and unclean. Gentiles retorted by ridiculing Jews
for their abstinence from pork, and the separation was complete.

Thus the question of clean and unclean meats was fiincbmental.
We can see the distinction becoming emphatic in the Captivity as in
the case of DanieP. It was the subiect of special teachimj of our Lord',
as it now occasions a special revdation to S. Peter. For it was the
first difiiculty that would present itself in practice. What was a
Christian Jew to do? was he still cut oflF firom intercourse with
Gentiles by this law of uncleanness? This question must liave been

Sressed upon Peter by his visit to Joppa with its shipping and busy
[entile population. Joppa also must nave made him think of Jonah,
the prophet who had been entrusted with a message to the Gentiles
and had fled to Joppa to escape from it. Was he a second Jonali
shrinking from the solution of tnis question ? The solution he ought
to have known. For the Lord had long ago settled it. When he said
that there is nothing from without the man that going into him can defile
him, but the thinas which proceed out of the man are those which deJUe
the man, he 'made all meats clean^' But S. Peter had foi^tten and
was slow to understand, and a second cleansing was necessary.

9 Now on the morrow, as they were on their journey, and
drew nigh unto the city, Peter went up upon the housetop

10 to pray, about the sixth hour : and he became hungry, and
"desired to eat : but while they made ready, 'he fell into a

11 trance ; and he beholdeth the heaven opened, and a certain
vessel ^descending, as it were a great sheet, let down by four

12 comers upon the earth : wherein were "all mamier of four-
footed beasts and creeping things of the earth and fowls of

13 the heaven. And there came a voice to him, •Rise, Peter ;

1 See Jn xviii 2S. For eating together^ see xi 3, Gal ii 12-14 : it was the charge
brought against the Lord that he did eat with publicans and sinnen (Lk ▼ 30, zv 2) :
cp. X 4], I Cor X 25-29. > Dan i a-16 : cp. Ezek iv 13, 14, Hob ix 3. > Mt

XV 10-20, Mk Tii 14-23. < Mk vii 19. « Ok willed to (AV would have eaten),
* Gk there came upon him an eatasy. ^ AV and Bczan texts have descending]

to him... bound by (knit at) the four comers and let down. ^ Gk all the [fourfooted.
" AugUBtine qnotes thus : Peters all which thou aeest in the vessel shiy and eat...
Lord, common and uiu:lean I will not touch... Wluit I have made holy call not unclean.

X9-14 OF PETER 151

14 kill and eat But Peter said. Not so, Ix^rd ; for I liave never

15 eaten anything that is common and unclean. And a voice
came unto him again the second time, What God hath

16 cleansed, make not thou common. And this was done thrice :
and straightway the vessel was received up into heaven.

17 Now ^ while Peter was much perplexed in himself what
the vision which he had seen might mean, behold, the men
that were sent by Cornelius, having made inquiry for Simon's

18 house, stood before the 'gate, and called and asked whether
Simon, which was sumamed Peter, were lodging there.

19 And while Peter thought on the vision, the Spirit said unto

20 him, Behold, 'three men seek thee. But arise, and get thee
down, and go with them, nothing doubting : for I have sent

21 them. And Peter went down to the men, and said. Behold,
I am he whom ye seek : what is the cause wherefore ye are

22 come? And they said, Cornelius a centurion, a righteous
man and one that feareth God, and well reported of by all
the nation of the Jews, was warned of Ood by a holy angel
to send for thee into his house, and to hear words from thee.

23 So he called them in and lodged them.

9 With all his need for light Peter went up upon the hotisetop
for his mid-day prayer. To pray three times a cmy was a Jewish
custom : *in the evening and morning and at noonday will I pray*.*
The flat housetop of onental houses was in general use for prayer

10 and meditation, as also for sleeping and recreation*. S. Peter
probably had not yet broken his fast, and he felt hungry. ITii.^
in itself may have suggested the thought of meats, ancf in this

11 condition he fell into a trance or ecstasy (xxii 17). He saw a vessel
in the shape of a great sheet with its four corners knit together and
by them lowered upon the earth. It came Aowa where he was, and

12 looking into it he saw tliat it was full of living creatures. As ho
looked he began to notice that they were of all kinds, both clean

13 and unclean •. Great then was his wonder when he heard a voice

14 he knew well saying Rise^ Peter ; slay and eat. In the old days
Peter had not hesitated to rebuke his Master more than once and
say * Far be it from thee',' and now with the same impulsiveness
he answers at once Not so, Lord. The disciples had not indeed

1 Bezan when Peter came to himself, he [woi mtich perplexed. ^ Or gateicay.

* B reads two : D and other mss omit the number. ^ Ps Iv 17. Gp. the prayers

of ii 42 (p. 38) : there is no dear evidence however for the observance of the third,
sixth and ninth hoars in particular among the Jews. ^ II K xxiii 12, Neh

TiiilG : I Sam ix 25-6, II xi 2. ^ Cp. xi 5, G. ' Cp. Mt xvi 22, Jn xiU 8.

152 CLEAN AND UNCLEAN X 14-23

observed all the refinements of Pharisaic tradition ; they had plucked
and eaten ears of com on the Sabbath. But the law of ancleaa
meats, which was in the Pentateuch, they had always observed. So
S. Peter utters a surprised reproach * Sav not so, do not bid me to.
break the law!' ana protests like EzefaeP ^ Never have I eaten
anything common and unclean,* The apostle had probably never
realized the reproach to the Creator implied in this use of tne word
common. It is an inherent tendency among the few whether in
culture, society, or religion, to look upon what is common to the
ordinary man as * vulgar' or 'unclean,' and this is stamped upon
human language. The revelation of the new life in Ghristianityy
whose glory was to have all things 'common,' ought to Imve taught
the disciples better things. But the old Jewish nature was not yet
dead, and at once S. Peter receives a rebuke. The enumeration rf
all lands of living creatures takes us back to the first chapter of
Genesis, when the Creator had pronounced all things good. The
necessities of sin had indeed retiuired a law of cleanness, but the
Incarnation and Redemption of the Word of God had been a new
creation. His body was the true vessel'* which * sealed up the sum

15 of ' created life, and so his incarnation had cleansed creation. And
now he, by whom all things were made, pronounces all things clean.

16 Henceforth nothing is undean of itself*. To make this declaration
most emphatic, it ls repeated three times*

17 To the apostle however its meaning was as yet by no means
obvious. Was tliis an abrogation of the law of clean and unclean
meats ? or was something far deeper signified ? He was perylejeed

18 and deeply pondering on the vision, when Cornelius' messengers
knocked at the door. (Jod was providing his own commentary on
the text : it was the commentary of facts. Peter has only to obey

19 and be led by the Spirit. For it is the Spirit who says I have sent
them. The words are a striking testimony to the personality of the
Holy Spirit*. The Spirit, who is the Spirit of Jesus and who is in
the apostles (Jnxiv 17), is completing the work which Jesus had

20 done or rather declaring it unto S. Peter (Jn xvi 15). So he bids
Peter go teith them — nothing doubting, i.e. without hesitation, or
(as in xi 2) without contention or disputing: in xi 12, where S. Peter
uses the same verb in its active voice, it means making no dis-
tinction, i.e. between Jew and Gentile. Like Cornelius 8. Peter obeys

23 at once mthout any more gainsaying, and begins by giving hospitality
to the Gentile messengers.

§ 3 Peter and Cornelius at Caesarea

Peter had be^n to understand that the vision was a parable ol
men, and that by it God h<ul shewn to him that he was not to call an^

1 Ezek iy 14. « Cp. ix 16. » Gen i 31, Rom xiv 14, 1 Tim iv 4. Tit i 15,

The nniversal reach of this cleansing is forcibly brought out by the Greek, whiol
has in verse 12 simply all the hetutt etc. * See Introd. ch. v § 1. The visioi
oomes down from the Fathkr, the yessel is symbolical of the Wobd, the Spirh
prepares man's heart to respond to the revelation.

X 23-24 PETER AND CORNELIUS 153

man common or unclean (verse 28). And therefore he must not
shrink from any intercourse with Cornelius. The full import— that
the sheet is the church*, and to contain all races and classes without
any distinction at all — will only he made clear by the events at

23 Caesarea. Meanwhile, conscious tliat a crisis is at hand, on the
morrow he takes with him as witnesses »ix brethren, circumcised

24 Jews, from the church at Joppa. And at Caesarea Cornelius,
equally conscious of a crisis, on the fourth day, when he expected
S. Peter, summons a large company of his friends to hear him.

And on the morrow he arose and went forth with them,
and certain of the brethren from Joppa accompanied him.

24 And on the morrow 'they entered into Caesarea. And
Cornelius was waiting for tiiem, having called together his

25 kinsmen and his near friends. 'And when it came to pass
that Peter entered, Cornelius met him, and fell dovm at liis

26 feet, and worshipped hinu But Peter raised him up, saying,

27 ^Stand up ; I myself also am a man. And as be talked with

28 him, he went in, and findeth many come together : and he
said unto them. Ye yourselves know how that it is an
unlawful thing for a man that is a Jew to join himself or
come unto one of another nation ; and yet unto me hath God
shewed that I should not call any man common or unclean :

29 wherefore also I came without gainsaying, when I was sent

30 for. I ask therefore with what intent ye sent for me. And
Cornelius said, Four days ago, until this hour, I was "keeping
the ninth hour of prayer in my house ; and behold, a man

31 stood before me in bright apparel, and saith, Cornelius, thy
prayer is heard, and thine alms are had in remembrance in

32 the sight of God. Send therefore to Joppa, and call unto
thee Simon, who is sumamed Peter ; he lodgeth in the house

33 of Simon a tanner, by the sea side*. Forthwith therefore I
sent to thee ; and thou hast well done that thou art come.
Now therefore we are all here present 'in the sight of God, to
hear all things that have been commanded thee of the Lord.

^ which is the body of Christ. ' Marg with BD reads fie. ' Bezan has

And] oi Peter w<u drawing near unto Caetarea one of the tervants (slavet) announced
that he was come, and Cornelius sprang forth (cp. xvi 29) and [met him, * Or

Arise, Bezan adds What art thou doing t * AV reads I was] fasting and

[keeping: some Bezan texts have From the fourth day {=four days ago) until tftis
(present) hour I was fasting ^ and at the ninth hour 1 was praying, • AV and

Bezan add who wlien he is come will apeak unto tlue, ^ Bezan before tftee.

i

164 S. PETER'S SERMON x 25-34

25 The picturesque narrative in the Bczan text explains the double
entry of S. Peter in our text (verses 25 and 27), and bears all the
marks of genuineness. For what scribe would have taken the
trouble to add these extra details which would have appeared so
trivial to the ordinary interpolator ? Cornelius then had stationed
a slave (probably outside the city) to keep watch for S. Peter, and
when he brought news of his approach Cornelius hurried out and
met him at the entrance of the city, and then conversing together
they entered Cornelius' house. When he met S. Peter, Cornelius
worshipped him, i.e. prostrated himself at his feet. Such prostrations
before royal and superior personages were common in the east, as
to this day\ But the action was closely associated with the idea
of divine worship, for which this word worship was also used : and
the doctrine of the one and jealous God would lead to corresponding
jealousy in practice among the Jews and their adherents. Certainly
in the Gospels in the temptation Satan makes this 'worship' the
crucial test; and where such reverence was paid to the Lord, it
cither came from those who were not Jews, as &om the Magi and
Canaanitish woman, or if paid by Jews, it was a definite act of
faith, as when the disciples 'worshipped him' after the resurrection •.
Moreover the idea of prostration was alien to the western mind, and
the custom was not introduced into the imperial court till the rei^
of Diocletian. Hence the action of Comehus is very marked. He
regarded S. Peter as a heaven-sent messenger or inspired prophet,
bearing the commandments of God (verse 33). But the reverence
is at once rejected by S. Peter : it is not to be paid by man to man,
nor by man to angels, as is shewn in the Ifcvelation' where an
apostle receives the same rebuke as Cornelius here.

27 S. Peter's entry into Cornelius' house was a distinct breach of

28 Jewish custom, ana S. Peter first (1) makes it clear to the assembled
Gentiles that he is acting consciously and deliberately. They would
recognize this as a 'noble' act, and it merited Cornelius' ^ well done.'

29 Tlien (2), though he was aware of the circumstances, for the sake of
34 the hearers he asks Cornelius to repeat his story. (3) With this for

his starting point, as guided and prepared by the Si)irit, he preaches
the gospel to them.

Peter^s Gospel for the Gentiles

Tlie introduction — he opened his mouth — marks the solemnity of
the occasion*. The sermon falls into two parts : I. the response to
the particular circumstances (34-5), II. the sermon or word itself
(36-43), which is the same gospel as heretofore, only so presented as
to appeal more particularly to the Gentiles. Hence there are new
points. (I) In the Christology, (a) Jesus Christ is not only the 'Lord

I Cp. Mt xviii 26. « Mt xxviii 17. Lk xxiv 52 : cp. also Mt xiy 33, Mk xv 19,
Jn ix 38. ' xix 10, xxii 9. ^ Cp. ii 14 : and for opening the mouth viii 32,

35, xviii 14 .

X 34-35 TO THE GENTILES 165

and Christ ' of the Jews as in li 36, he is now ' the Lord of all men.'
(b) The fulfilment of national Messianic expectations would not be
understood by the Gentiles, so he is presented not as the Christ but as
the Juiqe of all men. (2) Corresponding to this in practical religion we
have laid down (a) the catholic relation of God to the righteous in
every nation alike, then at the end (&) a deeper view of faith on which
this depends. S. Peter had spoken of faith from the beginning (iii 16),
but it does not seem wholly accidental that here he uses that phrase
wliich more correctly would be translated * believing into Christ,' and
80 expresses the true character of faith'. The catholic relation of God
to man is declared in the introduction, which as it involves an important
question of theology will be considered at once.

I. All this time S. Peter had been learning from the circumstances
in which he found himself, and without a formal address his full heart
finds utterance in an earnest asseveration : 0/ a truth (iv 27) / am
perceiving^ or getting a firm grasp of this truth, that God is no
respecter' of persons. This doctrine had been stated in the OT,
Deut X 17 ; but it had been limited in scope and application'. The
expression is borrowed from the administration of justice. Human
judges are tempted to respect — in the Greek to accept or receive — the

B arsons of the rich and powerful, and to give judgement in their favour,
ut God respects no man ; he is strictly impartial towards all. And
now S. Peter perceives that this impartiality applies to spiritual
relationships, and towards all men, i.e. in every nation he that feareth
God and ivorketh righteousness is acceptable to him: or, as S. Paul
expresses it in Romans ii 10, there shall be glory and honour and
peace to even/ man that worketh good, to the Jew first and also to the
Greek, for there is no respect of persons with God. S. Peter had already,
but without being fully conscious of the extent of its application,
(U*clared this principle in his first sermon (ii 21) when he said whoso-
ever shall call on the name of the Lord shall be saved. In this sermon
(verse 43) his commentary is this — evert/ one that believeth on him shall
receive remission of sins.

It is obvious tliat this doctrine deals with the mysterious opera-
tions of divine grace, and in particular with * works before justification.'
In the sixteenth century, led away by reaction against exaggerated
merit attached to good works, with minds dominated by tlie idea of
justification by faitn and by S. PauFs words, 'whatsoever is not of
faith is sin,' extreme reformers denied the possibility of any righteous-
ness before justification. This question largely depends upon the
meaning of 'justification,' for the discussion of which this is har^y
the place. But it will be profitable to notice what is plainly revealed
to us by this history of Cornelius. It is clear tliat he was already
working righteousness and acce]itable to God, before he had con-

^ It occurs also in xix 4 : op. xiv 23. ^ The Greek is an emphatic word for

seizing, grasping, used in Phil iii 12, Jn i 5, Bom iz 30. ' See Exod xxiii 6-8,

Jjevit xix 15, Deut xvi 19 etc. S. James (ii 1) and S. Jude (16) use the word in a
simiUr sense. Cp. also I Pet i 17, Eph vi 9, Col iii 2o.

/

156 S. PETER'S SERMON x' 34-35

sciously 'believed in Christ/ But he was not therefore without the
inspiration of the Spirit of Christ. For, as S. Augustine says (Ep. 194,
18\ *the Spirit breathes where he wills... in one way he helps before
indwelling, in another by iiidwelling. For before he indwells he helps
men to become faithful, those already feithful he helps by indwelling.'
And, as we have seen, the Holy Spirit was at work m bringing about
the conversion of Cornelius (verse 10\ But, although acceptable to
God, his righteousness was still imperiect. For it did not spring from
tibie highest motive, viz. conscious faith in Christ, of whose work of
redemption he was ignorant. It was then acceptable to God in the
sense that it predisposed him for justification. Not that even thus
it had any merit. The mission of the angel and of S. Peter came
of God's pure mercy. The outpouring of the Spirit was a *free gift.'
Cornelius had not earned that mercy, his goodness rather was a sign
that he was ready to receive it. There were many others at that
moment among the Gentiles working righteousness, but only Cornelius
was selected by God for this conversion. To inquire further why Gk)d
chooses this particular person or that is to lose ourselves in the in-
scrutable mysteries of the Divine Being*. Further, we notice the
relation between life in the church and natural goodness. The whole
point of the narrative is that Cornelius had not as yet obtained the
roll light or eternal life, i.e. the knowledge of God. But his natural
goodness had fitted him to receive * the word,' which God of his fi«e
grace now sent him ; and the climax is the descent of the Holy Spirit
with the baptism of Cornelius, i.e. his reception into the church. The
word of Goa S. Peter now proceeds to unfold.

34 And Peter opened his mouth, and said.

Of a truth I perceive that God is no respecter of persons :

35 but in every nation he that feareth him, and worketh right-

36 eousness, is acceptable to him. 'The word which he sent
unto the children of Israel, 'preaching good tidings of peaoe

37 by Jesus Christ (he is Lord of all) — that saying ye yourselves
know, which was published throughout all Judaea^ beginning

38 from Galilee, after the baptism which John preached ; even
Jesus of Nazareth, how that God anointed him with the Holy
Ghost and with power : who went about doing good, and
healing all that were oppressed of the devil ; for God was

39 with him. And we are witnesses of all things which he did
both in the country of the Jews, and in Jerusalem ; whom

1 Op. Dante Paradito xxi 91-6. « RV margin and WH with KAB omit

whichr--He tent the word : Blass omits Lord and, keeping the /or in the Besan text,
reads For the word, which he tent unto the children of Itrael preaching peace hy
Jetut Chrittf thi^ {word) it of (i.e. belongt to) all, ' Gk evangelizing. Cp

Isai m 7, Nah i 15.

X 36-39 TO THE GENTILES 167

40 also they slew, hanging him on a tree. Him God raised up

41 the third day, and gave him to be made manifest, not to all
the people, but unto witnesses that were chosen before of
God, even to us, who did eat and drink with him after he

42 rose from the dead^ And he charged us to preach unto the
people, and to testify that this is he which is ordamed of God

43 to be the Judge of quick and dead. To him bear all the
prophets witness, that through his name every one that
believeth on him shall receive remission of sins.

36 11. If with the RV margin we omit which^, then S. Peter
(j) begins with a declaration of the gospel or good news to the
Gentiles. Cornelius and the God-fearing Gentiles had been longing
for a revelation of God. This revelation had now been made.
God had sent his word; and by ward both Jews and Gentiles
would understand a divine revelation'. This revelation was made
{a) primarily to the children of Israel : but {b) it was a good message
of peoicej VIZ. of reconciliation with God, to the Gentiles also :
because U) it was effected through Jesus Christy who is Lord of aU
men, ana who is the Peace-maker. For *he is our peace who
made both one,' viz. both God and man, as also Jew ana Gentile ;
and 'he came and preached peace to them that were far off and
peace to them that were nigh*.'

37 (ii) The story how the revelation had been made and peace won
was indeed known to Cornelius, for the fame of what the Lord had
done had epread throughout aU Palestine^ ; and it was summed up in

38 a name — Jesus of Nazareth, In the work of Jesus there were four
stages. (1) It began after Johns baptism. This baptism taught
all, both Jew and Gentile alike, the need of repentance on man's
part ; but the baptism of Jesus by John was his anointing to be the
Christ, with the lloly Ghost and with power. (2) The ministry in
Galilee was one of doing good and healing. Tliis would appeal to
the Gentiles, and at the same time it served as a parable to teach
them the nature of the kingdom of Jesus and the meaning of aU

39 tha4 he did. (3) This work ended in the crucifixion, over which
S. Peter passes briefly, for the Gentiles had not been guilty in the

^ Bezan adds and coiwened with him forty days, ^ And then the central

Btatement he ii Lord of aU will not be in a parenthefda If we retain which, the
word win be the object of ye know, and in apposition to taying : Ye know the
word {logos) which... viz, the saying {rhSma) which was published {or the thing which
happened). The AV uses word in both verses 86 and 37. Bat in 37 the Greek
rhema stands for the Hebrew ddbhdr, which as often means the matter of the
saying as the saying itself. So Lk ii 15 is literally tfie saying which had come to
pass. The best English equivalent is story or history : which from signifying the
relation of events etc. have come to sigmfy the events themselves. ' Cp.

Ps cvii 20, oxlvii 15-8. * Eph ii 11-22 is the best commentary ou this passage.

^ Judaea ia used in its wider sense including Galilee and Samaria.

158 THE DESCENT OF THE SPIRIT x 39-43

same literal sense as the Jews. And he wanted rather to dwell on
(4) the good tidings of the resurrection. This brought him to the

40 ofiice of himself and the apostles : viz. the bearing of tcitness.
This witness applied to the whole ministry (as in i 22) but was
of crucial importance in the matter of the resurrection ; for, after
he liad risen, the Lord no longer appeared openly to all the peapU.

41 Their witness was sealed by their eating and drinking with him. 'Iliis
was a proof not only of the reality of the risen body, but also of
Iiis fellowship with the apostles. And by the same means S. Peter
was to testify his fellowship with Cornelius and the Glentiles (xi 3).

42 (iii) Then follows the practical result. The apostles had receivcKl
a charge, (1) They were to proclaim Jesus to the people of the Jews
as Lord and Messiah, and that by bearing witness of what he did
and of his resurrection. (2) But their witness extended to a
further point, viz. his ordination by God to be Judge, This was an
office wmch would belong to the Messiah as king, but it rested on
deeper grounds. S. John* tells us that the Lord received authority
to execute judgement because he is the Son of Man. This office
then rested on his humanity, and it involved a universal relation
to all men alike, Jew and Gentile. To the Jews this doctrine had
been hinted at in ii 39, iii 25-6. Now to the Gentiles S. Peter (as
S. Paul in xvii 31) declares it explicitly : and, as the judgement
reaches to the dead as well as the limnp, it carries with it the

43 resurrection of the dead. (3) For the individual the work of Jesus
Christ or his name had won foraiteness of sins. This was the great
need of the Gentiles, and needed all the more in view of judge-
ment to come. To receive the gift the individual had to surrender
himself unto, or rather into, Jesus Christ by an act o{ faith. As
faith is a property of the will common to all human nature, so is
forgiveness open to every man whether Jew or Gentile. Tliis doctrine
is also a matter for mit7iess; and now the apostle ai)peals to the
prophets, viz. the scriptures of the OT, which nave their indispens-
able place in the divine plan of revelation, for Gentiles as well as
for Jews.

S. Peter was only at the beginning of his gosiiel (xi 15), — he had
as yet said nothing of baptism and the gift of the Holy Spirit, —
when the testimony of the apostles and prophets received a divine
confirmation by the sudden descent of tne Holy Ghost.

The descetU of the Holy Ghost

44 While Peter yet spake these words, the Holy Ghost fell

45 on all them which heard the word. And they of the circum-
cision which believed were amazed, as many as came with
Peter, because that on the Gentiles also was poured out the

46 gift of the Holy Ghost. For they heard them speak with

1 Jn V 27.

X 44-48 AND BAPTISM OF CORNELIUS 159

47 tongues, and magnify God. Then answered Peter, Can any
man forbid the water, that these should not be baptized,

48 which have received the Holy Ghost as well as we ? And he
Qommanded them to be baptized in the name of Jesus Christ
Then prayed they him to tarry certain days.

44 To the amazement of Peter's company of circumcised Jews,
upon these Gentiles — uncircumcised and unclean — the Holy Spirit

45 was poured out\ immediately from heaven. The fact was proved

46 by tne external manifestation': for Cornelius' party had begun
to speak with tonaues and magnify God. These were the same

fhenomena which had occurred at the beginning\id 15) at the first
^entecost; and the inference was that the inward gift was also
exactlv the same as that which had then been given to the apostles
and the brethren. So then the great event to which the divine
hand had been guiding was the Pentecost of the Gentiles.

47 This was evident to S. Peter, and it was the answer to all
doubts. It remind^ him of the sayina of the Lord that they should
be b(wtized with the Holy Ghost, and he saw that the promise was
for all. But the Lord had said * except a man be born of water and
the Spirit^y and the water was still lacking. First, however, he
asks me six bretliren if they liave any impediment* to allege. Tliis
there could hardly be, for God had accepted them; by the gift of Ids
Holy Spirit he had borne witness to them (xv 8) and himself become

48 their sponsor. Then S. Peter commanded them to be baptized^ :
and on profession of faith in Jesus Christ they were baptized, and
so God cleansed and washed their hearts by faith (xv 9), and they
were admitted into the church, the way of salvation (xi 14).
The Holy Spirit fell upon Cornelius' company before their baptism.

This is a striking reversal of the usual church order. It proves that
God is free, and tnat his grace is not confined to any cliaimds. But it
is one of those unique exceptions which * prove the rule.' Though he
had received the Spirit, Cornelius was afterwards baptized ; so also
Saul, though he had seen the Lord face to face, had been afterwards
baptized. These instances shew the necessity of baptism, and testify
to the divine will that order should prevail in God's household the
church and in its administration of grace.

To gather up the fruits of this Pentecost S. Peter stayed at
Caesarea some time, and no doubt enjoyed the cooperation of S. rhilip.
If he stayed with Cornelius he would have oeen making public
declaration of his new principles. But the baptism of Cornelius was
sufficient in itself to attract the attention of the disciples and so to
lead to its ratification by the church.

1 Cp. ii 17, 33. » Cp. viii 18. « Jn iii 6. < Op. viu 36. » This then
was the command of the Lord, verso 33. The baptism was evidently performed by
some other person than the apostle, some minitter, see p. 33.

100 THE CONTENTION xi l

§ 4 Peter'8 defence to the church and the ratification

of his auction

News of what had happened would quickly spread throughout
Palestine, where the other apostles would likewise be engaged iu the
work of visitation ; and S. Peter's action came as a surprise or scandal
to many. It gave rise to the first signs of division among the brethren.
For the fourtli time S. Luke directs our attention to the spread of
human infirmity within the church. Wo have had murmuring, cove-
tousness, and simony, and now we come to contention or party spirit,
the testing of the church's internal unity.

(1) 1510 word contended in verse 2 signifies that they were divided
in opinion'. Such division was almost inevitable. While in the church
there were many Hellenists who, following S. Stephen, would be quick
to perceive the transitory character of the law, there were on the
other hand many Pharisees and a large company of priests^ These
would naturally be zealous for the law ; the idea of the conversion of
the Gentiles was new to them ; if a Gentile could be saved, it could
only be by his being circumcised and so becoming a Jew*. The
development of more liberal views would arouse alarm and provoke a
more dogmatic insistence on these points. The more determined
spirits would gradually form a definite party; and their watchword
would be 'circumcision' — ^already in this narrative we read of them
qf the circumcision. To such disciples S. Peter's violation of the law
of uncleanness must have been a grievous scandal.

(2) The way in which the 'contention' was met illustrates the
methods of authority in the church. Hitherto the government had
rested with the apostles. There had been murmuring against them,
but they took the initiative in the consequent action. They decided on
the matter of the Samaritans (viii 14). But now, as soon as conscience
is touched, brethren do not hesitate to make a charge, even against
S. Peter himself. In reply the apostle does not dismiss the cliarge
with an assertion of his own authority, or with a dogmatic decision ,
nor does he refer the matter to his fellow-apostles alone. Instead, he
makes a defence to the church ; he narrates what had liappened, and
trusts for his vindication to the divine will revealed in the facts.
From this we may infer that in an important question like the
admission of the Gentiles, while the divine will ^ides, and the
apostle interprets and acts upon its indications, it is well that the
apostle's interpretation should be submitted to, and obtain the consent
of, the church. It is significant that instead of the apostles simply, we
have in verse 1 the ajwstles and the brethren 'y and after this in verse 22
the churchy in ch xv the apostles and the presbyters,

11 Now the apostles and the brethren that were in Judaea
heard that the Gentiles also had received the word of God.

> In X 20 the same verb !§ translated doubting. ^ xv d, vi 7. * zxi 20 :

xi 18 : XV 1.

XI 2-18 WITH a PETER 161

2 ^And when Peter was come up to Jerusalem, they that were

3 of the circumcision contended with him, saying, Thou wentest

4 in to men uncircumcised, and didst eat with them. But
Peter began, and expounded the matter unto them in order,
saying,

5 I was in the city of Joppa praying : and in a Hrance I saw
a vision, a certain vessel descending, as it were a great sheet
let down from heaven by four comers ; and it came even

6 imto me : upon the which when I had fastened mine eyes,
I considered, and saw the fourfooted beasts of the earth and
wild beasts and creeping things and fowls of the heaven.

7 And I heard also a voice saying unto me. Rise, Peter ; kill

8 and eat. But I said. Not so. Lord : for nothing conunon or

9 unclean hath ever entered into my mouth. But a voice
answered the second time out of heaven, What God hath

10 cleansed, make not thou common. And this was done thrice :

11 and all were drawn up again into heaven. And behold,
forthwith three men stood before the house in which we were,

12 having been sent from Ca)sarea unto me. And the Spirit
bade me go with them, "making no distinction. And these
six brethren also accompanied me ; and we entered into the

13 man's house: and he told us how he had seen the angel
standing in his house, and saying, Send to Joppa, and fetch

14 Simon, whose surname is Peter ; who shall speak unto thee
words, whereby thou shalt be saved, thou and all thy house.

15 And as I began to speak, the Holy Ghost fell on them, even

16 as on us at the beginning. And I remembered the word of
the Lord, how that he said, ^ John indeed baptized with water ;

17 but ye shall be baptized with the Holy Ghost If then God
gave unto them the like gift as lie did also unto us, when we
believed on the Lord Jesus Christy who was I, that I could
withstand God'?

18 And when they heard these things, they held their peace,

1 Bezan runa Peter then after some time would (i.e. willed to) go to Jerusalem,
and he called to him the brethren and confirmed them and^ making also a long dis-
course^ went forth < and passed > through the country places teaching tliem. Now
vyhen he came to Jerusalem and announced to them the grace of Ood^ the brethren
IthcU were of the circumcision contended. ^ Gk ecstasy. ' AV reads nothing

daubting^, ^15. ' Bezan adds that he should not give the Holy Spirit to them
that had believed on him ?

R. A. 11

162 THE VINDICATION xi 1-I8

and glorified God^ saying. Then to the Gentiles also hath God
granted repentance unto life.

2 The Bezan text ^ves a more detailed account of S. Peter's
movements. It is quite clear that he expected some criticism, not
to say opposition, for he took up the sia: brethren with him as

3 witnesses fverse 12). The charge brought against him was not, as
we mi^ht nave expected, that he had baptu^ Cornelius but that
he had entered his house and eaten with him. The Jews were
accustomed to baptize Gentile prosel3rtes, while, as we have seen,
the first practical difficulty which would present itself would arise
firom the law of cleanness, and this law 0. Peter had undoubtedly
broken. It is an instance of the way in which in great contro-
versies the question generally turns upon some practical detail

4 rather than upon the great principles at stake. The apostle's
defence consisted of a ^ recitation of the fsK^ts : and they were

18 unanswerable. His critics had nothing to say, and they glorified
God because he had granted even to the Gentiles repentance unto
life. The form of statement testifies to some surprise, but it is
a fitting conclusion to a narrative, which had begun with the
restoration of Dorcas to life.

There is still a difficulty to face. Twelve or fourteen years later
Jch. xv) there is an influential partjr in the church of Jerusalem still
msisting on the necessity of circumcision ; and in the discussion which
ensues S. Peter does indeed appeal to this event as deciding the
question, but he alludes to it as to something almost forgotten,
whereas it ought to have prevented the discussion arising at all.
Again, S. Peter then appears as the 'apostle of the circumcision.'
Apparently he has not followed up his work amon^ the Gentiles.
On one occasion even, at Antioch, his action was quite inconsistent
with that at Caesarea ; for, after eating with the Gentile Christians, he
separated himself from them. Deeper reflection will however shew
that the history is true to human nature. Human nature is veiy alow
to ^ra^p new principles and realize their consequences. The Gospel
itself is to us a story of almost inconceivable slowness on the part of
the disciples in understanding the Lord's words and actions. And the
slowness remained : it is still characteristic of the Acts. There too
the apostles and disciples are slow to understand the action of the
Spirit. *0 foolish men and slow of heart to believe' — that is the
character of the disciples in each book. Certainly S. Peter had not
realized that the Lord had cleansed all meats. And if Peter required
a divine vision to open his eyes, it is not surprising that it should take
some years for the hidden principle to be fully understood and accepted
by the Jewish church. Nor is this slowness peculiar to the apostolic age.
It is almost more inconceivable how in the seventeenth century a ffood
protestant English captain could be pra3dng and reading tne Sible
on deck, while beneath the hatches he was carr)ring a cargo of negro
slaves to work on American plantations. Nor must the church of

XI 1-18 OF S. PETER 163

to-day throw stones. In foreign missions it is still difficult in practice
to recognize the equality of the converting and converted races : while
in Ajnerica where there are practically two churches, one for the coloured
and one for the white people, it is hard to beheve that the principle
that God is no respecter of persons has been fully realized as yet.

Again, the incident may have passed without a deep eflfect on the
Jewish mind of the church of Jerusalem because of its unique
character. It was a special manifestation of (jod's mercy to certain

Sirsons — not without precedent in the OT, e.g. in the cleansing of
aaman, but not one to be actively followed up. It was only when
the activity of S. Paul had worked out the consequences, — conse-
quences which would in their turn affect the life and conduct of
Jewish Christians — that the whole question blazed out afresh. Then
in the light of the subsequent history S. Peter saw the full signifi-
cance of this particular event at Caesarea. Its narration is, moreover,
a great testimony to the honesty and trustworthiness of S. Luke.
Devoted as he is to S. Paul and to the great work of the conversion
of the Gentiles, which he ascribes to that apostle, yet looking back
years afterwards when S. Paul's principles had won a complete victory,
ne nevertheless gives the palm, the glory of the first admission of the
Gentiles, to the apostle of the circumcision. And that not grudgingly,
but with the fullest emphasis and detail. Indeed from a literary point
of view, in regard to language, details, and circumstances, the admission
of Cornelius by S. Peter is the companion picture to the conversion of
Saul which precedes it. There is mdeed one difference which has a
bearing )Jpon theology, viz. upon the relation of the Persons in the
Blessed Trinity. The one was the direct work of the Lord (Jesus),
the other of tne Holy Ghost : both of whom are linked together in
the intermediate verse ix 31 ^ The difference might be expressed
otherwise: the one was effected through external voice and vision,
the other through inward spiritual impulse.

SECTION II D (=Ch. 11. 19-26)

The Acts of the Hellenists
and foundation of the church at AntiocJi

S. Luke once more returns to the death of Stephen, that is, to
those Hellenists who were scattered abroad in viii 4 ; and the work of
Barnabas here corresponds to that of Philip in ch. viii, both together
flanking the central narratives about Saul and S. Peter. S. Luke retraces

^ e.g. qp. X 19, 20 (xi 12) I [the Spirit] have tent them with iz 11, 17 the Lord
hath tent me, even Jetut, Compare also the double visions to Peter and Cornelias,
Saul and Ananias : the simUar dialogue : the answer to the prayert of ComeUuB
and of Sanl (ix 11, x 30) : the baptism of both, who are fUled with the Spirit
(ix 17--8, X 44-8) : the criBis at midday (ix 3, xxtI 13, and x 9) : the word vettel
(iz 16, z 11) etc.

11—2

164 THE CHURCH REACHES xi 19

his steps because this is the main line of connexion with the future
work. And in these few verses four important points are brought out
(1) The church of Antioch is founded — ^the second mother city or
metropolis of the church, from which issued the great missionary
movement in the Roman empire. (2) For Antioch itself was the
scene of the first preaching to the Gentiles on a considerable scale,
and this preaching receives the sanction of the church of Jerusalem,
f 3) Saul is brought back into the history. (4) The church for the
nrst time attracts the notice of the Graeco-Boman world.

19 They therefore that were scattered abroad upon the
tribulation that arose about Stephen ^travelled as far as
Phoenicia, and Cyprus, and Antioch, speaking the word to

20 none save only to Jews.- But there were some of them, men
of Cyprus and Cyrene, who, when they were come to Antioch,
spake unto the 'Greeks also, 'preaching the Lord Jesus.

21 And the hand of the Lord was with them : and a great
number that believed turned unto the Lord.

22 And the report concerning them came to the ears of the
church which was in Jerusalem : and they sent forth Barnabas

23 as far as Antioch : who, when he was come, and had seen the
grace of God, was glad ; and he exhorted them all, ^that with

24 purpose of heart they would cleave unto the Lord : for he
was a good man, and full of the Holy Ghost and of &ith :

25 and much people was added unto the Lord. ^And he went

26 forth to Tarsus to seek for Saul : and when he had found him,
he brought him unto Antioch. And it came to pass, that
even for a whole year they were gathered together 'with the
church, and taught much people ; and that the disciples were
called Christians first in Antioch.

19 The geograpliical course of the word is clear. From Jerusalem
it ran to the port of Caesarca ; then foUoving the track of coasting
vessels, it went northwards along Pkenicia, touching at Ptolemais,
T^e, and Sidon, in which cities we find bodies of msciples twenty
years later'. From these ports some of the evangelists sailed west-
wards, and the first land sighted was Cyprus^ which had already

^ ^Ly^^^ a&oiit. ' Gk Hellenas, with ((AD (and Bezan author! ties) : AV

and WH read Grecians {Hellenistas) with B and the majority of msb: K originally
had evangelistas, ' Gk evangelizing. * WH with B read in the Lord, and

BY marg translates that they would cleave unto the purpose of their heart in the
Lord, ^ Bezan has And] when he heard that Saul was in Tarsus he went forth

seeking him, and when he met with him he exhorted him to come to Antioch : and they,
when they were come, [were gathered together* ^ Gk in, ? xxi 4, 7, zxvii 3.

XI 14H20 ANTIOCH 165

furnished disciples^ Others however kept to the coasting rout^,
and after passing the important cities of Berytus, Byblus, Aradus
and Laodicea, came to Seleucia, the port of Antioch, and so to
Antioch itself, which lay fifteen miles inland. And so the church
reached Antioch, and thus early displayed its tendency to follow the
highways of civilization and seek the densest centres of population.
Antioch was the capital of the east. After Rome and Alexandria
it ranked as the third city in the empire. And this position it main-
tained in the church. It became distingiiished for its school of theology
and of the interpretation of scripture ; its bishop ranked as one of the
four great patriarchs ; and it was honoured with an illustrious roll of
martyrs and saints, pre-eminent among whom were S. Ignatius and
S. John Clirysostom. The city was beautifully situated on the river
Orontes where it forces its way through the mountains; and the
beauty of the site was matched by the beauty of the city. Towards
this Herod the Great had made no little contribution, when he paved
and lined with colonnades the main street, which ran right through the
city like the Straight Street at Damascus. The mass of the population
was Syrian; the society and culture was Greek; while the Roman
governor of Syria, with his court and bureaucracy, secured the official
predominance of the Latins. Side by side with these the Jews added a
fourth, and not insignificant, element to the city. Antioch had been
founded by Seleucus Nicator about b.o. 300, and he planted in it a
number of Jews, giving them e^ual citizen rights with the Macedonians
and Greeks. As at Alexandria, the Jews formed almost a separate
community under a governor of their own ; they had attained to a
great degree of prosperity ; and were specially noted for the number of
proselytes they had won to Judaism^ The aspiration after a higher
life to which this testifies was no doubt due to reaction against the
prevailing moral atmosphere. The one occupation of the Antiochenes
was pleasure-seeking ; and stimulated by the luxurious beauty of the
scenery, the mixed population, and the voluptuous character of the
oriental worships, such pleasure-seeking led to disastrous moral results.
The famous sanctuary of Daphne, which lay five miles from the city
and was the favourite resort of the citizens, had an evil name. When
the satirist Juvenal wants to sum up in one line the moral degradation
of Rome, the most scornful reproach he can find is that * the Syrian
Orontes has flowed into the Tiber'.' Such a city was a field white for
the harvest, * easping like a thirsty land' for a renovating and life-giving
gospel; and the large fringe of Gentile adherents which nung round the
synagogue offered the Christian evangelist a golden opportunity.
20 At Antioch some ofihQ evangelists maSe a new departure. They
were men of Cyprus and Gyrene^ — countries which figured largely
in the origins of Christianity, — and as such they were Hellenists,
Greek-spes^ing Jews, like Stephen and Philip. Among them no

1 e.g. Barnabas (iy 86), Mnason (xxi 16). ' Josephos B, J, vii 3. 3.

s Sat. ui 62.

166 * GREEKS' AND * GRECIANS' xi 20

doubt were Simon Niger (i.e. * the black ') and Lucius of Cyrene^
Hitherto they had spoken to Jews only, but now in the great Greek
city of Antioch they preached the gospel of the Lord Jesus to the
Greeks also. It is curious that at this word, which is the pivot of
the whole narrative, our best manuscripts should differ, some reading
Greeks, others Grecians (i.e. Hellenists), In spite however of the great
authority of Dr Hort, who still adheres to the Vatican ms B and
reads Grecians, the history itself leaves in us no doubt that the
right reading is Greeks. The word had already been 8{K)ken to
Hellenists, tne church contained a large body of Hellenists, the
evangelists themselves were Hellenists ; and so there would be little
point in the remark that they preached — even to the Hellenists.
The reason for the confusion is obvious. The condition of the
relations between Jews and Gentiles which prevailed at that moment
quickly passed away; and after two or three hundred years the
aistinction between Greek (Hellen) and Grecian (Hellenist) was
as little understood as it is by the ordinary reader of to-day.
It is however very necessary for us to obtain a clear idea of the
distinction, if we are to understand the history of the Acts as a whole,
and in particular the relation of this preaching to Greeks at Antioch on
the one hand to S. Peter's work at Caesarea, on the other to the
work of S. Paul and S. Barnabas on their first journey. How does this
preaching mark an advance, and yet not anticipate the taming of
S. Paul to the Gentiles, which was obviously a new thing (xiii 46) ?
The truth is that the simple division into Jew and Gentile is &r too
simple for the facts. Without counting circumcised proselytes, who
may be reckoned to the Jews, we can distinguish at least four classes.
Among the Jews there were (1) Jews proper or Hebrews, (2) Greek-
speaking Jews or Hellenists; and among the Gentiles there were
(3) * God-fearing' adherents of the s3niagogue, (4) the mass of heathen
without any relation to Judaism. By the thorough Jew both these
classes (3) and (4), being without circumcision, were summed up under
the somewhat scornful name of the Gentiles (literally nation^. But
Hellenist Christians, like S. Paul and these evangebsts, were broad-
minded enough to appreciate the wide difference between the two
classes, and they made a distinction : by Gentiles generally they meant
the latter (4), while to the former (3) they gave the name of Greeks*.
And this word occurs here for the first time in the Acts.

The preaching at Antioch we suppose was to the third class of the
(3od-fearmg Greeks, whom we know to have been very numerous at
Antioch. This was, then, a new departure; for in Jerusalem this

^ xiii 1 : where we should have expected also to find the name of NieoUu of
Antioch (vi 5). * Of coorBe S. Paul as a Boman citizen would also speak of

oiYilised men in general as Greeks. But that there is some ground for the distinction
between Greeks and Gentiles, on the lips of a Hellenist Jew, will be seen if we
compare e.g. the Gentiles in xiii 46, 48, xiy 2, 5, 27, xv 3, with the Greeks in the
Bynagogne (xiy 1). Also in xyii 4, xviii 4, xxi 28 (and probably xvii 12) Greeks is
used of the God-fearing class. At Ephesos (xix 10, 17, xx 21) it is used in the wider
sense.

XI 21 AT ANTIOCH 167

class was very small, if not almost non-existent, while in Phenicia
and Cyprus the evangelists had preached to Jews only. Cornelius and
his friends were of tms class, and we have seen what an extraordinary
event intercourse with them had appeared to S. Peter and the Hebrew
Clnnstians. Whether this preacmng at Antioch actually preceded
S. Peter's mission we do not know. S. Luke does indeed go back to
S. Stephen's death, but his general aim was to write 4n order ' (Lk i 3),
and in an}r case the baptism of Cornelius was the first public act of
authority in opening tne door of the church. On the other hand
this preaching did not anticipate S. Paul's advance. For when he
'turned to the Oentiles,' they were Gentiles of the last class, and he
spoke to them directly, not through the synagogue.

What was the result at Antioch S. Luke now tells us, and his
language must be read with care. To the English reader it may sound
like a succession of the general phrases of piety. But the words
have a definite meaning, and they describe a great development and
change which was taking place in the church at Antioch. For this
church was to b«K)me the great Hellenist or ' Greek ' church, holding a

S)sition half-way between the Hebrew church of Jerusalem and tne
entile churches founded by S. Paul\
21 This new step of the evangelists received (1) the divine sanction,
which was shewn in signs and wonders— for that is the meaning of
the hand of the Lord^, They had also (2) the sanction of success,
for a great number who had believed ' turned to the Lord. They had
believed that what they had heard, the good news about the Lord
Jesus, was true; and consequently their minds and wills were
turned to the church, they were 'giving heed*.' It is not stated in
the text that the turning included baptism. It would have been a
bold step for the evangelists to have baptized them on their own
responsibility, as S. Peter's hesitation at Caesarea has shewn*. The
converts themselves may have shrunk from the definite act of self-
identification with the church, a body of alien Jews, which involved
cutting themselves off from their old life. It was one thing to
believe with the mind and to give attention, another to act. On
the other hand * turning ' was generally followed by baptism', and
S. Philip had baptized the Samaritans. But even if baptized this
great number remained in an anomalous position. (1) There was
the gift of the Holy Ghost. Had they received it, or were they still
in the position of the Samaritans of viii 16 ? (2) There was their
relation to the Jewish believers. They were uncircumcised. Were
they then still unclean? would their fellow-Christians enter Hieir

^ It was in Antioch that the great disputation about ciroomciBion arose (zv 1).
' Cp. iv 30, xiii 11 : also what happened at Samaria, viii 6-7. The exact
phrase occurs in Lk i 66. * The omission of the article in the Greek with AV,

Bezan, and later hbs, would make an easier reading — a great number believed arid
turned. * Cp. viii 6, 10, 11, xvi 14. The phrase occurred in iz 85. Turn is the
word used for the Gentiles turning to the true God (xiv 16, zv 8, 19, zxvi 18, 20,
I Thess i 9). » z 47 : cp. viii 36 {hinder). • Cp. zvi 14-5.

168 S. BARNABAS' MISSION xi 21-23

houses and eat with them^ ? Must they be circumcised as well as
baptized, or are the Jewish Christians to receive them as they are ?

22 Some decision must be made, and it rested obviously with the
apostles and the mother church. There is no suggestion of any
appHBal, but the report of these developments and the ambiguous
position of this great body' reached Jerusalem, and the church there
fdt bound to tuce some cognizance : as in the matters of Samaria
and Cornelius, it had either to bind or to loose. No dogmatic
decision about preaching to the Greeks was made ; but they — viz.
(to jud^e by analogy with xv 22) the apostles and presbyters with
the whole church — sent forth a delegate, evidently with full powers.
The choice of delegate for this mission was a proof of the brotherly
feeling and conciliatory spirit of the elder church. For he was
Bamabds, himself a Cypnote like some of the evangelists. And

24 Barnabas (1) was in character a good, i.e. kindly, man ; his power
of conciliation had been proved in his introduction of Saul to the
Twelve. Also, (2) like Stephen^ he was fully endowed with faith
and the gifts of the Spirit — in particular that of * paracl^sis.' When
we further compare tne words of ix 17 i« fUled with the Holy Ghost,
the condition of being full of the Holy Ghost seems to be specified
here in view of the gift of the Spirit by the laying on of hanos*.

23 On his arrival S. Barnabas (1) was convinced of the divine
sanction from the evident signs which he saw of the grace of God
in the wonders wrought and the fervour of faith ; and this filled
him with joy : cp. viii 8, 39. (2) His decision was to accept
the situation. In this he was not acting without the Spirit's
guidance, for he was exercising his spirituaTgift of 'paraclfisis' or
exhortation. He accepted the Greeks, and pleaded for unity ; for
he exhorted them all, both Jews and Greeks, to cleave to the Lord
with the purpose of their heart. The Greek word for purpose is
literally setting forth ; metaphorically it denotes the setting forth in
the mind or purpose ; and S. Paul uses it for the divine purpose*.
Thus the general idea is of purpose as set forth or testifiea by out-
ward action. The word for cleave to is translated continue in xiii 43,
and the phrase there, continue in the grace of God, — which contains
the idea of waiting for further divine response — throws light on this
passage. S. Barnabas then exhorts the Autiochene Cimstians to
continue in their present state of grace and liberty : only they must
carry out their spiritual puipose — the Greeks, by receiving baptism

1 X 28, xi 3. This is the very question which did cause difficulty at Antiooh
later on (Gal ii 12). ^ The report was (we note) about them. ' vi 5.

* viii 18. The case of Samaria must be carefully compared, as giving the key to
what happened at Antioch. Having given a typical picture, S. Luke does not repeat
himself. ^ xxvii 13 : Bom viii 28, ix 11, Eph i 11, iii 11. This word prothetis

was used in the Greek Bible (and so in Mt xii 4, Lk vi 4, Hebr ix 2) for the loaves
of the shewbread, i.e. ttie loavet of the setting forth. Thus, like the word memorial
in X 1, purpote has associations with Jewish ritual. So to this day the title prot)iesiM
IB given to the * setting forth ' of the bread and wine in the Greek liturgy, and it is
also the name of the sacristy where this takes place.

XI 23-26 TO ANTIOCH 169

or the layinff on of hands (as was needed), the Jews by accepting the
Greeks as their brothers : and so cleaning to the Lordy they would
be one — for he (and not the law or circumcision) is the source
of unity — and might look for farther signs of his fevour*. That
this exhortation of S. Barnabas was one of conciliation is shewn by
the subsequent condition of the church at Antioch. The Greeks
were not circumcised : and yet the Jewish Christians lived and
ate with them — in feet the whole church lived *as the Gentiles do.'
(This we learn from xv 1, and from Gal ii 11-14.)

24 The immediate result was a great advance. Much people (or a
great crowd) was added to the Lord These were probably new
converts in addition to the great number of verse 21 who had now
been definitely joined to the fellowship of the apostles (ii 42, 47).

25 Tliis addition must have made a great demand upon the church's
ministerial resources, but S. Barnabas was equal to the occasion.
He knew of one exactly suited for this development of church
work — a Hebrew yet full of Roman sympathies, intimate with
Greek thought, and familiar with the neighbourhood. This was
SauL Hearing that he was still at TarmSy Barnabas went thither,

26 and after some reluctance on Saul's part^ brought him to Antioch^
about the year 42. Here, together with other prophets and teachers
(^xiii 1), they exercised their ministry for a whole year*. In this
interval {I) they were gathered togethei' in the church. This is the
ordinary pnrase for the assembling for worship ; but here no doubt
it refers to verses 20 and 23, and describes the work of gathering
together Jews and Greeks into one body in the church*. (2) They
taught a great crowd. This mass of new Greek converts, although
coming for the most part Twe suppose) from adherents of the
synagogue, required a great aeal of systematic teaching after their
acceptance of the first preaching of the gospel.

This systematic organization of the church had a further effect.
It attracted the notice of the Antiochene public. The pleasure-
loving city was noted for its epigrams and witty nicknames, and
they soon coined a name for this new body. Its watehword was
the Christ'-CHRISTOS. That was a title not very intelligible to
the outsider, but it was very like another word — chrhtoSy which
meant a good worthy fellow. So ^vith an intentional confusion they

^ These phrases turned to, added tOf cleave to the Lord are signs of the identity
of the Lord with the church as his hodj. Gp. in tJte church, verse 26 ; and verse
24 with ii 47. The interpretation given above is better expressed by ihe reading
of the BY margin. * This we infer from the exhortation of the Bezan text.

> TMb is the first of the series of spaces of time by which S. Luke marks S. Paul's
ministry. The others are 18 months at Corinth (xviii 11) : two years at Ephesus,
Gaesarea, Bome (xix 10, xxiv 27, xxviii 80). ^ So Jn xi 52. Synaxis, the

gathering together, became the usual word for * service ' : cp. iv 31 and xx 7, 8. The
word is somewhat characteristic of Antioch, xiv 27 and xv 30. There is no mention
of the synagogue at Antioch, and we may suspect that the Antiodienes were the
first Christians to poFscss a proper ecclesia or church of their own. The English
versions have no right to translate with the church: the Greek is in.

170 'CHRISTIANS' xi 26

dubbed the followers of the Christ tie CffBESTIANOI or tks
worthy folk. For it seems most likely from the evidence of early
Mss and inscriptions^, and the passage in Suetonius about one
Chrestus who disturbed the Jews at Rome, that this was the
original form of 'Christian.' In Agnppa's mouth (xxvi 28) the
w(ml has a ring of contempt; and ii, like 'Nazarene,' it was a
term of reproach, we can understand why the disciples were slow
to adopt a title in which they would otherwise nave naturally
gloried. In S. Peter's first Epistle (iv 16) it still appears as the
name current without^ rather than within, the church. In Ckristiany
as in the inscription on the Cross, we may see figured the universal
character of Christianity. The word is Greek, the idea Hebrew,
and the form Latin*. But this is an afterthought; at the time the
populace of Antioch simply coined a Greek name out of a Greek word
chrestus or christus, Tnis significant word CHRISTIANS comes
last in the sentence, and is evidently meant to close not merely
a sentence but a whole chapter in church history: just as the
following words Now in these days are the formula for a new
beginning, as in i 15, vi 1, Lk i 5, ii 1.

^ In bofch of these there is always concision between 9* EI, I. Thas codex K
has here ehristianotUt B and D chreistiamwt, ' i& the termination -awm :

but -ianM was also a Greek form.

DIVISION III

(=Ch, 11. 27—12)

THE PASSING OF PETER
AND TRANSITION FROM JERUSALEM TO ANTIOCH

In the year 44, when Herod Agrippa died and Judaea was made a
Raman province, under the procurator Cuspiu^ Fadus: Claudius
being emperor (a.d. 41-54).

The scene is now changing from Jerusalem to Antioch (verse 27),
as the rdle of chief actor from S. Peter to S. Paul. We are passing
from Part I to Part II. And this division which brings together Saul
and Peter, Antioch and Jerusalem, marks the transition. As the
subject of the division is the removal of the apostle to another place,
it concludes the ACTS OF PETER, and may be entitled THE
PASSING OF PETER, or, as that was brought about through
suflFering, THE PASSION OF PETER. S. Luke, however, by
his use of the formula Now in these d^ys, rather regards it as the
introduction to the ACTS OF PAUL, There is also a new and
most interesting feature, which is the appearance of the writer
himself in verse 27 (i.e. according to the Bezan text). S. Luke,
then, was at this time a member of the church at Antioch, — was he
one of the * great number' or the *much people' of xi 21, 24? — and that
is why he is able to give a picture, so accurate and so full of tact, of
the growth of the Greek cnurch at Antioch. We miss indeed local
touches, such as he ^ves at Philippi : but this loss may be compen-
sated for by the notices of persons. These matters, however, rather
belong to the Introduction, where see ch. ii § 1.

§ 1 TTie prapJietic mission from Jerusalem to Antioch

There does not appear to have been a community of goods at
Antioch as at Jerusalem, but this section shews that there was the
same spirit. (1) We learn that the * common' feeling should bind
together not only the individuals in the local community, but also the
different communities however widely separated, for all are brothers
(verse 29). This is the first instance of a public collection in one
church for another and it originates in the spontaneous liberality of
the disciples. S. Paul followed up the precedent by making a collection
among his Gentile churches for the orethren at Jerusalem which is
of some importance in the history : see xxiv 17, Rom xv 25-26,
I Cor xvi 1, il Cor viii-ix*. (2) We notice in particular the friendly

~Cp. II Cor viii 14.

172 PROPHETS COME DOWN TO ANTIOCH xi 27-28

relations of the church of Antioch to Jerusalem. The church at
Jerusalem was poor (p. 42), the more so after the persecution, and
a &mine gave their comparatively richer brethren at Antioch an
opportunity of shewing their latitude for S. Barnabas' mission. They
send him back, as it were, wim interest.

The famine was first intimated by a prophet. We have already
had prophetic action and utterances ; but uiis is the first mention
of prophets, as in verse 30 of presbyters (i.e. elders). The position
of these orders is discussed in tne Introduction (ch. vi § 2).

27 Now in these days there came down prophets from

28 Jerusalem unto Antioch.^ And there stood up one of them
named Agabus, and signified by the Spirit that there should
be a great &mine over all the world : which came to pass in

29 the days of Claudius. And the disciples, every man according
to his ability, determined to send ^relief unto the brethren

30 that dwelt in Judaea : which also they did, sending it to the
elders by the hand of Barnabas and SauL

27 The date of these days is not given. From the narrative we
may put it in the year 43 or 44 ; and the visit of the prophets
may have been due to the threatening attitude or actual nostility
of Agrippa towards the church at Jerusalem. Exhortation or en-
couragement being the chief function of prophets, their arrival

28 caused great gladness or exultation at Antioch . There was some
special gathenng of the church, perhaps for the paschal festival ;
and when we were collected togeth&r (S. Luke himsen being present),
oae of the prophets named Agabus received a revelation and
prophesied\ In this case the prophecy was a prediction. It was
signified, that is illustrated by a sign or symbolical action, such
as when several vears later the same Agabus bound his hands
and feet with Paul's girdle (xxi 11\ This action was entirely after
the manner of the prophets of old, of whose signs the OT record
is full. We read for instance of Ahijah tearing Jeroboam's cloak
into twelve pieces, Zedekiah the false prophet making horns of
iron, and Jeremiah breaking a potter's vessel*. The prediction was
of a famine, which did come to pass in the reign of Claudius (a.d.
41~54)'. The famine was to be over all the world, i.e. the civilized
(in the Greek inhabited) world of the Iloman empire. In Roman

1 Bezan adds And there was much gladness. And when we were collected together,
one ef them named Agabus spake [and signified, ^ Gk /or ministru or service

(diakonid^. ' The addition in the Bezan text is very Lncan. ^e gladness

(ii 46, zvi 84, Lk i 14, 44) gives the note of joy, otherwise omitted at Antiooh : the
epithet much is nsed as in viii 8 much joy. Collected together ooonrs in the aetitv
xxviii 8 : and it is read in Mt xvii 22 (RV margin). Most likely it ezpreaseB the
ooUeoting together after evangelistic worK in the neighbourhood. * I Oor xiv

26-30 helps us to picture the scene. ^ I E xi 30, xxii 11, Jer xix 10. * This

is a note of S. Luke (not of Agabus) writing probably in the next reign.

XI 28-30 HEROD AGRIPPA I 173

historians there are notices of some distress caused at Rome by
famine more than once in Claudius' reign, but there is no mention
of a universal &mine, and all the world is probably to be taken
as one of the exaggerated expressions which are found here and
there in the Acts. From the Acts itself we should not gather that
the famine extended as far as Antioch. On the other hand S. Luke
is confirmed by Josephus, who gives an account of a severe famine

29 in Palestine in the interval between the years 44 and 48. The
Christians at Antioch at once determined to minister to their
Jewish brethren. They raised a sum, each contributing in pro-
portion to his means\ and then sent it by two delegates of high

30 position in the church, none other than Barnabas and Saul, who
delivered it to the presbyters at Jerusalem. The phrase which
also (or actually) they did serves a real purpose in the literary
composition of tne section. It marks the sending as a distinct
act which took place later on when the famine actually came, viz.
after the events of xii 1-24, and S. Luke thus gives a hint that
he is anticipating xii 25.

§ 2 2%e second persecution. The imprisonment and

deliverance of Peter

Abofit that season, viz. of the visit of the prophets to Antioch or
the interval between that visit and the return of Barnabas and Saul
to Jerusalem, for the third' time persecution fell on the church. It
had been persecuted by the Sadducean high-priests : then by the
Pharisees and the people. There remained one more party among
the Jews — the Herodians. And now Herod himself, the king, thrust
out his hands* and struck a blow at the church. This Herod, commonly
known as ^Agrippa I, was grandson of Herod the Great and had been
brought up at Kome in intimate relations with the imperial &mily.
He heul become a great friend of the young Caligula; and while tins
friendship brought him in danger of his liie under Tiberius, it made
his fortune at me accession of Caligula. For Cali^la gave him with
the tiUe of *king' the tetrarchy of Philip (Lk lii 1), and shortly
aiierwards the territory of Herod Antipas, viz. Galilee and Peraea.
But the death of Caligula was still more profitable to Agrippa than his
friendship in life. For Agrippa was instrumental in getting the senate
to accept Claudius as his successor ; and the grateful emperor added
to Agnppa's kingdom Judaea and Samaria. Agrippa had hitherto
remainea at Rome, where he had been notonous chiefly for his

Jrodigality and extravagance. Now he returned to his kingdom of
udaea, and there, in order to gain the favour of the Jews, he displayed
the greatest assiduity in the observance of the law and the exhibition
of external righteousness. Having been baffled in his more ambitious
political projects by the prefect of Syria, Herod found another outlet
for a display of patriotism in an attack on * the Nazarenes,' who during

1 8. Paul's principle in I Cor xvi 2. ^ bat second, in the technical sense of

' perseention ' onto death. ' Lk zxi 12.

174 PERSECUTION OF THE CHURCH xii

the trouble of the Jews under Caligula had been enjoying a time of
peace.

This persecution was not general : as in the nsual course of
subsequent persecutions, it was directed first against certain of the
church, i.e. its leaders — in this case S. James and S. Peter, and, com-
paring verse 17, we may infer that they were the only members of ihe
Twelve remaining in Jerusalem. S. James, the son of Zebedec^ with
his younger brother John and S. Peter, held a leading place in the
Lord's company of disciples: together they formed *the first iJiree*.'
Since the resurrection John had been coming more to the front (cp. i 13,
iii 1), and here James is distinguished as the brother qf John — the
apostle still living and £a,mous in the church when the Acts was written'.
Tfius is the only place, outside of the list of the Twelve, where he is
mentioned in the Acts. His individual work had apparently no special
influence on the side of the history which it was S. Luke's aim to
emphasize; and the manner of his death is barely indicated. We
are struck with the brief notice given to an event which in our eyes
would be so important — the martyrdom of an apostle. It is of a piece
with the silence about the details of Stephen's persecution, and about
the deaths of the other apostles ; and renects the true instincts of the
early church. In days of ardent faith and also of expectation of the
Lord's speedy return, death sank into its true place as simplv a cliange
of condition : at the worst it was but a falling asleep (vii 60;. For an
apostle indeed it was a birthday, an entrance into true life and return
to companionship with the Master. Accordingly instead of dwelling
with morbid interest on the painful details of the martyrs' sufferings,
the church pressed forward to reap with joy the harvest of their blood.
S. Luke may single out S. James for mention because (1) he was tiie
first of the apostles (as far as we know^ to pass away : and (2) his death
led up to the following history of Peter s deliverance. (3) The removal of
James would also obviate confusion with the other James — the 'James'
known to the church at large — who was the Lord's brother'. (4) Lastly,
S. Luke may have wished the church to mark the fulfilment of tiie
promise to the son of Zebedee which probably was already current, as
it has found a place in the Oospels of S. Matthew and S. M€krk\

S. Peter's imprisonment on the other hand was important because
it took him — the last of the Twelve remaining there — away from
Jerusalem. But there seems no special call for such a wealth of detail in
contrast to the brief sentence about James. S. Luke no doubt reJates
it because he had received a vivid account which was too precious
to be lost. S. Peter must have been the sole authority for the greater
part of the story : and S. Luke may have received it from John Mark,
very much as the latter heard it from the lips of S. Peter in his
mother's house. The story also served as a lesson to the church of

^ They alone were present at the raising of Jairus' daughter, the transfiguration,
and the agony in Gethsemane. ^ In the Oospels (Mt Mk) it is John t)^ brother

ofJamu. In Acts i 13, however, John comes first. ' The James of zU 17,

zv 18, xxi 18 : cp. Oal ii 9, 12. « Mt zz 20-28, Mk z 85-45.

xn AND IMPRISONMENT OP PETER 176

the power of prayer, a parable of hope in the face of obstacles, and
a type of resurrection. Lastly, in the sequel, the judgement on Herod,
we nave a signal instance of divine retribution, l^ides the direct
parallel to Herod's trial of Jesus, the details and language very much
recall S. Peter's own &ilures in the OospeP, in Oethsemane ana in the
high-jniest's house. Thus S. Peter also suffered retribution like S. Paulj;
and with this deliverance from imprisonment we should compare that
of S. Paul and Silas at Philippi (xvi 23-34).

12 Now about that time Herod the king put forth his hands

2 to affict certain of the church. Aud he killed James the

3 brother of Johu with the sword And when he saw that 'it
pleased the Jews, he 'proceeded to seize Peter alsa And

4 those were the days of unleavened bread. And when he had
taken him, he put him in prison, and delivered him to four
quaternions of soldiers to guard him ; intending after the
Passover to bring him forth to the peopla

5 Peter therefore was kept in the prison : but prayer was

6 made earnestly of the church unto God for him. And when
Herod was about to bring him forth, the same night Peter
was sleeping between two soldiers, bound with two chains :

7 and guards before the door kept the prison. And behold,
^an angel of the Lord 'stood by him, and a light shined in
the ceU: and he smote Peter on the side, and awoke him,
saying. Rise up quickly. And his chains fell off from his

8 hands. And the angel said unto him. Gird thyself, and bind
on thy sandals. And he did so. And he saith unto him,

9 Cast thy garment about thee, and follow me. And he went
out, and followed ; and he wist not that it was true which

10 was done by the angel, but thought he saw a vision. And
when they were past the first and the second ward, they
came unto the iron gate that leadeth into the city ; which

- -- — — p;^

^ Thus ▼▼. 5-9 call to mind the scene in Gethsemane — the prayer ^ its earfuttnesi,
the sleeping of Peter and appearance of the angels the smiting (as of Malchus) and
tise rising up. 8. Peter was the anthority for the narrative, and the verhal coind-
dimoes shew at least what was in his mind. With the iron gate of verse 10 cp.
a similar ohstaole, the stone at the sepulchre (Mk xvi 8-4) : and on the evening of
the resurrection the disciples helieved not for joy (Lk zxiv 41 : contrast their
sleeping for sorrow at Gethsemane xxii 45). 18-16 call np the picture of Peter
standing wthout at the door of the high-priest (Jn xviii 16) : there too was a maid
who kept the door, recognition by the voice^ and cor^dent affirmation, ' Bezan

has his attack upon the faithful. ' Gk added to taJtfi (a Hobraism). ^ Or

the angel (AY). ' AY came upon, as in Lk ii 9.

176 THE DELIVERANCE xn 1-2

opened to them of its own accord : and they went out^ and
passed on through one street; and straightway the angel

11 departed from him. And when Peter was come to himself,
he said; Now I know of a truth, that the Lord hath sent forth
his angel and delivered me out of the hand of Herod, and

12 from all the expectation of the people of the Jews. And
when he had considered the thing, he came to the house of
Mary the mother of John whose surname was Mark ; where

13 many were gathered together and were praying. And when
he knocked at the door of the gate, a maid came to answer,

14 named Rhoda. And when she knew Peter's voice, she opened
not the gate for joy, but ran in, and told that Peter stood

15 before the gate. And they said unto her, Thou art mad.
But she confidently affirmed that it was even so. And they

16 said, 'It is his angeL But Peter continued knocking : and
when they had opened, they saw him, and were amazed.

17 But he, beckoning unto them with the hand to hold their
peace, 'declared unto them how the Lord had brought him
forth out of the prison. And he said, Tell these things unto
James, and to the brethren. And he departed, and went to
another place.

18 Now as soon as it was day, there was no small stir among

19 the soldiers, what was become of Peter. And when Herod
had sought for him, and found him not, he examined the
guards, and commanded that they should be put to death.
And he went down from Judsea to Csesarea, and tarried there.

1 From Herod's death we can date S. Peter's imprisonment at
Easter, a.d. 44. The affliction (or persecution, vii 6) had begun
previously. According to a tradition reported by Clement of
Alexandna, it arose in a way similar to that about Stephen. Some

2 one brought an accusation against S. James, This time, however,
the charge was made in the long's court, and the penalty was not
the legal one of stoning, but the civil and political mode of
beheading : S. James was kiUed with the swordy like John the
Baptist. The charge, then, was one of disloyalty rather than of
breaking the Law. King Agrippa would liave been as jealous of
the preaching of the kingdom of the Messiah, as his grand&ther
had been at the news of the birth of the King of the Jews.

^ Bezan adds and, descended the seven steps. ^ Bozan inserts Perhaps,

' Bezan inserts went in and.

'r*r

KOis-gr OF S. PETER 17J

Whether others beside Peter are included in the certain of the
ckurek we do not know. Five years later S. Paul wrote that the
Jews 'both killed the Lord Jesus and the prophets and drave out
113^ ' : and besides the persecution about Stephen there is no other

S occasion to which we can refer this ' killing of the prophets.' The
Nazarenes had never regained the popularity whicn they lost
through Stephen's preaching; and the death of James was very
phasing^ to the Jews. Seeing this, Herod determined to strike a
decisive blow at the church by slaying its ringleader* — Peter,
like the Lord, Peter was arrested at the Passover ; but the scrupu-
lous Herod would not pollute the eight days of unleavened bread

•A by the shedding of blood, and Peter was k^t in prison^ i.e. the
loyal prison in the city. This was his tliird imprisonment, and
possibly the recollection of a former deliverance caused special
precautions to be taken\ Peter was confined in the inmost ward,
and /our quaternions guarded him — one for each watch. Of the
four men in each quaternion, two were in the cell itself, each one
chained to the prisoner, and the others kept watch at the doors of
the outer and inner walls.

^i This was a heavy blow to fall upon the church at its Easter

f AV), and the holy days were spent m earnest prayer for Peter's

ddiverance. The Greek word for earnest is literally stretched outy

hot it denotes not the extent of the prayer in time (unceasing^

AV), but its intensity, i.e. intent-ness in quality. All tne spiritual

faculties were intent and taut. Such had been the character of

the L(nrd's prayer in Grethsemane, when he 'praved more eamestly^'

CThe prayer was answered^ On the eve of the day fixed for his

public execution, when he was to be sacrificed^ to the people, on

tkat night* Peter teas sleeping quietly, chained to the two soldiers,

his sandals and cloak laid aside and his girdle unloosed. The time

Memed to have come ' when another should gird him and carry him

7 whither he would not,' and so he would return to his Master'. But

the end was not yet. He felt a blow on his side and waking found

B(JU cell full of ligktf and a man bidding him dress himself and

follow, while at the same time the chains /ell off his wrists. It was

iks angel 0/ the Lord who had come upon him suddenly as upon the

iheph^ds in the field, and the liffht was not a mere substitute for a

) lantern, but the glory of the Lora^^ Peter obeyed, thinking it was

' I TliMs ii 16. Ab has been snggested the propheU of xi 27 may have been

'«i«i out ' by Herod. » vi 6 (Gk). » xxiv 6. * Iv 8, v 18 : v 18-26.

Uxzii 44. This eam€ttTU$$ was also the mark of Jewish worship (Acts xzyi 7)

lai ChziitiaD love (I Pet i 22, iy 8). * As had been the earUer prayer of the

chmb fai iv 34-31. ' B has a reading which is not so simple as the BY bring

/Ml it is rather Mng to, i.e. the people, and is the word ased by S. Peter of

Chiiil hfinging os to God (I iii 18). It occors in xvi 20 ot presenting to magistrates.

' Re solemn phrase 'the same night' reoaUs * the same night in which (the Lord)

ill beteyed ' (I Cor xi 28) ; bat this was a week later, at the end of the fioast.

' fits KebWn poem for S. Peter's Day in The Christian Year, He seems to read

thi aposUe's thoughts. ^"^ Lk u 9.

B.A. 12

178 THE HOUSE OF MARY xii io-i5

10 all a vision^ and they passed out through the doors. The last great
iron gate which opened on the city must have seemed an insuperable
obstacle. But as the women on the way to the Lord's tomb had
wondered Who shall roll us away the stone from the tomb t and then
found it removed \ so this door opened of its ottm accord, and they
went down the seven steps into the street. The seven steps are just
one of those unimportant details in the picture, which even at the
most exciting crises strike the eye and fix themselves in the

11 memory". When the angel left him and S. Peter came to himself
he perceived it was all actual fa^it^ : and that it was a true passover
or deliverance for him*. But he had quickly to decide on his
course of action. In a few hours the soldiers would discover his

12 escape and start in pursuit. So he made his way to the hoiise of
Mary the mother of John Mark.

This introduces us to another Mary, another of those women
whose praise was in the early church". The ^ate, i.e. the gateway
into the courtyard, and the maid or portress, mdicate the residence
of a well-to-do family*. The house being spacious had become a
kind of centre in the church; there was a 'church in Mary's house'.'
Mary was a widow, and of note in the church. She was related
to Barnabas. Peter calls her son John *my son*'; his voice is
well known to the portress ; and when released fix)m prison, it is to
Mary's house that he turns his steps. At the moment that house
was full of disciples engaged in prayer for him. It is an early
instance of the &cA custom of ipending the whole night in
watching and prayer*. The gathering was however informal and
none of the official leaders of the church were present (verse 17).

13 When they heard Peter's hnocMng^ Rhoda crossed the courtyard to

14 answer; but when she ran back with the news that Peter stood before
the gate, like the disciples on the resurrection day unable to believe

\hfor joy (Lk xxiv 41), they concluded that it is his angel. This
verse, with the Lord's sanction in Mat xviii 10, is generally appealed
to for proof of the doctrine of guardian angels. The idea of an
accompanying angel is found almost at the beginning of the Bible ^*;
but the earhest idea was rather — God was with Am", and the

^ Mk zvi 3-4. * The steps oome from the Bezan text. The narrative U full

of those accurate terms which testify to personal acquaintance with the scene : the
celly the first and second ward, the door, the iron gate, the seven steps, the quater^
nions, the two chains. ^ With of a truth op. z 34, iv 27. ^ The Lord

brought him out (verse 17), as he brought out Israel from Egypt (ziii 17). For deliver-
ance by the angel cp. Ps xzxiv 7, Dan iii 28, vi 22. * The other Maxys were
the mother of Jesus, Mary wife of Cleopas, mother of James and Joees, BCaiy of
Bethany and Mary of Magdala. ^ There was a gate and portress in the high-
priest's house (Jn xviii 16). Barnabas a relative of the family had been a man of
means. ' It has been conjectured that this house was the scene of the Last
Supper ; cp. Edersheim Life etc. of the Messiah n p. 485. This would naturaUy
follow upon the identification of the young man of Mk xiv 61-2 with John Mark.
* I Pet V 13. * After the example of the Lord : so at Troas (xz 7-12, which
see). ^^ Gen xlviii 16, Exod xiv 19, zxiu 20, zxxii 34, xxxiii 2 etc » ^^eta
vU 9, Gen zlvi 4, zzi 22, zzvi 24, 28, zzviii 15, Exod zxxiu 3, 14 etc

HI 15-19 PETER GOES TO ANOTHER PLACE 179

accompanying angel is the angel of Jehovah or his Word (see above,

pp. 71-2). However, in the last two or three centuries beiore Christ

the doctrine of angels had been greatly developed. The Jewish

apocryphal literature is full of inrormation and speculation about

angels, which speculations were destined to prove a source of trouble

to tiie church m the later apostolic age^ in Daniel's Michael your

princSy the prince of Persia etc. we find guardian angels of nations^

Tobit y 21, a good angel shall go with him, seems to be the first

definite allusion to the guardian angel of an individual : and this

Terse in the Acts shews that the belief had become current among

the Jews' in the apostolic age. The passage in Tobit however and

those in Talmudic literature* speak of angels, one or more, sent

by God from time to time rather than of a particular angel assigned

to each person at birth. Here the parallel between his angel and the

Lord's angel in verse 1 1 may imply that the angel was some spiritual

representative of S. Peter — perhaps, as we should say, * his ghost.'

L <3 Bat whatever their belief about it, Mary's company were soon to be

convinced that it was Peter himself; and when, for fear of attracting

^ "Ti notice, he had secured silence by beckoning with his handy he told

them what had happened, almost we imagine in the very words

which we now resAj and which were then drunk in by the eager

eaiti of John MarL S. Peter had to leave the city at once, so he

only sent a message to James and the brethren^ and departed. Very

^^8oon the soldiers discovered his escape — to their consternation, for

according to Roman custom they were responsible for their prisoners

^ S with theur^ lives'. Herod instituted a search for Peter in the city ;

and when it proved firuitless, he held a court-martial and the guards

were executed. This done and the feast over, not without a feeUng

of chagrin, he left Jerusalem for his palace at Caesarea.

What the other place was to which S. Peter went S. Luke has not

told us*. It is very tantalizing, but all we can say is that it was some

Ace outside Herod's jurisdiction. It may have been Antioch;

o* Peter certainly did visit that city at some time^ and its tradition

cbdms him for its first bishop. The Roman Catholic commentators

SBoerallv conclude that Rome is meant. Certainly it is impossible to

doubt the universal tradition that S. Peter did visit Rome and was

fiartyred there. Tradition further is in favour of a visit in Claudius'

nign. On the other hand S. Paul's Epistle to the Romans, written in

H at first sight implies that no apostle had as yet visited the city ;

int the language of the epistle is quite capable of another interpreta-

tioQ. Anomer serious argument against a visit to Rome is that the

vh^ tenor of the history is against S. Peter's having risen to the

eonception of a mission to Rome at this early date. He was apparently

' ColoM ii 18. ' Dan x 21, xii 1 : x 20. ' excepting, that is, the Sadducees.
« 8ie Weber's JUdiiche TheologU, p. 172. » xyi 27, xxvii 42. « The

mkmob maj point to the early character of this narrative. In its first form the
wmo of the place may have been withheld to keep it secret from the authorities.
Foi place cp. i 25, Jadas' ownj)la€e, I Gal ii 11.

12—2

ik«

180 JAMES PRESIDES AT JERUSALEM xn 17

unknown to the Jews of Rome in 58 (xxviii 22); and from the evidence
of chapter xv he does not seem to have followed up the work among
the Gentiles. At that date also (a.d. 48) he was back in Jerusalem.
There is however a means of reconciling these objections with a Roman
visit. As London now, so Rome then was the best of all hiding places,
and what S. Peter wanted was to remain ludden for a while. It
would not have been safe for him to do any more public work in the
neighbourhood of Palestine; for the local governor, whether a dependent
prince or even the Roman prefect of S)rria, might have given him up
to Herod for the sake of cultivating friendly rektions\ Certainly the
Jewish authorities of the synagogues would have been only too anxious
to do so. It is, then, very likelv that Peter took ship at Joppa and
made his way to Rome. There ne would avoid the Jewish synagogue
and live in retirement. This retirement need not have been of more
than brief duration ; for almost on his footsteps must have followed
the news of Agrippa's death.

Wherever he went, with S. Peter the last of the Twelve left
Jerusalem'. Indeed it seems surprising to us that with their charge
to evangelize the world they had stayed so long (cp. viii 1). But very
likely the tradition which speaks of our Lord's Having commanded them
to stay in Jerusalem for twelve years is based on some truth. For
whether they were conscious of it or no, they had to lay the foundations
for the new Jerusalem : they had, that is, to fix the outlines of the
teaching or 'the form of sound words,' and of the oral tradition which
is the basis of the Gospels, and also to determine the elementary
principles of church order and worship. To do this required common
agreement and consent, which could only be secured oy continuous
fdlowship and residence at the centre of affairs. Now however suf-
ficient tmie had elapsed, and when Peter leaves the city James^ the
Lord's brother, is already in the position (which we find him holding
later on) of president — or to use the later term, bishop — of the church
at Jerusalem'; and no doubt the brethren are the college of his assistant
presbyters, recently mentioned for the first time^ S. James may have
acted as president even while the Twelve were in Jerusalem. Long
ago they had found it difficult to combine the work of serving tables
with the ministry. And as the church ^ew, the calls upon wem for
missionary work, and for the supervision and visitation of other
churches, must have been rendering it more and more difficult for them
to attend to matters of local admmistration and government. In tiie
early days, accordingly, they had appointed the Seven'. That body was
broken up by the persecution, ana then the Twelve, as fisir as we can
judge, found it necessary to replace them by a more permanent body

^ Cp. Pilate and Herod Antipas, Lk zxiii 12 : also Acts xxiv 27, xxv 13-22.
' This we conclude from the expression in yerse 17. But if John (QnX ii 9) or
others had remained, this wonld not have interfered with the position of James as
explained below. > Cp. xv 19, xxi 18, Gal i 19, ii 9, 12. « xi 80 : cp. zv 4,

6, 22, xxi 18, Jas v 14. • vi 1-6.

XII 20 THE DEATH OF HEROD 181

with a more definite authority, and such a body we now find in James
and the presbyters.

§ 3 The judgement of Herod

It had been a * day of visitation ' for the church. James was slain :
but sorrow had been turned into joy by the deliverance — almost a
resurrection — of S. Peter. And now *the judgement which had
begun at the house of God* ' is going to pass over to the adversaries,
and the first part of the Acts will close with a * day of the Lord/ a
scene of judgement. The angel of the Lord who had delivered Peter
was now to smite Herod the persecutor. He had 'smitten' Peter', and
we see that the same divine visitation may be for life or for death.
Herod Agrippa is the NT antitype of Pharaoh and Sennacherib, the
oppressor smitten by the angel of the Lord*.

20 Now he was highly displeased with them of Tyre and
Sidon : and they came with one accord* to him, and, ^having
made Blastos the king's chamberlain their friend, they asked
for peace, because their country was fed from the king's

21 country. And upon a set day Herod arrayed himself in royal
apparel, and sat on the * throne, and made an oration unto

22 them. And' the people shouted, saying, The voice of a god,

23 and not of a man. And immediately an angel of the Lord
smote him, because he gave not God the glory : and he ^was
eaten of worms, and gave up the ghost

20 There had been a quarrel between Herod and the cities of Tpre
and Sidon, Jealousies and disputes between subject cities and
dependencies of the empire were not uncommon. Only ten years
before there had been a quarrel between Sidon and Damascus as to
their mutual boundary. In the present case Herod had the key of
the situation in his hand. As m king Solomon's days centuries
before', the Phenician cities still depended largely on the cornfields
of GalUee for their food. Herod now cut off the supplies, which
brought the Phenicians to^ his feet. They sent an embassy to
Gaesarea to sue for peace, i.e. reconciliation. They had chosen a
&vourable moment, when Agrippa was celebrating with great mag-
nificence a festival at Gaesarea in thanksgiving for the safe return of
the emperor Claudius from his expedition against Britain. They had
also secured the interest of the king^s chamberlain ; in plain words
they had bribed him. The king granted them a public audience and

1 I Pet ii 12, iv 17. « verse 7 (and 23) ; cp. II Cor ii 16. » Exod xii 29,

II E xix 35 : cp. Holofemes and HeUadoniB in the ApooiTpha. * Bezan adds

from both citiet. ' Ok having persuaded B, ^ Gk bima, ' Bezan

adds when he wot reconciled to the Tyriant. ^ Bezan reads came down from

the throne and was eaten of toormt while still living and to [gave up, ' I K ▼

9-11, ix 11-13.

i

182 AND PEACE OF THE CHURCH xn 21-24

21 fixed the second day of the festival. Herod was determined to make
an impression upon them ; and on ths appointed day^ being as vain
as he was superstitious, he arrayed himself in a robe made entirely
of silver, ana surrounded by a body of courtiers and flatterers took
his seat on the bema, or throne^y in the theatre. There he made a
public oration to the ambassadors, and declared that he was re-

22 conciled. The crowd who packed the theatre, dazzled by the
splendour of the scene and the brilliance of tiie royal apparel,
with flatterers to lead them, be^&n to applaud the orator witn loud
shouts — It is God's voices not maiCs, This did not mean much :
orientals were (juite accustomed to the deification of their monarchs,
and the worship of the Augustus was spreading throughout the

23 empire. Nevermeless Herod was quite carried away by the specious
flattery. But at that moment, as ne sat on the throne, violent pains
seized him ; he had to be carried to the palace and there on the fifth
day he died of a loathsome disease. Then was laid bare the hollow-
ness of human flattery. The Judaism by which Herod carried
favour with the Jews had made him detested by his Gentile soldiers
and subjects. His death was the signal for a public riot in Gaesarea,
and the poijulace manifested their joy by heaping insults upon his
name ana his children.

The supplementary details liave been added from Josephus, who
^ves a circumstantial account of Herod's deaths He also notices
Herod's impiety ; and adds that the pains attacked him at the sight
of an owl sitting on one of the ropes of the awning of the theatre, for
the superstitious king had been taught to look upon tliat bird as the
harbinger of his fate. But it is S. Luke who gives us the true cause.
Herod was smitten by the angel of the Lord ; and this is the regular
OT phrase for declaring that the event was a divine judgement,
whatever the physical cause may have been'.

§ 4 The peace of the church and mission of

Barnabas and Said

On Herod's death Palestine was again made into a Roman province.
And the Roman power secured peace, not only for Tyre and Sidon, but
also for the church. The peace was a time of growth. The blood of
James proved to be rich seed, like that of Stephen, and its shedding was
followed by the same harvest, to be gatherea in the subsequent peace ;
the church grew and multiplied (as in vi 7, cp. vii 17). By a note like
this S. Luke as usual marks the close of a chapter : and he passes on
to the incident of the peace which was most fruitful for the future.
This was the mission of Barnabas and SatU to Jerusalen%, which carried
into effect the resolution made by the Christians of Antioch in xi 29.

The bema was properly a tribnne, which also served for the seat of jadgement
S, Jn zix 13). s In Ant, xix 8. 2. > II Sam xxi? 16, II K zix 85:

etc. (xxv 6
see p. 72.

xms BARNABAS AND SAUL AT JERUSALEM 183

24 But the word of God grew and multiplied.

25 And Barnabas and Saul^ returned 'from Jerusalem^ when
they had fulfilled their 'ministration, taking with them John
whose surname was Mark.

The famine did not occnr till after the death of Herod. No doubt

it was the premonitory symptoms which had made the Phenicians so

anxious for peace. But Josephus will not allow us to date the full

severity of the &mine until 45. In this year, then, Barnabas and SatU

broaght the alms from Antioch. This Christian service was not indeed

unique. About this time there had come to Jerusalem a royal proselyte,

and a very profitable convert for the Jews, — Helena, queen of Adiabene.

When the mmine fell upon Jerusalem, she distinguished herself greatly

by her contributions and successful efforts in obtaining provisions*.

^ccordin^ to the evidence of the best mss S. Luke says that Bama"
^^*sand SauT returned to Jerusalem : and this is the natural expression,
^j^eing that Jerusalem is still the centre of the history, and it was fix>m
^^rusalem that Saul had been sent to Tarsus and Barnabas to Antioch*.
Their visit was uneventfdl: S. Paul does not think it necessary to
^^ention it in his retrospect in Gal i-ii. There were none of the
T^welve at Jerusalem : so Paul had no intercourse with them, and he
^^d Barnabas fulfilled their ministry by delivering their alms to the
.^^*Te*^^rj. Then they went back to Antioch ; but they took back m
^^chwige some Uving gold — they took with them John Mark, Barnabas
^*^as related to John, and the two delegates may have stayed in Mar/s
^^^se. John was closely attached to S. Peter, but S. Peter haviufi^
^^parted, he was readv to join his cousin and Saul, These two had
^p^ doubt already in their minds the idea of further missionary enter-
prise, and for such work John had very serviceable gifts'. He had a
^ood knowledge of Greek together with the faculty of composition.
Moreover he was thoroughly acquainted with the teaching of Peter
^^d the oral traditions of tne church of Jerusalem. With a view to
^vIm such help, like most Jews who travelled in the Graeco-Boman
^rl<f he adopted a Roman name — Marcus^ a very common *prae-
^uien* or as we should say now * Christian name.' The use of the
*<>rist tense in the Greek here (instead of the present tense of verse 12),
** in the case of Joseph Barnabas in iv 36 (p. 63), is a probable sign
that he received the name now. So then the company left Jerusalem
w^d with them we also take our farewell.

The reading and interpretation of this passage have been confused
through want of perception of S. Luke's style and plan. S. Luke is
very fond of using participles. He expresses the fact of main impor-
tance by a finite verb ana then adds to it other facts in participles,

* Some Bezan texts add who is sumamed Paul. * Marg, with the best uu

|CB and other aathoritics, gives to Jerusalem. ' Or service (xi 29). * Joseph.
i«.xx2.6. B ix30,xi22: cp. yiii 25, xiii 13. • 6. Panlin later years

Ipood Mark useful for ministering {service)^ II Tim iv 11. According to tradition he
#eted ai 8. Peter*! interpreter at Rome, and in this way wrote his GospeL

184 BARNABAS AND SAUL AT JERUSALEM xii 25

which must be taken in order. Accordingly the correct translation
here would be they returned to Jerusalem and fulfilled their ministry
and took with them John. Not having observed this habit of his style,
and puzzled by the return to Jerusalem, when they had just come from
and were going back to Antioch, some scribes thought S. Luke meant
when they had fulfiUed their ministry they rettirned, and therefore
changed to into from — Jerusalem. And the mistake has lasted on to
the RV\

^ For S. Lake's fondness for participles (which yary the monotony of the style)
see ziy 14, 19, 21, xy 40, xyi 27, xyiii 18, etc. In such passages the participles haye
io be taken in the order of their seqaenoe. Participles which follow a finite yerb
either (a) define or explain the action thereby signified, in which ease they are
generally present participles (sometimes aorist) ; or (d) denote a sabsequent action
and then they are aorists. This seems to be the general rule : for the few excep-
tions can easily be accounted for (yii 45, x 24, 33, xy 40, xxyi 10). Dedsiye
examples are xyi 6, xxii 24, xxiii 34-5, xxiy 22, xxy 18 (yii 86). The use of the
participles in connexion with the yerb return confirms this ; seyeral times an
accompanying aorist participle denotes an action preceding the return, but in
that case it is always found before the yerb.

Verse 25 then wUl be an editorial note of S. Luke's in his characteristic style,
and it marks the close of Part I, at the same time (like similar notes) forming
the transition to the following part. It may be objected that 8. Luke in that case
does not mention their return to Antiooh ; but it is his wa^ to leaye obyioos infer-
ences to the reader : cp. xy 33 and 40 (Silas* staying at Antiooh).

PART II

(Ch. 13-28)

THE ACTS OF PAUL

THE CHURCH OF THE UNCIRCUMCISION

AKD

PROGRESS FROM ANTIOCH TO ROME

THE ACTS OF PAUL

Chapteb xiii opens the second part of the Acts. S. Luke indeed
seems to make Part II begin at xi 27. For the empliatic word
CHBI8TIANS would make a good end for Part I; and there is no
new (literar]^) start like the formula of xi 27, Now in these days^ until
we get to xix 21 or xxi 15. But in any cose chapter xii would only
be an introduction; for it stands in the same relation to xiii-xxviii
as chapter i to ii-xi. Like the second chapter, the thirteenth is a
real beginning. And the difference in the new psurt is obvious.
^1) Throughout — except in a very small section (xviii 24-28), and
in chapter xv, where S. Peter reappears but not in the same pre-
eminence as before — the leading figure is S. Paul. And the change is
marked by the change of name: Saul who is also called Paul\
(2) This change is significant of the change of scene. For the work
now lies in the Roman empire outside of the Holy Land, and for the
most part wnong Gentiles, (i) The starting-point, both locally and
spiritually, is AntiocL Antiocn takes the place of Jerusalem as the
metropolis or mother city of the church.

^ This note oconni in the Bezan texts at different points : some begin Paul
in zii 25, and have it in xiii 1, 2. This shews that the change took place at this
epoch but that we cannot assign to it a definite moment.

DIVISION I

(=Ch. 13-16.6)

THE WORK OF PAXIL AND BARNABAS
AND ITS RATIFICATION BY THE CHURCH

In the years 46 to 48 after Christy Claudius being emperor qf Rome.

Introductory (= Ch. 13. 1-3)

The Holy Ghost seimraiea Boflrnabas ami Said for the work

The position of the church at Antioch is shewn by the significant
naragrapn xiii 1-3, which marks it as the starting-point. The former
nistory began with an enumeration of the Twelve and their occupation
in praj^er : a great outpouring of the Spirit ensued, and this was the
beginning of active work. So at Antioch we have the names of the
rulers of the church, and their service of the Lord ; and then a direct
inspiration of the Holy Ghost leads to the new work of Barnabas and
Saul. Thus S. Luke indirectly establishes the right of the brethren at
Antioch to be considered a true 'ecclesia,' and as such to initiate a new
departure. His words are literally Now there were at Antioch in that
which was the church^ ; and in hiB narrative we recognize the ecclesia
at Antioch as possessing all the marks of the church of God. (1) The
mission to them of the apostolic delegate S. Barnabas, and his sanction
of their proceedings, had proved their stedfast adherence to the tectching
of the apostles. (2) Their fellowship with the apostolic church they had
just demonstrated in a very practical manner by sharing their goods

^ Gp. ▼ 17 that which toot the $ect of the Saddvceei, xiy 13 (Bezan) that which
wot Ztm Before-the-citiff xxviii 17 they that were first of the Jews,

188 THE CHURCH AT ANTIOCH xin 1-3

with them in the famine. (3) Perseverance in the breaking of bread and
the prayers is implied in the liturgical notice of xiii 2. Indeed, as there
was no Jewish temple at Antioch, nor is there any mention of the
synagogues, we may conjecture that Antioch witnessed some of the
earliest developments of independent Christian worship. The frequent
notices of the (jatherhiq together at Antioch, if they cannot be pressed
too much in this direction, at least shew that the church had (4) the
note of unity. As we leam from the Ep. to the Galatians, the Jews
and Greeks lived side by side as one body^ In addition we observe
that the church was organized as a corporate body. At its head,
corresponding to the Twelve at Jerusalem, there was a body of
prophets and teachers whom we might call the Five. At the same
time we trace in the notices of the church a certain independence
or democratic feeling. In speaking of its action S. Luke uses the
indefinite theyi they determmed to send relief, they sent Barnabas
and Saul as their delegates, they determined that Paul and Barnabas
should go up to Jerusalem : the brethren sent back Judas and
Silas in peace, and commended Paul and Silas to the grace of God.
The body of the church, teclmically called the multitude^ possessed a
real activity and authority : Paul and Barnabas gave an account of
their work to the church; the letter of the councu of Jerusalem was
delivered to ths iniUtitiide\ The comparative independence of the
church of Antioch in relation to the mother church is seen aUke
in its sending of alms and in this new departure. This freedom of
spirit was no doubt due to the composition of the Antiochene church,
ror, as we have already seen*, its members were in the main either
Hellenist Jews or God-fearing Greeks : and, as the Hellenist or Greek
church, Antioch was the connecting link between the Hebrew church
of Jerusalem and the churches of the Gentiles whose foundation is
now to be recorded.

13 Now there were at Antioch, in the church that was

OierCf prophets and teachers, Barnabas, and Symeon that was

called Niger, and Lucius of Cyrene, and Manaen the foster-

2 brother of Herod the tetrarch, and SauL And as they
ministered to the Lord, and fested, the Holy Ghost said,
Separate me Barnabas and Saul for the work whereunto I

3 have called thenL Then, when they had fasted and prayed'
and laid their hands on them, they sent them away.

The office of jyrofhets and teachers is discussed elsewhere*. Here
the Greek may intimate that Barnabas, Symeon and Lucius were

1 For the notes of the ohuroh see pp. 3^-43 ; and for references compare (1) xi
22-4 and ii 42 : (2) xi 29-30, xii 25 and ii 44-^, iv 32-35 : (3) xiii 2, zi 26, 27, xiv 37,
XV 30 and pp. 35-41 : (4) Gal ii 11-13 and pp. 41-2. ^ In ordinary Greek we

find the same technical use of the multitude, Deissmann Neue Bibehtudien p. 59.
» Cp. xi 29, 30, XV 2 : xv 33, 40 and xiv 26 : xiv 26, xv 30. « xi 20 and pp.

166-7. ^ Bezan adda all (of them), • Introd. ch. yi § 2.

xin 1-2 THE PROPHETS AND TEACHERS 189

prophets, Manaen and Saul teachers. But it is simpler to consider
them as one bod}^ of rulers, who both prophesied and taught — the
rabbis of the Christian society ^ Among the Five Barnabas, as we
should have expected from xi 22, holds the first place, Saul as yet the
last. Of the other three, as of most of the Twelve and the Seven, we
know nothing but their names. Lucius of Gyrene was evidently one of
the original evangelists of xi 20, and to him we may join SymeoUj whose
surname the Black suggests an Afncan origin. Manam, i.e. Menahem,
is interesting as an instance of the power of Christianity to touch the
highest ranks. He had been the foster-brother of Herod Antipas the
tetrarch of Galilee. This term seems to have been a court title of
honour like 'the friend of the kin^' in the OT*. Manaen may have
been a son of Menahem the influential Essene of the days of Herod the
Great. If so our prophet Manaen was the son of a prophet. For,
according to Josephus', when Herod the Great was yet a ooy, Menahem
had assured him that he would be king; and when the prediction was
fulfilled, Menahem became a special object of Herod's favour. The
mention of Herod here is one of those touches which betray the author's
hand. In his Gospel S. Luke appears to be very well acquainted with
or interested in the doings of the Herodian family, and no doubt his
information came from Manaen\

This body presided over the church's worship : they were ministering^
i.e. ofiering service, to the Lord and fasting. The Greek word used for
public worship or service is leitourgia {liturgy), which has an important
history. Originally among the Greeks it denoted a service rend!ered to
the state by an individual, such as fitting out a ship of war or providing
a public entertainment. Then (1) the Greek translators of the Bible
adopted it for the service of God in the temple. In so doing tiiey were,
it seems', only following the language of theur country. For in Ifeypt it
was already used in this sacred sense. From the OT this use naturally
passed into the NT. Thus S. Luke calls Zacharias' priestly service
in the temple his leitourgia, and it is the regular word in the Ep. to the
Hebrews for the work of the priests. S. Paul writes to the Philippians
of * the sacrifice and service of their faith ' : and in one very sacnficial
passage he represents himself as the servant (leitourgos) of Christ, ofiering
up the Gentiles in sacrifice to God. ^2) But S. Paul also uses it of the
general service of God outside of tne special sacrificial or liturgical
sense ; for instance he calls the magistrates the servants (leitourgoi) of
God, very much as we speak of 'ccubinet ministers.' ([3) And we also
find in the NT the oridnal meaning of leitourgia, viz. the service of
man. S. Paul speaks of contributions of money as the service, or as we

1 Barnabas and Saal were prophets, and they also tanght (iz 26). Cp. Eph iv 11
where pastors and teachers form one class : so also in I Tim v 17 presbyters and
teachers, ' So Deissmann Bibelstudien p. 179. Cp. I Ohron xxvii S3.

> Ant. xy 10. 5. * The connexion of 8. Luke and the Herodian family is weU

drawn ont in a sermon in Archdeacon Wilson's Things New and Old (1900).
B From the evidence of papyri etc., collected by Deissmann Bibelstudien pp. 187-8.

190 THEIR SERVICE AND FASTING xra 2

might say * oflFering/ rendered to him by the brethren^ This double
usage contains in itself the great lesson that the true service of God is
the service of man and vice versa. But in the NT the primary signifi-
cation, which now colours the two other meanings, is that of the
service or worship of God. And that is the sense in S. Luke's mind
here : they were offering priestly service to God, and in such service
the first element would be the breaking of bread and the prayers. To
this day the common name among Greek Christians for me service of
Holy dommunion is the Liturgy {the Service). This service was per-
formed at Antioch bv the prophets and teachers; and the DidsuchS
shews us how the celebration passed into the hands of 'the bisho^xs
(episcapi, i.e. presbyter-bishopsj and deacons.' * Elect for yourselves,' it
says', 'bishops and deacons... ror they also perform for you the service
(lituray) of the prophets and teachers.'

With the service is associated fasting. There was only one fisist,
the day of atonement, appointed in the Law. But it had become the
practice for pious Jews to fast twice a week ; and it was natural that
those who became Christians should continue the habit. That this
actually happened we see in the Didachd', only the days of fasting
were changed from Monday and Thursday to Wednesday and Fridajr.
The Fast fof the atonement) is mentioned in xxvii 9 ; S. Paul was 'm
festings ort,' whether voluntarjr or involuntary*; and here fasting
appears as a normal observance in the life of the church. In verse 3
and xiv 23 it is especially connected with the la3dng on of hands in
ordination. Fasting, then, was not a specially Cluistian practice. It
was really part of the asceticism which was so highly esteemed and
inculcated m all the oriental religions : we might almost call it a
practice of natural religion in the east. But herein lay its danger. It
might (and did) very easily lead to doctrinal error, viz. the belief that
matter m itself was evil, and also to spiritual pride, together with £EJse
ideas about merit and good works. Consequently there is but little
emphasis laid on fasting in the NT. In some places in the AV where
/listing was joined with prayer it seems to have been an interpolation
and Ims disappeared from the text in the RV. The Lord fasted for
forty days absolutely, but after that does not appear to have observed
the weekly fasts. In the parable of the Pharisee and the Publican he
makes it one of the Pharisee's boasts : * I fast twice in the weeL' On
the other hand in the Sermon on the Mount he deals with &sting as a
normal religious practice^ He did not legislate about it ; but if we look
for particulars, the mention of 'the days when the bridegroom shall be
taken away' would indicate the time of fasting, viz. Good Friday and
the Great Saturday^ This would correspond to the one great annual
fast of the old law. And in fact the fasting on the anniversary of the

1 The references are (1) Lk i 23, Hebr yiii 6, ix 21, z 11, Phil ii 17, Bom xv 16.
(2) Rom xiii 6. (8) PhU ii 25-80, II Cor ix 12, Rom xv 27. « xv 1 : cp. x 7.

* viU 1. « n Cor vi 6. xi 27. » Mt xvii 21, Mk ix 29, Acta x 30,

I Cor vii 5. « Mt iv 2: Mk u 18 : Lk xviii 12 : Mt vi 16. ' Mt ix 15,

Mk u 20, Lk V 35.

xin 3 BARNABAS AND SAXJL ARE SEPARATED 191

Lord's death and burial is no doubt the raison cPetreJ^i^rt from the
iiatural suggestions of self-discipline) and the origin of Ctiristian &sting.
'These days were kept as strict fasts from the beginning. And the
lasting in our present text may have been at that season.

At this paschal season, then, in the spring of a.b. 46 the Holy Spirit
ordered Barnabas and Saul to he set apart. The form of expression
bsKj as in the tenth chapter and elsewhere, is a strong testimony to the
personality of the Holy Spirit and to his divine nature \ The Holy
^irit was to be the guide of the church ; and it is just at the critical

Cts in the road that we find him making his guidance most manifest*,
manifestation was very frequently given through prophecy', and
the words here recorded were probably uttered by one of the five
prophets at a solemn meeting of the church. (This in turn throws li^ht
on the ordination of Timothy, which was in accordance with preceding

Syphetic utterances^) The word of command Set apart or Separate,
e the word sermes, already bore many sacred associations. It was
^laed in the Greek Bible for the consecration of the first-bom, of the
Invites, and of Aaron and his sons, — in the last case, particularly for
^ separation of the wave ofiering which was S3rmbolical of their own
s^puation onto God : similarly the first of the dough vras set apart for
^ offering to the Lord. In Isaiah those who bear the vessels of the
IjQrd are oidden to 'be separate' : and the son of Sirach compares
I^tid to the fiskt sepfiurated for God firom tiie peace offering". Here
^veie a number of types of dedication now to find a fresh jMllment in
^Betting apart of Barnabas and Saul ; and that they were in S. Paul's
^tibd at least is shewn by his words when he calls himself set apart for
^fospel qf God*. Similarly the Greek word here for call^ besides its
^^vdinaiy use, had been applied to the divine call — both of Israel and
"^ individual'.

The command was emphatic^ and the church obeyed. Either at
^le end of the season oi fasting, or after a special fast^ there was a
fecial service when after prayer hands were laid upon Barnabas and
SaoL By this action the church set them apart, committed them to
^^ grace of God, and so dismissed them. Besides an ordination, it
tt a fiuewell service. The question arises — who did this ? The Holy
^it was the real consecrator, but who were his human instruments ?
only antecedent to the pronouns in verse 3 are the j^ophets and
^flciarv of verse 1 ; and so they uttered the prayer and laid on hands,
^thns assigning the whole action to the Five, S. Luke emphasizes the
fttaUel between them and the Twelve at Jerusalem. But no doubt (as

^ Bee X 19-20 and Introd. oh. v § 1. ^ Jn xvi 18, and compare Acts ii 4,

'ifil^, X 19-21, xiu 2, 4. xvi 6 (xix 21). » Cp. ii 17, viu 29, 39, xix 6, xx 23

^Oill. So 8. Peter (I i 11, U i 21). « I Tim i IS and iv 14. > Exod

^ IS, Nam TiU 11, Exod xxix 24-6-7; Nam xv 20: Isai lu 11; Ecclas xWii 2.
b Siod xix 12, 23, it is oeed for the setting apart of Mt Sinai and of the people
«the reception of the law. < Bom i 1 and Gal i 16. ' £xod iii IS, ▼ 3 :

'Ml ii S2 (Acts ii 39). ^ A strengthening particle is added to the imperative

M tiiewben in the NT onij in I Cor vi 20 : but cp. Lk ii 15, Acts xv 36 (Qk).
* Ai maj be indicated by the Greek tenses.

192 AND ORDAINED TO xins

XV 40 suggests) the whole church took part in the service and dismissal,
as in the ordination of the Seven at Jerusalem \

Another question is — ^what was the simificance of the act ? By
la3nng on of hands was conferred some onice or some blessing and
spiritual gift (p. 85). The solemnity of the circumstances — ^the
command of the Spirit, the fasting, the prayer, the public ceremony-
goes to shew that something, and sometning of no slight importance,
was thereby conveyed to Barnabas and SauL What was it ? Barnabas
and Saul were already prophets and teachers, nothing remained for
them but the apostolate. After this setting apart (and not before)
they are called 'apostles',' and in their work tney exercise apostdic
functions, — they preach the word and work signs, they lay on hands
and organize cnurches. S. Paul (as we shall see) now appears in the
church as a second Peter. Moreover S. Paul regarded his 'separation'
•as no temporary but a permanent condition. We conclude then that
'this was tne ordination of Barnabas and Saul to the apostolate. It
was not so much that the church at Antioch was consciously con-
secrating them to a defined office ; rather they were consecrated to
a work which would be recognized as the work of apostles and in
which they would act with apostolic authority, holdmg a position
correspondmg to that of the Twelve.

Acainst uiis view there lie two obvious objections. (1) * How could
the church at Antioch convey what it did not possess — apostoUc
authority ? ' (2) On the other hand it is said ' S. Paul did not require
ordination : he received his apostolate neither from nor through men but
straight from the Lord.' The way to an answer will be cleared by
distinguishing between the functions of an apostle, (a) There was the
unique function of bearing witness to the resurrection of the Lord.
This was the special privil^e of the Twelve (shared by S. James the
Lord's brother), and it obviously could not be handed down to others
by la3ring on of hands. It had however been ^ven to S. Paul and
tliat directly by our Lord^ himself, for Saul's vision of the risen Jesus
on the road to JDamascus in itself had qualified him to be an aposUs rf
Jesus Christ, (h^ But the apostles were also apostles of the ckwrch ;
they were the chief rulers of the church. That office and authority
could, and had to be, handed down ; and the tangible evidence of its
transmission was given by the laying on of hands. This apostolate may
have been conferred on Barnabas and Saul at Antioch, and so we must
consider the two objections to this view. (1) It might be supposed
that some of the rulers at Antioch already possessed apostolic autnority;
for the recent mention of James at Jerusalem and the mission of Bar-
nabas shew that this authority was now being delegated. But as hands
were laid upon Barnabas himself, we must conclude that the prophets
did not lay on hands as delegates of the Twelve. The whole occurrence
however was extraordinary and exceptional. The immediate action of

^ Ab the all in the Bezan text indicates — ^unless indeed it means that ail the Five,
indading Barnabas and Sanl, fasted and prayed, while the remaining three laid on
hands. ^ xiv 4| 14.

XJII.S (?) THE APOSTOLATE 193

the Spirit corresponded to that at Pentecost : as then the first
'aposues/ the Twelve, were empowered by a descent of the Spirit
direct from heaven, so now Barnabas and Saul are separated to be
* apostles ' on an equal footing by an interposition of the Spirit no less
direct\ That this was S. Luke's view is shewn by the striking words
by which in verse 4 he interprets their dismissal — so they, being sent
forth by the Holy Ghost. (2) Those who dispute the necessity of any
ordination by tne church fail to see the correspondence between the
eternal will of God and its revelation in time and the visible world.
God had * separated Paul firom his mother's womb/ and yet there came
a definite moment in time when he said 'Separate me Paul/ In his
eternal will the Lord had * chosen ' Saul to be his * vessel,' yet there
came the definite moment when the Christ was revealed to him and he
received the call. Even when the revelation had been given, he had
still to be baptized three days later in accordance with the divine order
of grace. Smiilarly he had received at Jerusalem a mission from the
Lord (xxii 21), but he had to wait some years before he could carry it
out. So now, though he had been separated for an apostle long ago,
the moment came, m accordance with the same divine order, for flie
choice to be made known to the church by the laying on of hands.
For it was not for himself alone. As has been shewn before, the rest
of the brethren would need some sign or proof of the validly of
S. Paul's apostolate, viz. that he was not only an apostle of Jesus
Christ but also an apostle of the church. And we know that subse-
quently S. Paul's apostolate was actually called in question, which
would not have been possible, had it been perfectly normal and regular.
There still remains S. Paul's own protest in (Jal i-ii that he was not
made an apostle by man. In considering this, we must remember
S. Paul's unique position. He was an apostle in a third sense, which
made him preeminent among the apostles. He had a special mission
firom God to be an apostle of the Gentiles, and to hold a position corre-
sponding to that of S. Peter. This could not be conveyea by the laying
on of hands. It was the special divine will, and the revelation of that
will to S. Paul had been so convincing that by the side of it the external
ordination would in his own spirit and mind hold a secondary place. And
as his contention was that ne was independent of the Twelve in his
mission, so the fact that he had been ordained not by their hands
but irregularly, by specially inspired prophets, was so to speak of
advantage to him : it enabled him to say with truth that he nad not
been made an apostle by man.

^ The Twelve had received a previous mifision or appointment from the Lord
(Jn xz 21) : and so had S. Paul (Acts xxii 21).

B.A« ' 13

194 THE WORK OP THE APOSTLES xni-xiv

the

SECTION I (=Ch. 13.4-14)
The work of 8. Paul and S. Barnabas

The work to which Barnabas and Saul were called was evidently a
great step forward. But it is not clear at first sight wherein the
novelty consisted. (1) Missionary work was not new in the church
Nor was (2^ travelling to the west. Jewish settlements, great in
numbers ana influence, extended as far west as Rome, and there was
lively intercourse between them and Jerusalem. Again (3) preaching
to the Gentiles was not new. Cornelius had been l^ptized, and lar^
numbers of Greeks converted at Antioch. (A) To us 'the work' is
important as the First Missionary Journey of S. Paul. But the division
of these later chapters into three Missionary Journeys, though con-
venient for memory, is not the scheme in the mind of the author. We
must then, to solve the difficulty, study S. Luke's selection of incidents.
We have (1) the scene at Paphos before the Roman governor : (2) at
Antioch Pam's sermon to the Jews and 'the turning to the Gentiles' :

at Iconium and Lystra signs and miracles, and oirect preaching to
e Gentiles : (4) on the return, organization of the churches on an
independent basis. At Antioch the work done is summed up as
(a) what God had done with them, (6) the opening of a door of faith
to the Gentiles. Then follows in chap, xv the solemn ratification of
the work by the whole church : and lastly Paul's separation firom
Barnabas.

From this it is clear that * the work ' was (A) the conversion of the
Gentiles. Hitherto Gentiles had indeed been admitted to the church ;
but they had come in through the synagogue as Gk>d-fearing Greeks.
Now S. Paul turns to the Gentiles directly, and out of them builds up
organized churches, which are catholic churches — ^founded, that is, not
on Jewish privilege but on the universal relation of man to God. This
was the great mission of S. Paul — the foundation of ' the churches of
the Gentiles ' (Rom xvi 4).

fB) But the validity of the foundation depends on the authority
of tne founder, and these chapters also contain the proof from &.ct8 <u
8. Paul! 8 amstolate. They begin mih his extraordinary ordination by
the Holy Ghost, and in the following history we shall recognize aU ' thie
signs of an apostle ' — the power of binding and of workipg miracles, the
lading on of hands and foundation of churches. His gospel is identical
with the apostolic doctrine as declared hy S. Peter ; and his work is
accepted by the church at Jerusalem. Finally, even the painful sepa-
ration from S. Barnabas serves a purpose. Saul began in subordination
to Barnabas, but at the end he stands forth alone and independent as
the 'apostle of the Gentiles.'

xm-xiv IN GALATIA 195

The scefive of the work — ' the churches of Galatia *

We shall obtain a much clearer crasp of the history of the Acts
wlien we have realized that the churches founded in this journey were
tJk^ churches of Galatia. This statement indeed has not yet been
generally accepted in England. The opposition to it is largely owing
to the great influence of Bishop Lightfoot, who maintained the older
▼lew, and therefore a careful consideration of the matter is necessary.
Tlie £Bkct8 are briefly these.

About 278 B.a a great wave of Celtic invaders poured into southern

Smope, and a host of these Gauls (Galli or Galatae) crossed over the

sea into Asia Minor. Here for fifty years they roamed and plundered

at will Then Attains king of Pergamum succeeded in confining them

to a tract of country which from them received the name of Galatia.

The land was in the northern part of the great central plateau, and

tliere the Galatians lived in three clans or cantons, which were grouped

TOiad the cities of Ancyra, Tavium, and Pessinus. They continued to

btm the chief fighting element in Asia Minor, but in b.c. 189 were

nbdned b^ the arms of Rome. Subsequently, during the Roman

civil wars in the first century before Christ, one of their princes,

Amyntas, acquired a large dominion, which by the favour of Au^stus

be was allowed to retam with the title of king. This * kingdom of

Qdatia' comprised, besides Galatia proper, a part of Ph^ygifi^ Lyca-

ooia, Isauria, Pisidia, Pamphylia and Western Cilicia. On the death

rf Amyntas in B.a 25 it passed into the hands of the Romans.

Punphylia was separated and made a province by itself. The ad-

ttbistration of the other districts was suoject to fluctuation. At the

tbe of OUT journey (a.d. 46-47), Western Cilicia with part of Lycaonia

bdoDged to the kingdom of Antiochus of Commagene: the remainder

<ttnpo6ed the Roman province of Galatia. It is true that in the formal

^ of the governor the various districts were all enumerated : he was

'himraetor of the province of Galatia, Pisidia, Phrygia, Lycaonia, etc.'

Brtln. ordinary Ro^nan conversation the pro^nce, would U knoWn as

'Galatia^' just as Mysia, Lydia, and Caria, were included in the one

tmooe (M *Asia.'

The mountains of the Taurus range in Pi8idi£^ Isauria, and Western
GHda, were infested with brigands. It was in fighting with them that
Aimitas had lost his life ; and it required the power of Rome to cope
^ than. Augustus accordingly made the towns of Antioch and
l^vtia into Roman colonies and garrisoned them with veteran soldiers,
viule later Claudius did sometliing in the way of stren^hening Iconium
iod Deibe. These four cities all lay in the district just north of the
IWinis range, but south of Galatia proper, from which they were
Miated by a ^reat desert called the Axylon or Woodless. They were
« different nanonalities and under difierent political conditions. But

&liad one point in common ; they all belonged to the province of
tia. In virtue of this their citizens — whether rhry^an or Liycaonian,
Jewiiih or Greek, by birth — were all Galatians. Similarly, IVophimus

13—2

196 THE CHURCHES OF xiii-xiv

who was of Epliesus was an Asian^ and Aristarchus of Thessalouica
a Macedonian^. The cities of Philippi, Thessalonica, and Beroea, were
all in the province of Macedonia, and when S. Paul thinks of these
churches together, he calls them the churches of Macedonia and their
members Macedonians. Similarly, no doubt, when he wanted to speak
of the churches of Antioch and Iconium, Lystra and Derbe, as one
body, he would call them the churches of Galatia, and when he wrote
to tnem in common he would address his readers as Galatians.

After about 300 years the old grouping of the provinces was given
up. The emperors ceased to try and unite heterogeneous nation^ties
under the fictitious unity of a single province. Among others tiie
province of Galatia was broken up. The name Galatia was confined
to the northern part, Galatia proper; and its wider meaning was
forgotten. When this had come about, it naturally made readers
8upj)0se that S. Paul's epistle was written to the Celts of Nortli Gidatia.
It IS only by the exacter study of modem times that the wider and
Roman use of the term has been fully brought to light, and that has
brought with it the illuminating inference that in the NT by the
churches of Galatia are meant the churches of Antioch and the other
towns of South Galatia.

According to the old view they were the churches of Ancyra,
Tavium, and Pessinus; but this involves almost insuperable difficulties.

(1) The Acts professes to contain a record of S. raul's work. His
work culminates in the foundation of the church in three great Roman
provinces, viz. Macedonia, Achaia, Asia, and this foundation is narrated
at length (in ch. xvi-xx). But from his epistles we learn that S. Paul
also pknteii the church in a fourth province, viz. Galatia. He visited
the Galatians at least twice; he wrote to them, and the letter we
possess shews such an intimate acc^uaintance with them as could only
oe the result of close intercourse : m his eyes the churches of Galatia
rank with those of Macedoni£^ Achaia and Asia. And yet, on the old
theory, the Acts omits all mention of S. Paul's work in Galatia, and
beyond a possible hint it contains no allusion to Galatia whatever.

(2) From the other side, the silence of the epistles would be no less
remarkable. S. Paul wrote letters to churches in Macedonia, Achaia
and Asia, and these letters give a vivid picture of his personal relations
with, and afiection for, those churches. They correspond to the record
in the Acts of his work at Philippi and Thessalouica, at Corinth and
Ephesus. But in the Acts we nnd also two chapters devoted to an
account of work at Antioch and Iconium, Lystra and Derbe. S. Paul
founds churches there. His foundation cost no less labour, and he
cannot have felt less interest in, or less affection for, their members,
than in the case of the other churches. And yet, on the old theoory,
except in a letter to Timothy written at the end of his life, there is no
reference to these churches in his writings. The churches are founded,
and revisited; but we hear nothing more of them until he writes his

1 xz 4, xU 29.

xm-xiv GALATIA 197

last letter. (3) In his travels as recorded in the Acts there are two
points, we might say two only, when S. Paul could have visited North
Galatia. They occur at these words : (a) xvi 6, they passed through
the Phrygian and Galatian region, and (b) xix 1, Paul having passed
through the upper anmtry came to Ephesus. If these words describe
visits to Galatia proper, then in the first case (a) on his way to the
west S. Paul made an enormous detour to the north and east and did
a work which in proportion to that in Macedoni£^ Achai£^ and Asia,
must have been a matter of some months; in the second case (b) on
his return to Ephesus he chose a road which took him one or two
hundred miles out of his way. S. Paul did achieve extraordinary
results and covered in his journeys an enormous area of country, but
it must have been hard to find time and strength for this extension of
his labours.

On the other hand, if we accept the proposed identification all
becomes clear. Chapters xiii and xiv then describe the foundation
of the churches of Galatia. These churches also lay on the high road
between the Syrian Antioch and the west; and on two occasions
afterwards S. Paul would naturally pass through them, on his way
to Troas (xvi 6) and to Ephesus (xix 1). The agreement between
the Acts and Epistles becomes clear. In both alike, four great pro-
vinces, Galatia and Macedonia, Achaia and Asia, fill an almost equal
ptirt in S. Paul's work^ And if in intensity of feeling and vigour
of expression the Epistle to the Galatians exceeds all the others, the
reason is clear: in bitterness of spirit S. Paul is contemplating the
defection of his first-begotten churches, which he loved with the love
of a parent for his eldest son^

The acceptance of the theory will have another valuable result.
We shall be able to refer to the Epistle to the Galatians for additional
information to illustrate and interpret chapters xiii and xiv. In these
chapters themselves we find such locaJ accurac}r and such graphic
pictures (e.g. the scenes in the synagogue at Antioch and before the
temple of &bus at Lystra), that we are driven to conclude that they
come from the report of one present — not so much fix)m the apostles
themselves, as from an on-looker. There is no reason why S. Luke
himself might not have been such a witness. He does not alwavs
exclusively^ enumerate S. Paul's companions, and as a rule the sub-
ordinates m a journey would be hardly less numerous than the apostles.
John Mark would have had less compunction in returning to Jeru-
salem if he had left behind another attendant with the apostles, and
the expressions of verses 13-14 imply the presence of otners. It is

1 In the Aots Galatia xiii IS-xiv 23, Macedonia xvi ll-xvii 14, Achaia xrii 15-
zriii 17, Asia xix 1-40. ' See Gal iv 19. This unhappy relation between S. Paul
and the Galatians may account for a difficulty which remains, viz. why does not
S. Luke use the word Galatia? He shrinks, as it were, from reminding his readers
that these were the Galatians. Or, if he was a native of Antioch in Pisidia,
perhaps he did not altogether acquiesce in the Boman grouping and willingly
accept the ruder Lycaonians as fellow-countrymen. It would be a trait of pro-
▼incial patriotism, like the civic patriotism which Prof. Ramsay finds in the
description of Philippi as the first city. See Introd. oh. ii g 1.

108 CYPRUS xm 4

indeed tempting to picture S. Luke as one of the Gentiles who heard
and received the word with joy in the sjmagogue at Antioch ; but on
this see the Introduction, en. li § 1. Failing S. Luke, however, there
would be no lack of informants. Timothy was a native of Lystra, and
S. Paul himself appeals to his recollection of the events at Antioch,
Iconium and Lystra*. Besides Timothy there was Titus. After this
journey he appears in close company with Paul and Barnabas, and
S. Paul writes of him to the Galatians as if they knew him well':
we may readily imagine that he was a Galatian. The Bezan text in
this cliapter has many interesting variations which bear high marks of
oriffinality. We can almost follow S. Luke in the process of correcting
ana revising the original accounts given to him, or possibly his own
contemporary notes.

§ 1 Cyiyrvs. Pavl and Barjesua btfore Sergitis Pavlus

4 After the service of verse 3, — ^at which, as S. Luke reminds us,
Barnabas and Saul received their commission, if through the hand
of man, yet none the less directly from the Holy Ghost, — the two
apostles and their company go down to Seleucia the port of Antioch
and sail away to Ct/prus, There was a large Jewish population in
Cyi)rus (p. 23;, and as the country of Barnabas and other evangelists
it was an obvious starting-point for the mission. The work in QT)ru8
however had no special mterest from S. Luke's jjoint of view, as it
was confined to the synagogues. But it ended in a striking scene
which he depicts as giving the keynote of the new advance. The
true religion appears and confutes the false in the presence of the
Boman world : Saul emerges as Paul, and as a second Peter binds
a second Simon Magus (cp. viii 18-24).

4 So they, being sent forth by the Holy Ghost, went down

5 to Seleucia ; and from thence they sailed to Qrprus. And
when they were at Salamis, they proclaimed the word of God
in the synagogues of the Jews : and they had also John as
their attendant

6 And when they had gone Hhrough the whole island nnto
Paphos, they found a certain * sorcerer, a felse prophet^ a

7 Jew, whose name was 'Bar- Jesus; which was with the
proconsul, Sergius Paulus, a man of understanding. The
same called unto him Barnabas and Saul, and sought to

8 hear the word of God But 'Elymas the sorcerer (for so is
his name by interpretation) withstood them, seeking to turn

1 II Tim iii 11. > Gal ii 8. In the AcU of Paul and Theda ha is

mentioned as having gone on to loonimn to prepare a lodging for the aposUe.
* Or about * Gk magus. ^ The readings are varionB, e.g. Barieiou (K),

'iesou$ (B), 'ietoun (A). Bezan texts have Barieaman or -am, Bariesuban : the Byiiao
Banekumo. For Elymas Besaa has Etoimas,

XIII 5-6 JOHN MARK IM

9 aside the proconsul from the faith \ But Saul, who is also
called Paul, filled with the Holy Ghost, fastened his eyes on

10 him, and said, 0 fiill of all guile and all villany, thou son of
the devil, thou enemy of all righteousness, wilt thou not cease

11 to "pervert 'the right ways of the Lord? And now, behold,
the hand of the Lord is upon thee, and thou shalt be blind,
not seeing the sun for a season. And immediately there fell
on him a mist and a darkness ; and he went about seeking

12 some to lead him by the hand. Then the proconsul, when he
saw what was done, * believed, being astonished at the teaching
of the Lord.

5 The apostles preached in the synagogueSy and from this we
incidentally learn another fact. They had an attendant with them,
John Mark. Attendant is a different word from minister or servant
(deacon). In the Gospels it is used for the servants of the priests
who were sent to arrest the Lord, and for the chazzwn of the
sjmagogue who handed him the roll. This official acted as con-
stable and would correspond to our verger or sexton'. It is most
unlikely that the apostles required personal service ; indeed S. Paul's
hands * ministered to those who were with him'.* But we have
observed' that it was not the custom of the apostles — neither of
Peter nor Paul — to baptize with their own hands. So baptism
might well be a service for the attendant. And we notice that
John is mentioned in connexion with the preaching in the syna-
gogues, on which we might expect some baptisms to follow.

6 The apostlas worked their way through the chief towns and
s)mago^es of the island until they reached Paphos at its western
extremity. Paphos was the capital, and it had an evil reputation
for its temple and worship of Aphrodite (Venus), the most popular
deity of the Cypriotes. Their mission must have caused some stir,
for at Paphos they attracted the notice of two typical personalities.
(1) The first was a Jew, Barjesus, known to the Greeks as Elymas*,

1 Bezan sAds/or he was litteiiiiig to them very gladly, ^ Or turn aside, ' Hosea
ziv 9. * Bezan has marvelled and believed Qod, ^ Jn vii 32, 45, xyiii 8, Acts v 32 :
Lk iv 20, Mt y 25. See Introd. ch. vi § 2. * xz 34. But the OT prophets were

generally accompanied by ministers or attendants, such as Gehazi ; see I E xiz 8,
21, n E iv 12. ' See p. 88. ^ As in the case of Barnabas, there is diffi-

culty about the name. Here it is increased by the confusion in the reading of the
name. If Jesus was in the original text, we can imagine scribes gradually altering
the sacred name; but perhaps the original was a more exact transliteration of
Joshua. Barjesus itself is a patronymic, son of Jesus^ and he would have had a
proper name of his own. (a) This may have been Elymas which is very like an
Arabic word in the Koran for (?) wise (whence the modern ulema)^ and the Greeks
may have translated it, rightly or wrongly, as magus, {b) Elymas may be meant
for the translation of the original Hebrew which is not given. But Elymas is not
a Greek word : and the Bezan JStotnuu, which resembles the Greek word for ready ^
may be the truer reading. If we were better acquainted with the Gyprian dialect,
the difficulty might not be insuperable.

200 SERGIUS PAULUS xra 6-8

Perhaps he heard the apostles in the synagogue, and at once detected
a rival power. For he was one of that ck^ of religious professors
or impostors of whom Simon Mamis is the typical representative \
S. Luke describes Barjesus as (a) a nuwus or 'tvise man,* i.e.
versed in oriental lore, astrology etc. : ana (b) a false praphetj i.e.
he made some claims to divine inspiration. In this cnaracter we
may trace the influence of his Jewish origin; and certainly the
Jews contributed their full share of these false professors. There
were Jewish exorcists at Ephesus; and another Jewish magus of

7 Cyprus was in the suite of Felix'. Our magus Elymas was like-
wise with (2) the proconsul Sergius Paulas ; and he is the second
type. In the division of the provinces between Augustus and the
senate Cyprus had fellen to the fonner, and was therefore governed
by a legate or propraetor. Subsequently Augustus efiFected an
exchange and C}'prus became one of the senatonal provinces which
were ruled by 2>roco7isuk. This is the very word used by S. Luke,
and his accuracy is further confirmed by the discovery in recent
times' of an inscription dated in the proconstdship qf...PatUus,
Pliny mentions a Sergius Paulus who had a scientific turn of mind
and was interested in natural history. The characteristic which
S. Luke noted in this Paulus was also insiaht or understanding, but
in human affairs. This would account for his patronage of Barjesus.
Among the Roman aristocracy were many who, wearied with scepti-
cism, were asking in all seriousness Pilate^s question What t» truth !
Again, it was the fashion for a nobleman to have a philosopher
attached to his household, like a domestic chaplain. And so it
is not surprising that on coming to C}T)rus Sergius Paulus should
have been impressed by the supernatural claims of Elymas and
have given him a place in his household or court, that is the body
of friends, oflicials, and subordinates, who accompanied a governor
to his province and formed his suite*.

In the Greek world it was the custom for philosophers, rhe-
toricians, or religious propagandists, to travel about from city to
city and give public orations. By this means they often secur^
permanent professorships. So when Sergius Paulus heard of
Baxnabas and Saul, he took them for similar professors, and having
an interest in these matters^ he summoned them to give a de-
clamation before his court*. He was curious to learn their
'philosophy.' The apostles complied; and soon they began to
arrest the serious attention of Paums, who had never heard doctrine

8 like this. Elymas saw at once the incompatibility of his own
word and that of the apostles ; and fearing lest his influence over

> See pp. 112-3. ' Josephas Ant. xx 7. 2. » By General Cesnola.

The most recent description of the Btone is given by Mr Hogarth in his Devia
Cypria p. 114. * In Latin his eomitatust from comites {companiam).

B Thus he was the opposite of Gallio, who cared for none of these matters

oriental faiths and practices. • The^ scene would be similiur (though on a

smaller scale) to that described in detaU in xxt 23-2ULvi.

an 8-12 THE JUDGEMENT OF BARJESUS 201

the proconsul should he undermined, hegan to dispute. No doubt
he denied the statements of the apostles, and gave a very diflferent
version of the life of Jesus and the Messianic hopes of the Jews.
Tlie moment was critical. It was the first presentation of ths word
qf God to the Roman world : and naturally it was not easy for
Sergius Paulus to detect the vital distinction between the true
prophets and the false ^ Once and for all that distinction, and
the separation of Christianity firom all trafficking in spiritualism,

9 must be demonstrated. This was clear to Saul. He grasped the
situation, and under a sudden inspiration (^ the S^rit\ he stepped

Q forward. He fixed his eyes on Elymas with a piercing look, and
laid bare his true character. His pretended wisdom was all guUe
and viUainy : he was no son of a saviour TJesus), but a son of ths
devil : instead of being a prophet of God, ne was an enemy qf all
righteousness. His spiritualism was not subservient to the attain-
ment of righteousness, nay, it was fatal to real morality. For in
his attempt to turn aside the proconsul as he had others, he was
really turning aside and making crooked the ways of the Lord
which are straight. The work of the gospel was to make the
crooked straight. This had been the mission and preaching of
John the Baptist'; and in the straightforwardness, sincerity, and
simplicity, oi Christianity lay its chief appeal to *men of under-
standing.' In this lay the significance of the apostle's quotation
from Hosea : ' Who is wise and he shall understand these things ?
prudent and he shall know them ? for the ways of the Lord are
ripht (straight), and the just shall walk in them.' Conscious and
wilful perversion of, or resistance to, the truth was the sin of false
prophets hke Elymas and Simon Magus : the sin against the Holy
Ghost is of this character*; and the only hope of remedy is in
stem punishment which, when it has had time to work its work, in

^1 due season^ may bring to repentance. Accordingly Saul invokes
upon him the hand of the Ijord, which is migh^ to destroy as
well as to heaP. Blindness was an obvious 'sign' for punishment^
as spiritual blindness is the natural result of wnfiil shutting of the

3 res to the truths The efiect of this judgement of Elymas was
ectrical. None dared give the wretchea man a hand^ 77^
^2 proconsul himself was filled with amazement and belief. He
tecognized in the act the presence of divine power, and that Saul
iras the true prophet : he believed God.
It is commonly supposed that when he believed Sergius Paulus

' It wu hard enough for the Christians themselves. The false prophet resembled

tte true in aU external signs: op. II Cor xi 14-6, II Thess ii 9, 1 Jn iv 1-6, Ber xiu 14.

« Like 8. Peter in iv 8. » Lk i 76, ui 4. * Mt xii 31-2, Mk iu 2a-«0,

Uni 10. « Cp. Lk iv 13. • Exod ix 8. 1 Sam v 6-7, Heb x 31, 1 Pet v 6;

M p. 61. ' Spiritual blindness was the punishment of the unbelieving Jews

(Kxviii S6-7). We cannot forget that Saul himself had been punished with phydoal

Miflrinasi, which resulted in tiie opening of the eyes of his heart. ^ Another

aol* of an eje-witness : the graphic imperfect in the Greek shews us Barjesus

gvofong about in the court.

202 SAUL BECOMES ^PAUL' xm 9

became a Christian. It seems incredible that at this date a Roman
proconsul could have been converted ^ Of course it was not impossible
to the power of God, any more than the blinding of Elymas. But
it would have made a great stir in the church and in the world, of
which some echo must have reached us. For one thing it would
have been almost impossible for Paulus to continue in his office, which
involved official pa^ona^e of idolatrous worship. But there are no
signs in the narrative of anything extraordinary having taken place.
It was quite possible to believe, like Simon Magus', in the reality
of the divine power, without being converted in heart. S. Luke
does not add and was baptized, but only being astonished at the
teaching of the Lord. In the Gk)spel this phrase is the regular de-
scription for the attitude of the multitudes towards the Lord, an
attitude very different from discipleship. At the sight of the judgement
on El3rmas Paulus would rather have been filled with fear', and he
would have thought it safer to leave these dangerous questions and
prophetic rivalries alone. In any case he had no more dealings with
the apostles, who leave Cjrprus, instead of seizing the great opportunity
which a real conversion of the governor would have given them.

The real importance of the incident, however, does not turn upon
the question of an individual conversion. (I) It is the first appearance
of Christianity before the Roman aristocracy and authorities ; and so
it is the first step in the new stage of the progress of the gospel,
wliich will lead on to the appearance of Paul oefore the emperor
himself. And when Christianity does appear before the Roman world
it is with dramatic effect, with a striking conviction of false religion.
{i) The effect upon the apostles themselves must have been no less.
They also were no less astonished. The success of their first utterance
of the word in the court of a proconsul must have vastly enlarged their
hopes and widened their horizon. The deepest impression no doubt
was made on the mind of Saul. He was a Roman citizen, a privily
he had not fully valued hitherto because of his Jewish prid!e. Stul
the picture of the mighty empire of Rome, one and universal, m&j have
already impressed his imagination. And now that 'the teaching of
the Lord' was breaking down his Jewish pride, and his kinsmen
the Jews were rejecting Hhe word of the Lord,' his thoughts and
aspirations must have been turned more and more to his other fellow-
citizens, the Romans and their Gentile subjects. He had a csJl to
stand before Gentiles and kings; and the sight of the amazement
of Semus Paulus may have fired his ims^nation to rise to the
idea of the conversion of the empire — even of Rome itself, the centre
of the world, — to Christ. (3) This, indeed, is in the far future; but
a change of environment in the history of the apostles dates from
this time, and it is typified by a change of name — Saul who is abo

^ Agrippa's irony in xxyi 28 shewB how impossible the idea seemed io the aristo-
cracy ten or twelve years later. > Tiii 13. Cp. also Jadith xiv 10 where Aohior

iUso believed God in this sense. ' Like Feliz» xxiv 25.

xin 13 JOHN MASK RETURNS HOME 203

coiled Paul. Saul's Jewish name drops out of use, and its place
is taken t^ his Gentile name, which by a coincidence was that of the
governor himselT. In the court of Sergius Paulus, Paul had stood
as a Roman citizen. Henceforth his work lies in the Roman world,
he travels as a Roman and a citizen of the empire, and he bears a
Roman name. (4) The scene also marks a change in Saul's relation
to the church. Saul's sudden vigour brings him to the front; and
in the missionary work which ensues his Roman citizenship and his
power of speech' tend to make him the prominent member of the
party. We began with Barnabas and Saul, now we read of Paul
aTid his company, and so it will remain, except at Jerusalem*, This
incident effected the tianeition without any fnction or jealousy. For
the blinding of Elymas demonstrated that S. Paul possessed the power
of binding, and that the hand of the Lord was with him.

§2 GALATIA. Journey to the Pistdian Anlioch

13 Now Paul and bis company aet etui from Paphos, and
came to Pet^ga in Pampbylia : and John departed from them

14 and returned to Jerusalem. But they, passing through from
Perga, came 'to Antioch of Pisidia ; and they went into the
synagogue on the sabbath day, and aat down.

S. Paul generally accepted a scene before the authorities as bring-
ing his work in a city to an end : perhaps Sergiua Paulus himself (like
the magistrates at Philippi at a later date), awed by the judgement
on Elymas, requested them to leave liis jurisdiction. Accordingly
the apostles crossed the sea to Pei^ in Asia Minor, but there an
unfortunate division of counsels occurred. John Mark declined to go
fiutiier and returned from Ferga to Jerusalem. Our first impression
wunld be that S. Mark shrank from an advance into a new country
at each a distance from home. But Asia Minor was by no means
a terra vicognita, full of terrors, to the Jews. And John Mark had
come prepared for missionary work. Further, if it had been a case
of simple cowardice, it is not likely that S. Luke woold have recorded
it. The case would be otherwise, if it had been a matter of policy.
Now it is significant that he returned to Jerusalem, and that here
and in verse 5 he is still called by his Hebrew name of John, not
aa later Mark. 3. Paul himself looked upon the return as an act of
•apostasy'— he would not 'go to the work,' — and that would account
for his severity towards S. Mark in ch. xv, which otherwise would be

' II then ii knjthiiig mo:

ooDTert onW shew theii own (uid not 8. Pknl'i) W4nt of UaM. ' liT 13 :

in dignit; S. BunsbaB, u the elder, etill holds the flnt place. ■ iv 13, 30.

* Tha bwt Kss have to AMieck, the Pitiiian (Antioch) : Uie received text reads (a
JntiocA o/PiriiUa (=AT t» Fitidia).

204 JOURNEY TO xiii 14

80 inexplicable : it was not a personal matter, but one of principle.
We conclude then that John Mark was unable to keep pace with the
rapid expansion of S. Paul's views of work in the Gentile world.

Perga was an important city, the capital of Pamphylia ; it was not
however the apostles aim, for tiiey did not preach there but went on a
hundred miles further, across the Taurus mountains, to th/R Pisidian
Antioch, Nor does Aiitioch seem to have been their immediate aim
According to S. Paul's definite statement to the Gralatians, he onlv
preached there bv accident, in consequence of an attack of illness .
Antioch (as we shall see) offered many advantages for the preaching
of the gospel : but there were in its neighbourhood many other towns,
quite as &vourable and more important, such as Apamea. Nor does
there seem to have been any commercial route which would have
naturally led them from Perga to Antioch — the mountains and the
bri^nds formed a barrier to frequent intercourse. We are left then
enturely to conjecture as to the plans of the apostles. (1) The old
idea was that they found Per^a deserted, its population having
migrated up to the hills for the hot months. JBut, as Professor
Rammsay has shewn, this nomadic habit was introduced by the Turks
and would have been unknown to a Greek city. (2) Professor
Ramsay's own theory is much more plausible. At Perga S. Paul
had an attack of malarial fever which prostrated him. The remedy
was to move at once to higher ground. Now a hundred miles inland
stood the city of Antioch, which in itself, as a Roman colony, offered
to S. Paul an attractive sphere of work. Thither accordingly the
apostles went. It is surprising, indeed, to find a traveller prostrated
with fever making a difficult journey of a hundred miles. But a really
serious objection lies in S. raul's own words : Ye know that because
qf an injvrmity of the flesh I preached unto you theflrst time. The most
natural interpretation of these words is that it was at Antioch that
he was visited by this 'stake in his flesh' and so stopped in his
journey. Certainly the infirmity was with him at Antioch, for it was
a temptation to the Galatians to despise and reject the sufferer.
(3) If S. Luke was a native of Antioch and in the company of the
apostles, his knowledge of the country and civic patriotism would have
sufficed to guide them thither. But both the premises being conjectural,
this is not to be pressed. (4) For there is still left a very probable
explanation. The manifestation of the hand of the Lord at Paphos
and the impression made upon the proconsul gave (we may suppose)
a new impetus to S. Paul's missionary aspirations. In particular it
turned his eyes to the west. There they would have SeJlen first upon
the important province of Asia, with its flourishing capital Ephesus,
the seat of the proconsul and the greatest city in Asia Minor. At
Ephesus there was an influential Jewish colony. Ephesus also was
half-way to Rome; and yet, being on the coast, it had much more direct
communication with Jerusalem itself than any of the inland towns.

1 Gal iv 13-4.

xm 14 THE PISIDIAN ANTIOCH 205

So we conjecture that the apostles were now turning their steps

towards Ephesus. Rome we know was S. Paul's aim long before the

(tivine will enabled him to reach it, and it may have been the same

with Ephesus^ This sudden expansion of their plans was too much

for the conservative John Mark and he returned to Jerusalem. The

apostles however persevered. The great road from the east to Ephesus

ran through the interior of Asia Minor ; and accordindy thev sailed to

Feraa, and then crossed the Taurus to Antioch, \mere they would

strike the great highway from Antioch in Syria. But as so often

h&ppened with S. Paul's plans, the divine will had ruled otherwise',

aod they were stopped.

Antioch was really a ^rvgian city, situated in ^e south-eastern
comer of Phrygia, wmch boraered on risidia. Hence its proper name
WM AimoGHiA AD FisiDiAM, Atitioch which hordes on Fisidia, though
colloquially it may have been called simply the Pisidian Antioch\ to
dutingaish it from other Antiochs, e.g. the S3nrian. This district
is separated from/ the rest of Phrygia by the lofty range of the
Sohan Dagh (on a southern spur of which the city stood); it was
therefore assigned to the province of Galatia, and called the Ghilatian
Pb7aa\ The Sultan Dagh had another effect. It lay right across
tliamrect line of coinuiunication between east and west. To avoid
H the great road from Ephesus made a detour to the north between
Apunea, 60 miles west of Antioch, and Laodicea, 60 miles to its
ttst At Laodicea it branched into two : one road went straight on
through Cappadocia to the northern Euphrates, the other turned south
to Iconium and then ran south-east to tlie Cilician gates, by which
H crossed the Taurus to Tarsus, and so on to Antioch in Syria.
Now a short cut might be made by going south of the Sultan Dagh —
fiom Apamea to Antioch and from /bitioch on to Iconium. This
lOQte was at this epoch being opened up by the latinization of the
torict north of Mount Taurus — a process which was being actively

Sshed forward with a view to checking the brigands in the mountains,
this work Antioch formed the centre. Augustus had made it a
Boman colony (whence it also enjoyed the name of Gaesarea) and
jJanted a number of veteran soldiers there. We must realize then
Alt when S. Paul entered it, Antioch was (1) a Roman city, as much
H for instance, Philippi. Kke Philippi it had a Latin constitution
ttd Latin magistrates, its official language was Latin, and in the
fopolation there wa£ a Latin, and that the dominating, element.

' Cp. xix 21 and xxviii 16. Ephesas oertainly was his aim in his second journey,

xH C We shoald have expected them to go thither by sea. Possibly there was no

ikip at Perga, and, if it was late in the season, the north-westerly winds would be

Uovisg : cp. xxvii 4-8. ' As in the instances quoted in the preceding note,

ind the Bezan text in xix 1. > Prof. Ramsay is our chief authority in these

wiftiiw. It is admitted that the name * Pisidian Antioch ' is not found outside of

th0 Aeti. But as suggested above it may be a local touch, the popular name.

xiT S4 shews that our author knew that Antioch was not in Pisidia. * This is

inlBRad irom the name in xvi 6 the Phrygian and Oalatian region.

206 PAUL'S INFIRMITY OF THE FliESH xm u

Many of the inscriptions found here are in Latin, and bear the names
of soldiers and other Roman citizens. From them we also learn that the
city was an object of much imperial attention. A Drusos (? the father
of Tiberius) and Cn. Domitius Ahenobarbus, the father of Nero, both
accepted the office of duummr\ and distinguished Romans were amon^
the city's patrons*. (2) In appearance, however, the city would
present the orcUnary features of Hellenic civilization, with its a^ra
and theatre, its temples and porticoes. Roman influence added an
amphitheatre for gladiatorial shows and an aqueduct^ and their ruins
are still standing. (3) There was also a Jewish colony. Antioch like
many other cities, including its namesake of Syria, had been founded
about 300 B.C. by Seleucus Nicator the Macedonian king of Syria and
named after his wife ; and to attach Asia Minor to S3nria, Antiochus
the Great transplanted thither 2000 families of Jews. These were
the origin of the Jewish element in Phry^a, which attained to great
inflimpce, as is evident from our narrative; cp. xiii 50, xiv 4-5*.
If we remember in the last place (4^ the Phrygian substratum, we
shall see that Antioch was one of those cities which reflected the
cosmopolitan character of the empire, and were the best seed-plots
for the cosmopolitan or catholic religion of the gospeL

Paul however had not meant to preach here; but about the time of
his arrival he was attacked by an injirmity of the Jlesh. It is tempting
to suppose that this stake in the Jlesh, as he elsewhere calls it\ was
ophtnalmia. S. Paul would then carry about a life-long memorial' of
his conversion. This weakness would also account for his not recognizing
the high-priest in the Sanhedrin ; and give great point to his otherwise
strange expression for the devotion of tiie Galatians— {/* possible ye
would have plucked out your eyes and given them to me*. On the other
hand ophthalmia is supposed to be inconsistent witih the power of his
look, his fastening his eyes upon people. This phrase is however an
expression of S,^ Luke's, who does not confine it to S. Paur ; and a
weakness of vision would rather intensify the eagerness of the look.
Epilepsy and malarial fever have been suggested- But of this only
are we certain, that the infirmity was something which made S. Pam
contemptible to look upon, — ye did not despise nor rt^ect me, he says
to the Galatians, — and to such personal contempt S. Paul was by no
means insensible*. His loss however was the Galatians* gain. Being
unable to proceed, the apostles on the sabbath day went into the synch
gogue and sat down.

1 This we learn from the inBoriptions of their deputies, Sp. Pesoennins and
P. AniciuB Mazimus. DomitinB died about ld. 40. ' e.g. Cn. Pompeiiu

CoUega, prefect of Galatia in Vespasian's time. * And also from inaoriptions

altogether

NT it ocoors in one paflsage only (II Cor iii 7, 13). Out of the ten instances in the
Acts, it is only used of S. Paul three times. > Cp. II Cor x 1, 10-11, 1 ii 1.

ui 14 THE SYNAGOGUE SERVICE 207

The Stfnagogtie at Antioch

In 80 doing the apostles followed the custom of the Lord, and this
Bcoie is a companion picture to the memorable service in the synagogue
at Nazareth described in the Gospel of S. Luke (iv 16-30). It also
mttoduces us to a community of the Jews of the Dispersion (p. 22).
The Romans recognized the Jews as a 'nation,' and allowed them great
liberty. Accordingly in the Gkutile cities we find them organiz^ in
•Riaiate communities with a jurisdiction and magistrates of their own.
These magistrates were known as the Rulers or Elders {pred>yters), and
tliey were the ruling body in religious matters also : to the Jew there
was no division between religious and secular, all his life was covered
hy *the Law.' For the management of public worship, however, there
was added to this body of rulers a special official — the Archisynagogos
V Uyhr qf the synctpoque^. His omce was to preside over the public
Mrvice, and in particular to arrange it, that was to provide for the
nading, praying, and preaching. For there were no definite ministers
attached to the synagogue, nor were these functions confined to a
ipeci&I class. Any Israelite of good standing, though preferably a
piest) might pray, preach, or read; and the selection lay with the
niler of the synagogue. In the case of preaching ability was required,
uid only a pnest could pronounce the blessing. The arrangements of
the building were simple. At one end was the ark containing the books
of the Law ; a veil hung before it, and also lamps. At the same end
vcre ranged, facing the people, the ' first seats ' appropriated to the
nler and other dignities. In the centre was a raised platform, on which
>tood a lectern for reading and a seat for the preacher. The men
Wid women were probably separated — how, exactly, we do not know.
hmmg the con^egation in the foreign cities would be found a
^^ number ot Gentiles — some circumcised proselytes, but the
Bttijority simply adherents of the 'God-fearing' class, or 'Greeks".'
The service on the Sabbath day' consisted of three parts : (1^ The
>Bcttation of the Shema — a kind of creed composed out of Deut vi 4-9,
xi 13-21, Num xv 37-41, — Prayer, Eulo^es or Benedictions, to which
tte people responded Amen, and, if a priest was present, the Blessing,
p) Tlien followed the reading of the Scriptures*: first of the law,
j^y. the five Books of Moses, tiien of the prophets, which included the
historical books. The Law was divided mto lessons forming a three
Wti course. In Palestine seven persons took part in its reading, the
attendant {chazzan) handed the roll, and a methurgeman interpreted
4e Hebrew into the current Aramaic. In the sjmagogues of the
IXspersion, it is most likely that the Greek Bible (the Septuagint) was

' Ifk ▼ 35-8, Lk yiii 49, xiii 14, Acts zyiii 8. At Antiooh (and loonimn aooording
to tbe Bezan text) there seems to haye been more than one archiiynagogoi ; so
a]«> at Capernaum (Bik ▼ 22). Perhaps the plural denotes the arehitynagogoM
with the biody of ruling pre$bytert, ' w. 16, 26 : cp. ?v. 48, 44 ; and p. 166.

' There were also aenrices on Mondays and Tharsduys. * ?v. 15, 27, xv 21,

Lk ir 17-20*

208 a PAUL'S SERMON xin 15

generally read instead of the Hebrew. (3) At the end came an
exposition or exhortation by some competent person, which might be
followed by discussion. The preacher sat and 'taught' the people,
for that was the technical phrase. This, then, was ' the teaching in the
synagogues ' which formed so large a part in the Lord's ministry ; and
now we have a picture of what must have usually taken place when
8. Paul entered a synagogue of the Dispersion^

15 And after the reading of the law and the prophets the
rulers of the synagogue sent uuto them, saying, Brethren, if
ye have any word of 'exhortation for the people, say on.

It would soon have become known in the Jewish quarter, where
Barnabas and Paul had found a lodging, that the new comers were
teachers or rabbis. Accordingly, whether there had been previous
communication or no, qfter the reading^ the rulers sent the attendant
to invite them to teach or exhort the people. Of the two Patd was
the most learned and eloquent (xiv 12), so he rose from his place and
took his seat on the platform'. Then, having first beckoned with his
hand\ to call for their closest attention, he be^ui.

8. PavVs Gospel to the Jews

We have heard the preaching of S. Peter at Jerusalem"; and now
S. Luke is going to give a representation of S. PauVs teaching, or,
as he liked to call it, 'his gospel*'; and here *to the Jew first,'
tiiough even here * to tiie Gentile also.' This sermon is obviously but
a summary of the long address which the apostle actually delivered;
in its present form, like the other sermons in the Acts, it bears the
si^ns of compression, and in its final composition S. Luke's hand is
evident In its matter also it closely resembles the other sermons.
And yet in these few verses there are unmistakable marks of the
characteristic thought and phraseolo^ of S. Paul, as will be pointed
out below. Further, there is in particular such a constant a^eement
with die Epistle to the GaJatians as can hardly be accidental This will
appear from the references riven below.

The sermon falls into three parts : I (w. 17-25) the introduction;
II (26-37) the gospel; III (38-41) the practical appeal. I. Like
S. Stephen S. Paul begins by giving a survey of the history of Israel.
At the same time his originality and independence of mind is obvious.
To S. Stephen the history gives the doctrine of the Messiah, contained
in types : to S. Paul it is the actual preparation for the Messiah's

^ The above is chiefly gathered from EderBheim Life and Time$ of tfte Messiah
bk. II, oh. z (and Schurer*8 History of the Jewish People) which see for a fall aoooant
of all that ia known about the synagogae service at this time. ' Gk pcuraclesU :

Bezan has wisdom or paraclesis. ^ So, perhaps, we can reconcile oar Lord's

sitting and Paol's rising. « Cp. xxi 40, zix 33, xii 17. « To Jews ii 14-d9,

iii ld-26 : to Gentiles (at Gaesarea) x 34-43 : to the church, xi 5-17. * To Jews
xiii KMl : to Gentiles xiy 15-17, xvii 22-31 : to the church xx 18-35.

XIII 16-25 IN THE SYNAGOGUE 209

coming. With S. Stephen the great prototype is Moses the mediator :
with o. Paul it is David the xing. II. Tne gospel which S. Paul
'preached to the Galatians the first time* ' is the same as S. Peter's
— a proclamation of the Carets of the crucifixion and resurrection. The
presentation of the £skcts is varied; thus mention of the burial is added.
There is also an advance in the Christology. Jesus is Saviour (verse
23)' and King, But beyond this he is the Son of God. And sonship,
— of Israel, of the Christ, of the believers, — is the thought which runs
throughout. III. The moral is the same — the ofiier of forgiveness of
sins. Onljr here again there is a new application in the form which
has ever since been specially associated with S. Paul, viz. the doctrine
of justification by faitn. Lastly the apostle concludes with the warning
of judgement.

16 And Paul stood up, and beckoning with the hand said,

17 Men of Israel, and ye that fear God, hearken. The God of
this people Israel chose our fathers, and exalted the people
when they sojourned in the land of Egypt, and with a high

18 arm led he them forth out of it And for about the time of

19 forty years 'suffered he their manners in the wilderness. And
when he had destroyed seven nations in the land of Canaan,
he ^gave them their land for an inheritance, 'for about four

20 hundred and fifty years : and after these things he gave them

21 judges until Samuel the prophet. And afterward they asked
for a king : and God gave unto tliem Saul the son of Kish,
a man of the tribe of Benjamin, for the space of forty years.

22 And when he had removed him, he raised up David to be
their king ; to whom also he bare witness, and said, 'I have
found David the son of Jesse, ^a man after my heart, who

23 shall do all my "wilL Of this man's seed hath God according

24 to promise * brought unto Israel a Saviour, Jesus; when John
had first preached ^® before his "coming the baptism of re-

25 pentance to all the people of Israel. And as John was
fulfilling his course, he said, ^^What suppose ye that I am?
I am not he. But behold, there cometh one after me, the
shoes of whose feet I am not worthy to unloose.

^ Gal iv 13, i 6-9. ' This we have had before in S. Peter's preaching,

especially in his second sermon. > 6k etropophoresen : so KBD. But AG and

other authorities have etrophophoresen, bare them as a nursing father (Deut i 81).
* AV divided their land to them by lot. ^ AY and after that he gave unto them

judges about the space of four hundred and fifty years, until Samuel the prophet,
> Pb Izzzix 20. 7 I Sam xiii 14. ^ Gk wilU, 9 AV reads raUed

(Judg iii 9, 15). *® Gk before the face of—Vk Hebrftism* " Gk entering in

(eisodus), " AV reads Whom,

n. A. 14

210 a PAUL'S SERMON xra 26-40

26 Brethren, children of the stock of Abraham, and those
among you that fear God, to ^us is the word of this

27 salvation sent forth. For they that dwell in Jemsalem, and
their rulers, because they knew 'him not, nor the voices of
the prophets which are read every sabbath, fulfilled tiiem hf

28 condenming hinu And though they found no cause of deathi.
in him, yet asked they of Pilate that he should be Am^

29 And when they had 'fulfilled all things that were written oS
him, they took him down from the tree, and laid him m sb

30 tomb. But God raised him from the dead : and he

31 seen for many days of them that came up with him froi
GalUee to Jerusalem, who are now his witnesses unto th'

32 people. And we * bring you good tidings of the promi*'^

33 made unto the fathers, how that God hath fulfilled the saia^
unto '^oiu* children, in that he raised up Jesus ; as also it ^
written in the •second psalm, Thou art my Son, this day ha^^

34 I begotten thee. And as concerning that he raised him up
Irom the dead, now no more to return to corruption, he hatb
spoken on this wise, 'I will give you 'the holy and siir^

35 blessings of David. Because he saith also in another psal^^

36 "Thou wilt not give thy Holy One to see corruption. Fo^
David, after he had ^°in his own generation served the couas^*
of God, fell on sleep, and was laid unto his fathers, and s^^

37 corruption : but he whom God raised up saw no corruptioi*^-

38 Be it known unto you therefore, brethren, that thro^^"^

39 this man is proclaimed unto you remission of sins" : and ^^5
him every one that believeth is justified from all things,

40 which ye could not be justified by the law of Moses.

^ AY reads you. * Or this {word). Bezan readings here di£Fer very miM

J> has because they understood not the scriptures of the prophets : and after sabf^
Blass restores the text thus — rejected him. And though they found no caus^
death in hinit they condemned him and delivered him to Pilate to be put to death : a
they were accomplishing all things that were written of him^ and they asked Pilots
crucify him... and when they had obtained their request they again asked to take /b'
down from the tree, and they took him down [and laid him in a tomb. > Or aeefff^-
plished. * Gk evangelize. ' AV reads us their children. < D and

some fathers have firsty according to a nmnhering of the Psalms of which there
are traces in early authorities. JPs ii 7 (Heb i 5, ▼ 5). Bezan completes the qnoti-
tion ask of me and I will give thee the Gentiles for thine inheritance and the ends tf
the earth for thy possession. ^ Isai Iv 8. ^ Gk the holy {things) of Dearid,

the sure {things). " Ps xvi 10 (Acts ii 27). ^^ Marg served his own geneui>

tion by the counsel of Ood,fell on sleep or served his own generation^ fell on sleep by
the counsel of God. ^ Bezan adds and repentance. ^* Gk tit.

1 16-20 IN THE SYNAGOGUE 211

therefore, lest that come upon you, which is spoken in the
prophets ;

*Behold, ye despisers, and wonder, and perish ;
For I work a work in your days,
A work which ye shaU in no wise beheve, if one declare
it unto you*.

S. Paul addresses both the Jews, under the covenant name of
l9rael\ and the Crod-fearing Gentiles, among whom were some of
the leading ladies in the city (verse 50).

I. In his review of the history C^) S. Paul begins at the very
banning, the choice of Israel by God. In his eternal will and
purpose Chd chose Israel, when as yet Israel was not, as he had
chosen Paul, and as he had fore-ordained the Christ before the
foundation of the world \ Then we pass to the fulfilment of this
will in time. First (J9) the creation of Israel. In Egypt he eaxilted
the people, i.e. he raised them up out of nothingness to be a people,
or more particularly, as Isaiah expresses it, to be his sons. So ne also
exalted David, one chosen out oi the people, and after that his own
Son*. Being in the house of bondage Israel had to be redeemed *, so
he brought them out of it and saved them : cp. verse 23. {(J) After
the deliverance of the Exodus the people needed education ; so as a
father God first taught his sons in their youth in the wilderness for
forty years 'y and then, when they came of age, he gave them an
inheritance of their own, a gift which involved the dispersion or
rejection of other nations who had never attained to sonship.
S. Paul says, according to the reading of the best mss, that in the
wilderness God suffered their manners, i.e. as a father he put up
with their childish wilfulness and waywardness. The cliange of
only one letter however would give us (as is read in some mss) bare
them as a nursing father. Tins word is found in Deut i 31 , and
is very tempting. But the first reading is to be preferred. S. Paul
wants to emphasize the patience of God, and the divine patience
is the burden both of Stephen's history and of Deuteronomy
itsdf". In the next verse the weight of the mss, this time un-
questionable, has caused an alteration from the AV by which the
450 years — evidently a round number — there assigned to the period
of the Judges, are now given to the time (reckoned presumably fix)m
the promise to Abraham*) up to the Judges. This again falls in with
8. raid's argument, as the Epistle to the Galatians explains : he
wishes incidentally to call attention to the long interval between

' Hab 15. ' Bezan adds and they (or he) became tilent. * Cp. the

rod of God in Oal vi 16. « Paul, ix 15, cp. zxii 14 : the Christ, Lk xxiii 35,

U (BY) ; cp. Acts iii 20 etc. The church is also chosen, Eph i 4 : and cp. I Ck)r
)7-8. B For exalt in this sense see Exod vi 7, Gen xlviii 19 : and also Isai i 2,
liizzziz 19, Acts ii 38. > For the idea of redemption see Oal i 4, iii 13, iv 5.

sad also in n Maoo vii 27. ^ The Astumption of Motes dwells on the patience

f Motet: *he suffered many things' (p. 99 note >). * when Ood cho§e the fathers.

14—2

212 S. PAUL'S SERMON xui 20-25

tlie promise and *the law which came after^' (D) In Canaan we
have the preparation of Israel for the Messiah * under guardians
and stewards until the term appointed of the father *' — first judges,

21 then a prophet^ then a king. In the mention of Saul, the son of
Kish, a man of the tribe of Benjamin the voice of Saul of Tarsus,
himself a man of the tribe of Benjamin, is unmistakable. But the
allusion serves to teach the doctrine that God can reject those

22 whom he has chosen, if they fail to respond. And so when he had
removed Saul*, he raised up in his place David the son of Jesse; — to
specify his tribe was unnecessary, for he had the inward spirit of
response, he was a man after Gods otvn heart, (E) In David we
have the climax of the tuition of the people, and he was the best
'tutor' to bring them to the Messiah*. For (1) he was raised up by
God himself, as was Moses ^ (2) He was raised m to be king;
and though David was also a prophet^ the office of King surpasses
all other offices. (3) God himself bore him mtness\ as he aid to
his own son Jesus wnen he said * This is my beloved son in whom I
am well pleased ' ; and the witness was that what David did was in

23 fulfilment of the divine wiU. (4) The promise given long ago to
Abraham was renewed to David, and confined to his seed. It now
ran thus : * I will set up thy seed after thee, which shall proceed out
of thy bowels, and I will establish his kingdom'.' It is the fulfil-
ment of this promise which S. Paul has come to announce, and he

24 passes to it. But {F) the OT preparation is not even now com-
plete. There is needed the immediate preparation — the forerunner
to announce the arrival, and (as it were) to open the door for the
entrance^^, of the Messiah. This was Jonn the Baptist, the greatest
of the prophets ; and also the last, for * the law and the prophets
were until John.' His special work was to preach repentance^ and

25 to bear personal witness to the Christ. And in so doing he was
fulfilling, not only his own course or office, but the whole history of
the OT. * The fulness of the time had come".'

In this summary of the history of Israel, brief as it is, we can
unmistakably recognize the mind of S. Paul. (1) He passes over in
silence the giving of the law, which was to the Jews the greatest epoch

1 Qal iii 17. There S. Paul gives 430 years from the promise to the law, which
only leaves 20 years for the wanderings in the wilderness. * Qal !▼ 2.

* S. Peter had also recognized Samuel as introducing the prophetic era (iii 34).

* The reverse happened to Saul of Tarsus : God called him to himself. The forty
years of SauPs reign are not given in the OT ; it is a part of current lore, found
in Josephus. ' Gal iii 24. " iii 22, vii 37 : the Messiah was also raiud
up, see below. ^ ii 30. > The witness is taken from Ps Ixzxix 20, I Sam
xiii 14 and Isai zliv 28 (lxx). The last clause reminds us of *Paul an apostle
tkrmtgh the will of Ood * (Gal i 1). "II Sam vii 12-6 ; cp. Ps Izxzix 29, 86,
Acts ii 30. The seed is also prominent in Galatinns. There (iii 16) Abrahiim*s
seed is the Christ. ^^ The entrance {eisodust) is the opposite of the exodut
(verse 17). S. Paul uses the word of himself in I Th i 9, ii 1. ^^ Gal iv 4 ;
cp. Acts xiv 26, xix 21 (fulji!). S. Paul was fond of the metaphor of the raoe-oonree
for the work of the ministiy or of life : I have finished the course (U Tim iv 7 : cp.
Gal y 7, ii 2 running).

xni 17-25 AND THE OLD TESTAMENT 213

in their history. Nor does he use the word 'covenant' — concerning
which the Jews had fallen into such error, supposing that God was
himself inextricably bound to them by it. Instead of these he speaks
of the promise in verses 23 and 32 ; and the distinction between the
law and the promise is one of the ground arguments in Galatians*.

(2) The unbelief of the Jews was the problem which vexed the
early Christians and not least S. Paul himself ^ Here he shews the
freedom of God to reject those who do not obey in the instance of Saul,
mentioned here alone in the NT. That the same principle applies to
the Gentiles as well as to the Jews is shewn by the destruction of the
seven nations of Canaan. In Galatians the antithesis between choice
and rejection is illustrated by the two sons of Hagar and Sarah^

(3) Tlie history of Israel is represented as the growth and education
of a son : first brought out of Egypt ^; then exhibiting the waywardness
of youth in the wilderness ; entering at last upon Ins inheritance, but
still kept in a state of pupilage under guardians and stewards. So he
speaks of the Jews as the sons of the stock of Abraham^ while the
Christians are the true children of the fathers (verses 26 and 33) : the
Messiah also is ths Son of God^ as S. Paul had preached at Damascus*.
This exactly corresponds with the doctrine of Galatians, where the
Israelites are the children of God, and to redeem them God has sent
forth his Son, and the result is that we have received the adoption of
sons'. (4) In this education — althougli the word does not occur till
verse 43 — the work of God was entirely one of gi'ace. He chose, he
endured as a father, he gave judges, he gave Saul, he raised up David
and he brought a saviour Jesus. So again he raised Jesus from the
dead, and fulfilled his own promise*. Similarly in Galatians * God sent
forth his Son,' and * sent forth the Spirit of his Son ' ; and the Son
' gave liimself for our sins.' (5) Instead of Moses, David is the great
type of the Christ. Elsewhere S. Paul describes the Lord as *bom
of the seed of David'.* In part this was to dissociate the mind of the
Jew from the inalienable pnvileges which he believed to belong to the
literal seed of Abraham and from the supreuie importance which he
attached to the law which was given through Moses ^^ But the chief
reason is that David was kinr;, S. Paul had realized tliat the

^ Gal iii 15-29. A comparison of verse 27 {the prophets) here and xv 21 {Moses)
may indicate the different points of view. ^ See Horn ix-xi and helow on ch.

xxviii. ' Gal iv 22-v 1. Below (verses 27-8) the same lesson is suggested by

the names of Jenualem and Pilate. ^ Out of Egypt did I call my son (Mt ii 16).

> ix 20. Stephen had spoken of t?ie Son of Many and Philip had taught of the Son
of Ood (in the AV and Bezan texts of viii 37) : otherwise in the Acts S. Paul alone
oalls Qirist the Son. * The word son occurs 13 times and child 4 times in

Galatians. The actual expression som of Abraham in iii 6. Cp. i 16, ii 20, iv 4, 6 :
iu 23-iv 7, iv 21-v 1. ^ and again in xiv 8, 26. ^ Cp. the repeated will

give (34, 35) and gave (20, 21). » Bom i 3 : cp. also II Tim ii 8, Jn vii 42, Lk

i 27, 32, 69, ii 4, 11. For Abraham's seed see Bom ix 7-9, iv 13-22, Jn viii 33, Lk
iii 8. On the seed of Abraham S. Paul buUds an important argument in Gal iii 16.
1* In Gal iii 19 S. Paul speaks of the mediator without mentioning the name of
Moses.

214 S. PAUL'S SERMON xiii 26-27

inheritance (verse 19) was to be a kingdom ^ Of course this idea was
not peculiar to him : the Lord had spoken of ' the kingdom ' and called
himself a king'. But it was S. Paul who fastened on the idea, and
that no doubt because of the deep impression made upon him by the
great Roman kingdom or empire. He saw in Christ the true king or
emperor. And so in fact the words *king' and 'kingdom' are associated
in the Acts with the work of S. Paul', or rather (we may say) with work
among the Gentiles, — Philip had peached the kingdom at Samaria^
Paul and Baniabas founded the kmgdom in Galatia, Paul proclaimed
the kingdom at Rome.

It is also interesting to note how the teaching of the OT history is
summed up in the names S. Paul quotes. It is the preparation of
Israel, Goas chosen people. The stages in the divine education are
represented by Abraham their &ther, Moses the lawriver, Samuel the
prophet, David the king, John the preacher (or herald) : and all lead
up to Jesus the Saviour. On the otner hand the names of Canaan and
Saul, of Jerusalem and Pilate, declare the possibility of rejection.

26 II. S. Paul has now come to the gospel or good tidings (verse
32). He betrays his emotion" by addressing the Jews as his
Brothers and kinsmen, sons of the stock of Abraham, But he does
not forget the Gentiles (the God-fearing), and identifying himself
with both exclaims To us is the word (i.e. the message and revela-
tion) of this salvation sent forth^. It was the same message with
which S. Peter had opened the gospel to Cornelius^, only in S. Paul's
mind salvation is the predominant idea : the gospel is this salva-

27 tion', Jesus the Saviaur (verse 231 The message is brought to
the Antiochenes, because (for) it nad been rejected in Jeru^em.
This brings the apostle to the most difficult part of his message,
and the difficulty is reflected in the broken ana uncertain character
of the text*, ror (1) in the forefront of the gospel, S. Paul,
like S. Peter at Jerusalem, liad *to set forth Christ crucified**' ;
and this was *to the Jews a scandal and to the Gentiles foolish-
ness".' (2) That the dwellers in Jei^usalemy God's own city,
and their rulers, the guardians and interpreters of the law, should
have crucified the Messiah seemed a monstrous assertion. Such
madness would have been fiir worse tlian the disobedience of
Saul (verse 22): and their action created a presumption against
the truth of the preacher's good tidings. In answer, and to excuse

»i ■ — ■ - ■ — ■ — ■ - —

^ So in Gal v 21 the inheritance is the kingdom of God, For the inheritemce
ep. also Gal iii 29 (according to promise)^ iv 1-7. ^ Cp. especially Mt xxr 34.

* Cp. verse 21, xiv 22, xiz 8, xx 25, xxviii 23, 81 all connected with S. PaoL
^ viii 12. B g^ Paul's message is almost as moving as that of the Lord in the

synagogue at Nazareth — To-day is this scripture fulfilled in your ears (Lk iy 21).
< In Gal iv 4, 6 God sent forth his Son and the Spirit. ^ x 36. ■ Cp. t 20

the words of this life : op. also xxviii 28. ' Thus to make verse 27 clear &e BY

supplies them and him which are not in the Greek : also in the Greek it is the voices
which are read. The uncertainty may be owing to compression on S. Luke's part,
and then the Bezan text will represent stages in the process. ^ Gal iii 1.

11 I Cor i 28, cp. Gal vi 12-4.

XIII 27-33 IN THE SYNAGOGUE 215

the people of Jerusalem, S. Paul uses the same arguments as
S. Peter. (1) They had done it in ignorance : for *had they known,
they would not have crucified the Lord of glory^' (2) Their action
haa really fulfilled the voices of the prophets^. The crucifixion of
the Christ was part of God's eternal counsel : more, it was the full
29 and final accomplishment^ of the scriptures. When Jesus died upon
the cross, the law came to an end too: for having fulfilled it, he
'redeemed us from the curse of the law*.' (3) 'mough, by being
hanged upon the tree, he had 'been made a curse,' it was 'for us"' :

28 in mmself he was innocent, entirely separate from sin, as the rulers
themselves admitted ; they had found no cause of death in him.

29 When they had taken him down, thev laid him in a tomb. S. Peter
had enlarged upon David's burial", but the burial of the Lord had
not yet formed part of the apostles' witness. It was however an
integral part of S. Paul's gospel, which was *that Christ died for
our sins according to the scriptures, and that he was buried, and
that he hath been raised on the third dav according to the
scriptures'.' The reason was the same for which Peter had cited
David's burial. It proved the reality of the death and therefore of
the resurrection firom the dead. Had the end of the Christ been
like that of Enoch or Elijah, or had he been taken up from the cross
into heaven, there would have been no proof that he had really

31 died. But Christ had been buried, and (4) his resurrection was the
last and glorious vindication of his crucifixion. This is the good

32 tidings^ which takes away the oflFence of the cross and brings the
preacher back to the promise.

30 The cardinal fact of the resurrection requires proof and ex-

31 planation. For proof S. Paul appealed in verse 31 to the witness
of the apostles. S. Peter had spoken as one who had seen to
Jews who had crucified ; S. Paul is speaking to Jews ^ho had not
crucified, and not wishing to complicate matters bv referring to
his own vision of the Lord, he simply refers to the undoubted
ttitnesses at Jerusalem. His part is now that of an evangelist,

32 and as such he has to interpret the fact. For this resurrection
of Jesus was as great a surprise to the Jews as the crucifixion.
Their Messianic hopes had never taken such a form as that.

33 And yet God had thus completely fulfilled these hopes, or the promise
made to the fathers, — and the fulfilment was offered to the true
spiritual children of God and the fathers, whether of the seed of
Abraham or no', — bi/ the raising up of Jesus. This raising up was

^ I Cor u 8, Aots iii 17. It was S. PauPs excuse for himself (I Tim i 13).
' Gal Y 14 and vi 2 shew how the law is fulfilled^ viz. by the exact opposite of the
mlers' condact — love. ' Jn xix 30 It is accomplithed. * Gal iii 13.

B Gal iii 13. ^ ii 20 : op. the burial of the patriarchs, vii 16. ^ I Cor xv 3-4.
^ Evangelize occurs five times in Galatians, evangel (gospel) seven times. ^ The
reading; of the text our children can hardly be right : the AY has us their children
which is very like a correction, and would also exclude the Gentiles. Gal iv 28 and
iii 7 help to explain it. S. Paul probably meant the 'children of the promise,*
* those of faith who are the real sons of Abraham.' Perhaps the original reading

r

216 a PAUL'S SERMON Xra 33-36

in fact twofold^: (1) He was raised up, like Moses and David, in
his incarnation and birth. (2) He was raised up from the dead.
But what was the promise itself — that is, the trae inheritance ot
which the old had been a figure (verse 19)? When we compeiT^
S. Peter's interpretation of * the promise of the Father,' and S. PaizVa
teaching of the Galatians ' that we might receive the promise of tihe
Spirit", there can be little doubt that by the promise S. Paul atlso
understood the gift of the Holy Spirit^ who is *the Spirit of JesiiS-'
Else the doctrine of the Holy Spirit, which is Aindamental iii
S. PauFs gospel, would be lacking here. But, though the apo^i:le
does not develope this doctrine now, it will be found to have «^
intimate connexion with both the raisings-up of Jesus. (1) In Ixis
birth Jesus was raised up as the Son of God. This is declared, in
that great utterance of the Father, here quoted for the first tixxic,
Thou art my SON, this day have I begotten thee. This was "fclie
meaning of the Baptist's witness (verse 25) : it had been ^ ^tlie
preaching of S. Paul (ix 20). But when Jesus was 'brought into
the world ' it was as * firstborn,' to be ' the firstborn amon^ ni.^«y
brethren'.' He introduced into the world a new sonsmp, "tlie
sonship of God. That sonshin is the fulfilment of Israel's aes'tdTiy
and our inheritance; and that sonship, as the Epistle to 'the
Galatians teaches, is made over to us by the gift of the Speb-XT^
(2) Again this ^ft is only made possible by the resurrection.^ For
u the gift is given through Jesus the Son of Man*, if it is the
gift of his own Spirit, it depends on his continued and ete^"^^
fife. Accordingly, the apostle proceeds to prove firom the scX^P*
tures that having been raised from the dead Jesus possesses *^
incorruptible life, and that death hath no more dominion ^^^
him. The promise to David, as recorded in Isaiah, ran 'I '^^.
make an everlasting covenant with you, even the sure mercies ^
David,' or, as the Greek Bible had it, the holy things of Davidp ^^
sure things. And the security sigmfied is explained by the ^^^^w
of the original promise in 2 Sam vii 16, *Thy kingdom shall ^^^

85 made sure for ever,' that is, it was an eternal covenants And ^-'^^e
interpretation is confirmed by another passage which asserts ^^L^
incorruptibility of God's Holy One. This passage had already t^^^^

36 used by S. Peter^, and S. Paul follows him. l)amd had don^ '^J,
God's will (verse 22) by serving his own generation^ and then^^ ^
accordance with the counsel of God, he fell asleep and was bur'^

WEB simply to the children, which the copyists did not onderstand and trie^
oorreot. The Greek word here, child, is different from that for $on, Cp. S. P^
in ii 89. ^ The doable sense of the word raise up is no diffieolty. The idea^

ooorse ran into one another; and another Greek word is used in the same doc^
sense in this sermon (BV raise up, raise in w. 23, 80). For the former sense cn^'
pare iu 22, 26: vii (18) 37. M 4, ii 33 : Gal iii 14. > Heb i 6; Bom mi

— cp. verse 11 feUow-heirs with Christ. « Gal iv 5-6 : see the whole ^

from ui 28. » ii 33. > Isai Iv 8, op. Ps Izxxix 4, 29, 86 thy seed wHl

establish for ever. The Greek word for sure is the same as for faithful. ^

2&-8L

xni 36-39 JUSTIFICATION BY FAITH 217

and hi8 body decayed away'. The promise then could not apply to
B7 David, but only to the Christ, who, oy the same counsel of Gody saw
no corruption in the tomb, and being raised out of it dieth no more,
but, sitting at God's right hand, serves all generations.
J^ III. That service S. Paul now makes knoum unto his hearers.
With an affectionate yearning for his brothers^ he makes his
proclamation^ It is (I) the offer o{ forgiveness of sins through this
man, viz. through his aeath and ' faith in his blood.' The condition
of repentance has already been intimated in the mention (in verse 24)
t S of Jcmn's baptism of repentance. But (2) something more is needed.
Forgiveness relates to the past, but the present and future life
remains. And as the Lord delayed his coming, and as selfishness
and covetousness, murmuring and division, were making their
appearance in the church, the need of walking in newness of life
was being felt more and more. The divine gift which is the answer
to diis need is contained in S. Paul's offer of justification. In this
matter the controversies of centuries have darkened counsel, and
the meaning of the offer here will be best interpreted out of S. Paul's
personal experience. His life had been one single and continued
search after righteousness. Of this we have seen signs in his vision
of the Righteous One and his denunciation of Barjesus as the enemy
of all righteousness^. This righteousness involved two requirements :
first, the blotting out of past unrighteousness, or the forgiveness of
sins, which is the being accepted by God as righteous ; secondly, the
being made actually nghteous, so as to walk in righteousness, and
that with no fictitious but a real righteousness — no mere external
compliance with a law could sufiice, nothing less than a ' righteous-
ness of God.' In his epistles S. Paul generally uses 'justification '
in the former or ' forensic ' sense of bemg acquitted and accounted
innocent. But such acquittal is only in view of an actual righteous-
ness hereafter to be attained. Thus the two aspects are really
inseparable, and we find them both in this passage. S. Paul had
been striving to realize the life of righteousness by a strict com-
pliance witli the law of Moses, but attainment by such means was
impossible. Instead ot attainment, his failure had only brought him
Under the condemnation or ' curse ' of the law. Then he liad found
the secret, which he now reveals to his hearers. Tlie sentence of
condemnation had been done away and he had been justified by
Christ: righteousness had been brought within his reach, and he
^cas made just, in CSirist. For the life of righteousness is a life in
Christ, viz. a life lived in actual vital union with the life of the risen
liord : and this can be attained through faith, which is the spiritual
effort of incorporation into the life of Christ As such a spiritual
ener;^, £uth is possible to every man, and so the offer of riguteous-
ness is catholic : in him every one that believeth is justified. Here

^ The balance of the sentence is in favoor of the second marginal rendering, as is
*«ao ii 28. Cp. xx 27. ^ This word seems characteristic of S. Paul's manner :

«^ xiU 6, XV dC, xvi 17, 21, xvii 8, 13, 23, xxvi 23. * xxii 14 : xiii 10.

218 THE APOSTLES xiii 39-41

then is at least the germ of the famous doctrine of Justification by
Faith, of which the epistles to the Komans and the Galatians are
the text-books. In the latter our text is thus paraphrased : knowing
that a man is not jtistified by the works of the law, save through
faith in Jesus Christ, even we believed on Christ Jesus, that we might
be justified by faith in Christ and not by works qf the law. And
this is the interpretation of the in him here : that life which I now
live in the flesh I live in faith, the faith which is in the Son of God\

40 The offer made, there was left to his hearers the choice between
acceptance and rejection. Rejection was possible on the part of both
Jew and Gentile'. So S. Paul ends with a note of warning, which
implies the doctrine of judgement to come. He speaks with care,
using the very words of scripture. Habakkuk had warned the Jews

41 of his day of a work of judgement which God was preparing for them,
viz. the Babylonian invasion. But they would not believe, thev
despised the warning and consequently were utterly destaroyei
S. raul likewise knew that a day of the Lord was being prepared
for the unbelieving Jews. Three years later he writes to the
Thessalonians that *the wrath of (lod is come upon them to the
uttermost'.* And it came in the utter destruction of Jerusalem.
But the truth of judgement is universal and the warning applied
to his Gentile hearers also, as in fisu^t in the Hebrew original instead
of despisers stands ye arnong the nations. With these words S. Paul
stopped. According to the dramatic addition in the Bezan text he
became silent. And so ended the greatest sermon that was ever
preached in the synagogue of Antioch.

The turning to the Gentiles

The effect of the sermon was proportionate. It led to the crisis
of 'the work.' The Jews rejected the offer : the Gentiles accepted it.
Accordindy God rejects the Jews, and the apostles turn to the Gentiles.
And in this crisis at Antioch were fulfilled at last so many prophecies
of the OT*, so many parables of the Gospel*, and the direct command
of the Lord*. This was the first and tvpical ' turning ' ; but it was to
be foUowed by similar incidents, attended with more bitter feeling, at
Corinth and Ephesus^.

42 "And as they went out, they besought that these words

43 might be spoken to them ^the next sabbath. Now when the

^ Gal ii 16 : ii 20. The epistle is full of similar passages. The doctrine is
the same as here: we are forgiven through ChrUt; justified in Christ, i.e. by
nnion with him, which starts from faith and is consummated in sacraments (e.g.
baptism, Gal iii 27). In S. Peter's teaching we find the same two elements (x •&
and XY 10-1). « Op. w. 19. 27. 28. » I Th ii 16. * e.g. Isai xlii 6,

zlv 22, xlix 6 : Ixy 1-2. ^ e.g. of the two sons, and the wicked husbandmen

(Mt xxi 28-48). « Mt xxviii 19, Mk xvi 15, Acts i 2, 8. ' xviii 6, xix 9.

* AV reads And when the Jews were gone out of the synagogue, the Gentiles besought
[or As they were going out of the synagogue of the Jews, the Gentiles besought}.

* AY margin in the week between.

cm 42-43 TURN TO THE GENTILES 219

synagogue broke up, many of the Jews and of the devout

proselytes followed Paul and Barnabas^ : who, speaking to

them, urged them to continue in the grace of Grod^
14 And the next sabbath almost the whole city was gathered
Ii5 together 'to hear the word of ^God. But when the Jews saw

the multitudes, they were filled with jealousy, and contradicted

the things which were spoken by Paul, "and blasphemed.
16 And Paul and Barnabas spake out boldly, and said. It was

necessary that the word of God should first be spoken to you.

Seeing ye thrust it from you, and judge yourselves unworthy
^T of eternal life, lo, we turn to the Gentiles. For so hath the

Lord commanded us, sayiiig,

I have set thee for a light of the Gentiles,
That thou shouldest be for salvation unto the uttermost
part of the earth.
8 And as the Gentiles heard this, they were glad, and 'glorified

the word of ^God : and as many as were ordained to eternal

life believed.
^ And the word of the Lord was spread abroad throughout

0 all the region. But the Jews urged on the devout women of
honourable estate, and the 'chief men of the city, and stirred
up 'a persecution against Paul and Barnabas, and cast them

1 out of their borders. But they shook off the dust of their
^ feet against them, and came unto Iconium. And the disciples

were filled with joy and with the Holy Ghost

^ After the sermon the preacher might be questioned and a
discussion follow. But it is evident from the KV text, which is
quite certain, that the apostles did not stav for this. Paul, we
remember, was suffering from an infirmity, the sermon must have
bc^u a great effort, and they went out of the synagogue at once. A
&vourable impression however had been made on the Jews, who
requested them to preach on the same subject the next sabbath^,

U Then, when the congregation dispersed^ many of them, both Jews
and proselytes of the devout or ' Uod-fearing class, made their way

^ Bezan adds cuking to he baptized, ' Bezan adds And it came to pott that

Ike Word of Qod w<u spread through the whole city, ' Bezan has to hear] Paul,

i*d when he had preached for a long time about the Lord and [the Jews, * Or

irilh lome mbb the Lord, and so in verse 48. * AY and Bezan contradicting and

Uc^ibnifi^. • Bezan received, ' Qkjiret, ' Bezan adds great qjfflie'

(•M flul [ penecution, ' The Greek may be translated in the intervening week,

«hi«h would mean at the Monday and Thonday services.

220 REJECTION OF THE JEWS xiii 43-46'

to the apostles' lodgings and asked for further instrnctioiL This
the apostles gave, and they tvere perstiadin^ them^ to continue in
the grace of God. Grace is S. PauT s favounte word for describing
the special gift of God to us in our redemption and justification.
We nave already had it in the sense of /atxnir, whether human or
divine; but here it occurs for the first time' in the special Pauline
sense, corresponding to his words in verses 38-9. The idea of ex-
pectation is also contained in the word for continue*. S. Paul
asks them to correspond to the measure of faith they have already
received — viz. to hold it &8t and fulfil all its requirements, e.g. in
being baptized (as is suggested by the Bezan text), and to eiq)ect
further divine favour in answer to their stedfastness.

44 The apostles no doubt freely spoke at home to the * devout'
Greeks as well as to the Jews ; their report soon spread aU acer
the city, and next sabbath the synagogue was packed. The whole
city almost was there, and the congregation must have contained
numbers of Gentiles who Iiad no association with Judaism at all
— Latins and Greeks and Phrygians. They had come to hear
the word of God or (as the Sezan text with striking fidelity
to human nature expresses it) to hear Paul. It was the new
preacher which attracted them. As before, Favi was the speaker,
and he spoke at great length about the Lord: he preached

45 Christ unto them, and with evident effect*. At the sight of
this eager crowd the Jews, however favourably disposed before,
were now filled with jealousy^; and (like El3nnas) they began to
contradict Paul, Debate was thus started, and the Jews even
blasphemed or cursed Christ; no doubt they contended that ^everyone
that hangeth on a tree is accursed'.* In the presence of the Gentile
con^egation, as of the proconsul at Paphos, the situation was

46 critical. The gospel was at stake. And the apostles saw that the
moment had come when they must choose between Jews or (Gentiles.
Accordingly they summonea up all their courage and spoke out the
plain truth. Paul was the spokesman, but Barnabas fully concurred.
The apostles had preached to the Jews first, because of the order of
God's election — *to the Jew first, and also to the Greek.' But the
Jews by their own action were thrusting away'' the offer of eternal
li/e^; tney were, the speaker adds with some irony, passing judge-
ment on themselves^ The apostles therefore now turn to the

^ S. Paul possessed great powers of pertuoiion : cp. xyiii 4, xix 8» 96, zz?i 88,
xxviii 23. It was made a matter of reproach against him, and that in Galatia
as weU as elsewhere (Qal i 10, II Cor v 11). * Cp. ziv 3 : also zx 24, 82.

8. Peter also uses it in xv 11; and his first epistle is marked by the word,
s As in xi 23. '^ Gal iii 1, and below. » Cp. v 17. * Gal iii 18.

For the hlatphemy see Ti 11, xxyi 11; cp. I Cor xii 8. ' The same word as in

Bom xi 1, 2: God did not east off his people, they cast themselves off. * The

ihonght of eternal life was famiUar to the Jews : see Mt xix 16 and parallelt. But
its use is specially characteristic of S. John. It corresponds to salvation in vorae^?:
cp. verse 26 and y 20. ^ The metaphor of judging accords with the fonnaic

idea contained in justifying (verse 89).

Jii 46-48 ACXJEPTANCE OF THE GENTILES 221

G^nHtes. Henceforth in Antioch they would cecLse to attend the
ffjrnagogue and would address themselyes to the Gentile population

7 (meetly. For this apostasy — for so the Jews would regard it —
they had a eommand of the Lord}. For in Isaiah Ood had declared
that his servant was to restore not only the tribes of Israel, but the
Gentiles also : he was to be the light and the aahation of the whole
world^ Evidently the apostles regarded themselves as one with
the servant: his mission is continued in theirs. These words

3 must have roused the Jews to fiiry, but the Gentiles heard them
with joVi and their feelings found vent in utterances ^ The syna-
go^e became a scene of excitement, which must have been some-
thuig like the original speaking with tongues. Afterwards t^ose
who^ wills as well as emotions were touched, believed and were
baptized, and so became disciples {^ene 52). Thus the ways of
the divine wisdom were justified.

Those who believed are described by S. Luke as those who itere
ordained to eternal life. These words have been wrested to teach
the doctrine of predestination in a rigorous sense which they do not
necessarily bear. In the first place S. Luke is thinking, not so
much of individuals, as of classes — Jews and Gentiles; and again
among the latter, i^ose who believed and those who did not
SecomUy, his phrase contains a double idea according as it is
kx^ed at from the divine or human side. (1) The Greek word
translated ordain means properly ' to set in order ' ; and its primary
use was for ordering or marshalling troops in line of battle, and
80 stationing them at a post. So the centurion of Lk vii 8 was
one marshaUed under authority; the powers that be are stationed
ai their post by God (Bom xiii 1). Now, as the Jews at Corinth
'set themselves in array ^' against the apostles, so from the human
point of view these Galatians had marshalled themselves on the
side of, or rather with a view to capture, eternal life, (2) But
it is the general who marshals the troops, and in this case the
general is God. As he had chosen Israel, and fore-ordained Paul
and tibe Twelve for the apostolate, so he had marshalled these
Galatians in order to attain eternal life, and to that end had guided
the course of history. Thus we are brought back to the ultimate
ground of the divine wiU (Introd. ch. v § 3;. It was the will of God
that the Galatians should be saved. But this will, with all the
guiding of circumstances and the prevenient grace ffiven, did not
take away the power of man to reject, as is shewn by the disobedient
Jews who had also received the call to eternal life. Even with
legard to these same Galatians Paul himself is perplexed a few
years later. They had deserted from him and were ranged on the

' Op. i 2. * Cp. the Muno Dimitiis : thy ialvation—a light to lighten

GeiuiUs, Also Jn iy 42 Saviour of the worlds viii 12 Light of the world:
^il for the idea of preaohiiig to the dfentiles, vii 85. ' Cp. the magnifying

**<in z 46, ii 11. • xviii 6.

322 PERSECUTION OF THE APOSTLES xiii 48-51

other 8ide\ They were felling back in their course: *Ye were
running well, who did hinder you'?'

At present however they 'were running well.' From S. Paul's
own words to them we learn that they received the gospel with ex-
traordinary enthusiasm, that they lived in a state of ' buss.' Their
personal gratitude and devotion to S. Paul knew no bounds; they
received him as an an^el of God, even as Christ Jesus himself; they
did not despise his pitiable infirmity; they would have dug out

49 their own eyes if they could have given them to him*. And so the
turning to the Gtentiles was followed by a period of successful work,
in which a real church of the Gtentiles was founded at Antioch;
and S. Luke marks it, as an epoch, by one of those sentences with
which from time to time he describes the church's growth. The word
8pread throughcut ths whole region oho, i.e. the whole country
aistrict which was dependent upon Antioch, or that part of Phiygia
which was in the province of Galatia, the Phrygian and Galatian
region of xvi 6.

60 The rapid growth of this new societv, and the loss of so many
of their adnerents, must have increased the jealousy of the Jews^ who
shared the jealousy of the Sadducean priesthood at Jerusalem. At
bottom there was no doubt 'zeal for God,' but it was one of those
cases in which religious devotion coincided with selfish interests. It
was selfish exclusiveness and the pride of privilege which prevented
the Jews' accepting the Gentiles as their fellow neirs in the divine
promises. This 'religious' zeal roused them to active opposition
and persecution of ths apostles. As a Jew, Paul was subject to the
jurisdiction of the synagogue, whether he attended it or no; and so
at Antioch he probablv received one of his five beatings, or ' forty
stripes save one^' at the hands of the Jews. But this was little to
arrest the |)rogress of the gospel. To do that they had to stir up the
city authorities — the Mrst (men) of the city, i.e. the Duumvin and
the First Ten". In this they succeeded through the influence of the
numerous ladies of the aristocracy^ who were attached to the Sjma-

§ogue. The apostles probably were formally accused of causing public
isturbances, imprisoned, and after various sufferings^ banisheafrom
51 the region or territory of the city. As they crossed its border,
in accordance with the Lord's command" they shook off from their
feet the very dtist of the inhospitable city, for a testimony against
them, i.e. as an act of repudiation. We are reminded how once
Stephen had been cast out of the gates of Jerusalem and Saul

* Gal i 6 remove has a technioal militarv sense. * Gal v 7 : cp. iv 10, 20.

• Gal iv 4-6. ^ * H Cor xi 24. » The First Ten were a board of magistntes

in the Greek cities of the east. In Roman colonics in Italy the name had been
given to the ten who ranked first on the roU of the senate. Cp. Marqnardt It»m,
StnattverwcUtung voL i p. 21&-4. > The word honourable frequenUy oooors in

the insoriptionB found at Antioch. ^ For the extent of the sofferings see II Tim
iii 11 penecutUms, svfferings, wfiat things befell me at Antioch, at leontiMi, at
Lystra — what peneeutions I endured/ ^ Mt x 14, Lk ix 6.

XIII 51-52 SIGNS AND WONDERS 223

had raised up a persecution against the Nazarenes. As before^
however, the efifect of the persecution was the contrary to what
the persecutors intended. In spite of the departure of the apostles,
52 who were apparently the main objects of the persecution, the dis-
ciples continued to be filled with joy and the Holy Ghost. Joy
generally followed upon the first reception of the gospel : such we
had in verse 48. But as S. Paul taught the Galatiims, jo^r, the true
and deepest joy, is the fruit of the Spirit^; and the mention of the
Spirit here dAA& what was lacking in the sermon.

§ 3 Work among the Gentiles and signs

The critical event of the journey is now past, and S. Luke records
the divine approval of the turning to the Gentiles and the divine con-
firmation of S. Paul's apostolate*. This was witnessed by — (Ij The
succes^l result : the bunding up of Gentile churches, compactea with
the mortar of persecution and with S. Paul's teaching, of which we
have two firagments — ^his appeal to the unconverted (verses 15-17), and
his edification of the converted (verse 22). (2) Sicns and wonders,
which are a leading feature in this chapter. At Papnos in the judge-
ment of Elymas we saw the * authority ' given to the apostle * to cast
down.' Now we see his authority *to build up*,' shewn in (i) signs
and wonders at Iconium, (ii) a 'power' or miracle at Lystra, and
sealed by (iii) a personal deliverance vouchsafed to himself.

(i) The siqns and wonders denote those external phenomena
which are manifestations of the spiritual life of the church — ^a life
itself supernatural. Probably, as Has been suggested above (pj). 15-6,
41), these signs in large part describe phenomena of the Chnstian life,
which from their long continuance have ceased to be regarded as ex-
traordinary or abnormal. Among such phenomena we may class the
conversion of the wicked and reformation of character, the casting
out of evil passions, the healing of the sick (when evidently due to
faith and prayer), special personal illuminations and mercies, etc.
At the beginning these phenomena formed a regular and unfailing mark
of church life : and their freshness and abundance made a deeper
impression than now. They contributed largely to the exuberant
joy which marks the early stages of the gospd. The churches were
fiall of *^ffc8 of healing, workings of powers, prophecy, tongues,' etc.
These girts indicated tne presence of the Spirit : they were ' distri-
butions of the Holy Ghost .' They were by no means confined to the
apostles, but they were enjoyed by the apostles to an exceptional
degree, insomuch that they became almost the credentials of an

1 Cp. iv 31 foUowing after 21, y 42 after 41, ix 31 after yiii 1-3, xii 24
after 1-3. ' For joy see viii 8, 39, after persecution v 41, through the Spirit

Gal V 24. The three ideas are brought together in I Thess i 6 in much affliction
ioith joy of the Holy Ohost. Cp. also Gal iii 3, the Galatians began in the Spirit.
3 xi 23 : cp. xiv 27, xv 12. * II Ck)r xiii 10. <» Heb ii 4. The classical

passage on the < gifts ' is I Cor xii-xiv : see esp. xii 4-11.

224 * POWERS' OR MIRACLES xiv

apostle, the sign of the Spirit within*. Wherever S. Paul went he vas
accompanied by these ' signs of an apostle,' he moved in an atmosphere
of spintual activities — at Jerusalem and throughout Galatia, at Philippl
and Thessalonica, at Corinth and Ephesus*. This abundance of spiritual
gifts no doubt exercised a great and steady influence on the outside
world : it was a sign of the presence of a divine power. But that it
was a customary accompaniment of Christianity is shewn by the general
e£fect. There was no sudden stir or excitement caused in the other
cities as by the miracle at L3rstra'. Rather, men expected this kind of
power from religious professors and teachers, and there was no lack of
efibrt to supply the demand on the part of the contemporary prophets,
exorcists, diviners, and the like*. It was their reality and truth
which distinguished the Christian si^ns.

(ii) In this manifestation of spintual power there stand out pro-
minently some unique powers which were in themselves extraordinary,
and therefore signs of a special divine power — what we should now caU
'miracles.' Such were the miracle at Xystra and the similar 'power'
wrought by S. Peter at Jerusalem, the raising of Dorcas and the raisins
of Eutychus*. That they were extraordinary to the apostles' usaJ
work is shewn by the interest of the narrator himself, who, like a
scientific witness, reports the details *lame from his mother's womb^'
* over 40 years old,' etc. In these miracles we are chiefly to consider
their efiect. (1) They attracted attention. Both in Jerusalem, where
the people were entirely absorbed in the revelation already made to
them in the Old Testament, and at Lystra, among a somewhat rude
country folk who had had no grounding in the Jewish &ith of the ond
Gfod, but were dominated by the conceptions of primitive natural religioOi
it must have been hard for the word of the Lord to find entrance
The miracle then opened the door for the gospel. (2) At the same
time it served as a sermon. It was a parable of the truth, and, as
deeds teach better than words, it was the best exponent to an tm*
educated people of the meaning of a new religion brought by strangers.
Some of these * powers ' were wrought within the area of the chorchi
irrespective of their efi'ect upon those without. In this case they
must be regarded as the divine response to faith and prayer-
but even here we must not forget their work in deepening the faith*
and enlightening the understanding, of the faithful. If such uniqH^
miracles ceased to appear in the church, it is not hard to assign ^
reason. Later on the effect was produced in other ways. The sprea^
of Christianity made fidth as it were at home in the world ; it restored
it to its place as a natural faculty which did not need an abnormal

1 n Cor xii 12 : Rom xy 18-9. For the Twelve cp. Acts ii 43, v 12 : then the
power passes to the Seven, Stephen vi 8, Philip viii 6-7 (and to the evangelisis
of Antioch ? xi 21) : then to * the apostles * Paal and Barnabas xiv 3. 'See

Galiii 5 : Acts xvi 18 : I Thess 15: I Cor ii 4, U xii 12 : Rom xv 18-9 : AcU
xix 11-7 : XX 7-12 : xxviii 2-8. ^ At Philippi the stir was not because of the

exorcism but the interference with gain. ^ Gp. II Thess ii 9. ^ xiv 8-10,

iii 1-10 — in relation to the wpr}4 withoat: ix 36-42, xx 7-12— in relation to
the chorch.

XIV ICONIUM 225

event to ffive it birth. The environment, i.e. the mind of the world,
has also uianged. An abnormal eveut to-da^ would not arouse real
faith. It would either be denied, oi, if believed, it would probably
only minister to curiosity and superstition.

(iii*) Personal deliverances are a si^ of divine favour to the
individual or rather to the church for whose profit the individual
exists. Tliey come in answer to earnest prayer and strong faith.
Thus Peter and the Eleven were delivered from prison, and Peter
again from an imminent death. S. Paul was raised from a certain
death at Lystra, and Ireed from prison at Philippi ; he was saved from
shipwreck, and towards the end of his career 'delivered irom the lion's
mouth'.' Such personal mercies are not pecuhar to any age. All
Christians, like S. Paul, have learnt to set their hope on ' God which
raiseth the dead, who delivered us and we trust will also still deliver us*.'

WorJc at leonium cmd persecution

On leaving Antioch the apostles would take the new Roman road,
— ' the impenal road '— which connected the colonies of Antioch and
Lystra. Thirty-five miles would bring them to Misthia j here if they took
the branch road to the left, after 50 miles they would reach Iconium.
lamium was a Phrygian city on the border of Lycaonia, a dull flat
country which lay between the range of Taurus and the desert of the
Axylon. With Lycaonia Iconium was associated both geographically
and politically. Thus it had once been the head of an independent
tetrarchy of 14 Lycaonian towns. This like other territories had fallen
into the hands of Amyntas the Galatian king, and at his death passed
to the Romans. The inhabitants of Iconmm however would prido
themselves on their Phrygian blood, and S. Luke betrays his accuracy —
not to say actual acquaintance with the town — by carefiiUy distinguish-
ing it from Lycaonia (verse 6). Compared with the colony of Antioch,
Iconium was quite a native town. The names on ite inscriptions are
generally Phrygian, and their Greek is very bad. But its position on
uie great trade route between east and west ^ve it a great advanta^.
It had already a very ancient history, and it was soon to eclipse its
more modem rival AntiocL About this very time the emperor
Glaudiu.<} had been taking some steps to consolidate or compliment the
city, and its name was changed to Claubico^iiim. In the later
empire, when the province of Galatia was divided, Iconium became the
capital of Lycaonia and the seat of the proconsul. Still later the
Seljuk Turks seized it and made it the capital of their empire. The
church at Iconium had a corresponding history. Several Christian
inscriptions have been found at Iconium, none at Antioch. A
council of Iconium in the 3rd century has an important place in the
history of the church. But the city was indebted for its reputation
among tlie mass of church people chiefly to the virgin Thecla.

1 T 19, lii 6-17 ; xiv 20, m 26-30 : uriii 1, U Tim iv 17. ' 11 Cor

226 *THE ACTS OF 3av

The story of Thecla is contamed in the Acts of Paul and Theda}
and runs as follows. Thecla belonged to one of the chief £Bkmilies in
Iconium, and when S. Paul visited me cii^ she overheard his preaching
from a window. She was very soon inspired with a personal devotion
to the apostle and with a determination to remain a virgin. Un-
fortunately she had been affianced to an aristocratic youm named
Thamyris ; and when she refused to marry him, Thamyris with her
mother's help caused both Paul and Thecla to be brought before tiie
magistrates. Paul was scourged and expelled firom the city, lliecb
condemned to be burnt in the theatre. A fall of rain saved her, and
she followed after Paul to Antioch. On reaching Antioch she fell in
with Alexander, the high-priest of Galatia, who had come to celebrate
a festival and exhibit games in the amphitheatre. Alexander made
advances to her in the public street, but Thecla made a vigorons
resistance, and even tore the image of Caesar on his diadem. Such an
oflFence was high treason, and the proconsul condemned her to be
thrown to the wild beasts in the amphitheatre. But when the moment
came, she excited the pity of a great lady, Tryphaena. Tryphaena
had been queen of Pontus ; she was also a connexion of the emperor
Claudius ; and so she was powerful enough to secure the deliverance d
Thecla. Once more Tliecla found out Paul; she also converted
Trypliaena ; and then retired to Seleucia on the coast of Gilicia. Here
she lived as a virgin, preached the word, and died in a good old age.
Her fame soon spread far and wide ; bishops and fathers wrote sermonB
in her honour. She became the type of a virgin saint, and received the
title of ' the first martyr ' among women.

This story, according to Tertullian, was *put together' by a

Sresbyter of Asia *out of love for S. Paul.' The presbyter was
eposed from his office for his forgery, and the Acts of Paul and Hieda
as they now stand are mainly a glorification of virginity. Heda is
the heroine and Paul, in spite of the presbyter's love, holds the second
place. The story however was not pure invention on the presbyter's
part. Tertullian says he * compiled it. And Professor Ramsay has
pointed out a number of local and historical touches which could only
occur in an almost contemporary writing. On this ground, and because
of the universal tradition of the east, we must believe that there is
some foundation of fact. Thecla then would be a real person, and we
may believe that she became devoted to S. Paul, and that her devotion
brought them both into conflict with the authorities ; that interference
with family life was one of the causes of the persecution at Iconimn :
that Thecla visited Antioch and was brought before the governor and
in some way bore witness to the faith ; that she owed her deliverance
to queen Tryphaena ; and that ultimately she settled and died at

1 Mr F. G. Conybeare has published a translation of these Acts from the
Armenian in hia Armenian MonumenU of Early Christianity. This form of the
Acts is free from many extravagances and errors which occur in the Qreek Taraion
and probably is closest to the original work of the presbyter. It is followed here.

XIV PAUL AND THECLA' 227

Seleucia. But the chief interest for us in her story lies in the light it
throws upon the period and scene of our Acts.

Thus we notice — (l)The extraordinairpersonal devotion whichS. Paul
inspired. This helps us to understand the speedy growth of churches in
the cities he visited and the enthusiasm that his personal followers and
fellow workers, such as Timothy, Titus, and Luke, felt for him. To these
Acts we are indebted for a description of the apostle's personal appear-
ance : he was one of moderate height, scanty hair, bow-leggedy with large
eyes, meeting eyebrows and rather a long nose^. But his power lay in ms
expression : he was full qf grace and pity; now he looked like a man,
now he had the face of an angel, (2) The picture of missionary work
and life. Titus is sent on to prepare a lodging at Iconium, and
describes Paid's appearance to his host Onesiphorus. Onesiphorus
goes to meet him, and when S. Paul comes to the house, there was
great joy and bending of knees and breaking qf bread and word of God
about temperance and the resurrection. Paul preached at great length
in the midst of the church in Onesiphorus* house, and Thecla saw many
women ^oing in. * All the women and young people go in to him,'
Thamyns declares, and he goes himself to watch the men going in and
coming out. (3) In this mention of women we have almost the freedom
of modem times. Similarly in the proconsul's court they loudly protest
against Thecla's condemnation, and they openly exhibit their sympathy
in the amphitheatre. The influence of Tryphaena is very great; Thecla
herself preaches the word. Such liberty for women would hardly have
been possible in a Syrian town or in Greece. But it entirely agrees
with what we learn from inscriptions of the position of women at
this time in Asia Minor, especially in this part; and also what we
learn from the Acts of the part played by women in the furtherance
of Christianity. (4) The story also explains the unpopularity of
Christianity. Paul was accused, not of being a Christian, but of
disturbing family life. Pagan life was so bound up with idolatrous
customs that conversion to Christianity must have meant much social
inconvenience, if not an entire break with the old society*. But more
even than idolatry, the terribly low standard of morals which prevailed
in the matter of purity, both in theory and practice, must have made
the cleavage sharp and penetrating. The account in Thecla's Acts of
Paul's nreacliing of virginity is no doubt exaggerated and almost
heretical, although inde^ in his teaching of the church the apostle
did lay great stress on the spiritual advantage of the single life'. But
the simple preaching of Christian truth on this matter was sufficient to
cause conflict in a state of society where purity in the Christian sense
was an unrecognized ideal. The gospel, then, incurred the hatred of the
world because it interfered not only with Jewish privilege and Gentile
gain but also with family life and social customs.

^ From the Sjriao and Armenian : the latter however has curly hair and blue
eyes. The Greek has small in stature, haldheaded, and adds well made. ' There
wM e.g. the diffioolty about meat, in the market and 'dining out' (I Cor Tiii,
X 26-30). » I Cor vii 25-40.

15—2

228 SUCCESS AT ICONIUM xiv 1-2

With the scene thus made familiar by the Acts of Paul and Thecla,
and with the help of the Bezan text, which is here unusually good and
reliable, we can reconstruct the course of events at Iconium. S. Luke's
narrative is very condensed, and the gap in our text between verses
2 and 3 is evident.

14 And it came to pass in Iconium, that they entered
together into the synagogue of the Jews, and so spake, that
a great multitude both of Jews and of Greeks believed.

2 'But the Jews that were disobedient stirred up the souls
of the Gentiles, and made them evil affected against the
brethren.

3 Long time therefore they tarried there speaking boldly in
the Lord, which bare witness unto the word of his grace,

4 granting signs and wonders to be done by their hands. But
the multitude of the city was divided ; and part held with

5 the Jews, and part with the apostles'. And when there was
made an onset both of the Gentiles and of the Jews with
their rulers, to entreat them shamefully, and to stone them,

6 they became aware of it, and fled unto the cities of Lycaonia,

7 Lystra and Derbe, and the 'region round about : and there
they ^preached the gospel.

1 At Iconium there was a colony of Jews with a s3niagogue. In
spite of the separation at Antiocli, the apostles according to their
custom made a fresh start in a new city, and in the same way went
into the synagogue^. Here they had better success, for a great
multitude of the Jews as well as of the Greeks or (Jod-fearing

2 Gentiles believed. The autliorities of the Jews however, ike
archisynagogos (ruler-of-the-synagogue) and the rulers or pres-
byters, were not convinced®, and they excited persecution against

' Bezan has But the arehuynagogi and the rulers (of the synagogue) hrwgkt
persecution upon them^ against the just, and made the souls of the OentiUs evil
affected against the brethren. But the Lord quickly gave peace. ' Bezan adds

cleaving to them because of the word of Ood, A Bezan authority oontinaes And
again tlie Jews with the Gentiles stirred up persecution a second time, and tkey
stoned them and cast them out of the city, and they fUd and came to Lycaonia to a
certain city which is called [Lystra. ' Bezan adds whole. * Gk were

evangelizing. Bezan adds And the whole multitude was stirred at the teacking.
JBtft Paul and Barnabas tarried in Lystra. '^ The words for together are better

translated in the same way (i.e. as at Antioch). Cp. Lk vi 23, 26, zvii dO. For
8. Paul's custom see Acts xvii 2 (Lk iv 16, xxii 39). << In the NT the dmaaoal

word for disobey imperceptibly passes into the meaning of disbelieve. To disbelieve
the Messiah was to disobey Qod. Cp. Bom x 22 (Isai Izv 2) a disohedietU amd gaim-
saying people and Lk i 17 t^ disobedient in{to) the wisdom of the just*

XIT^.7 .VND PERSECUTION 229

AeJugtK This they e£fected by poisoning tlie minds of the Chntiles
oataide the synagogue' against the Christians. The story of Thecla
suggests a means, and perhaps the apostles were brought before the
magistrates on some charge of interference with family life. The
magistrates however must nave seen at once that there was no legal
case against them ; and by a sentence of acquittal or in some other
ia;y ihs Lord gave peace. After persecution we have again a peace
which is a penod of progress. If there had been a public vindication
in die law-courts, it must have given Paul and Barnabas a ffreat
opportunity. Therefore they worked for a long time without
hmdrance. The persecution probably involved a separation from
the synagogue, ana the apostles taught the Gentiles openly, teaching
the whole gospel without flinching (xiii 46). llieir boldness or
confidence rested upon the Lord Jesus, and he testified his approval
of the gospel they taught, viz. of the offer of his grace to all, by
working signs and venders through their hands. This also placed
them on a level with the other apostles'. The apostolic preaching
affected tlie whole city and created a schism. The citizens were
iivided into two parties, one held with the Jews^ the other clave to

C (he apostles. Legal proceedings having failed, the only resource left
for tne Jews was illegal violence. The Jews then and their party
in the city, with the complicity of the magistrates, plotted to bring
about a public riot and attack on the apostles which might end

C in their stoning. But at the first signs of violence, the suspicions
of the apostles were aroused : they made their escape, and in
a(xx>rdance with the Lord's directions* left the city. They fled into
7 Lycaonia. This was mainly a countr}' district, and the flight of the
apostles thither was the commencement of an 6u;tive evangelization
wnich had great effect — the whole population was stirred at the
teaching. As Barnabas and Paul could not speak Lycaonian or
Phrygian, and the Bezan text says expressly that thev abode in
Lffsira, we must suppose that the evangelization of the country
was the work of disciples who accompanied them from Iconium,
or even Antioch.

The miracle at Lystra and tJie go^l/or the * barbarians^

llie sixth and seventh verses cover the whole period of work in
^ycaonia up to its conclusion in verse 21. But S. Luke stops to

^ The Bezan text may represent an original (1) the arckuyiiagoyos and the ruUn

4 tht presbyters), or (2) the archisynagotjoi {the rulers of the Bynagogue being an

taipratation). The term used for the Christian party — the jutt, like the holy,

' inout, and the Hebrew Chatidim — would be a sign of the early character of the

litiTe. But it may mean in the matter of legal proeeeding$, or be a corruption

k/ore the magistrates (Ramsay). ' See p. 166 for the distinction here

rsen Greeks and Gentiles. * See iv 29-30, ii 43, t 12 : Paul and Barnabas

ailed apostles for the first time in verse 4. Mk zyi 20 shews that the Lord is

It, and also what was the object of the signs : cp. Heb ii 4. ^ Mt z 28.

ej^en's case the onset (the same word is used) did end in a stoning. For the

ful treatment or personal violence see I Thess ii 2, II Cor zii 10, I^ xviii 82,

ixTii 10, 21).

230 LYSTRA XIV 8

narrate a striking incident at Lystra, which helps to explain the great
stirring np of the population and success of the work, and brings out
the special power of S. Paul.

Tne apostles found an opening in the two cities of Lycaonia because
of the Roman influence there and then at work. Together with Antioch
lustra had been made a Roman colony by Augustus^ ; and the new
'imperial road' connected the two cities together. But Lystra was a
much smaller town ; and being very much isolated in the barbarian
country of Lycaonia, its Latin colonists must have looked to Antioch
for sympathy and support. Hence this dedication, which has been
discovered at Antioch, explains itself : The most brilliant cobmy of tke
LystrioMs honours with this statue qf Concord her sister the most brilliant
colony of the Antiochenes, The site of L3r8tra was unknown till Professor
Sterrett identified it in 1885 by means of its inscriptions : he de-
ciphered fourteen in all, half of which were Latin and half Greek.

There was no synagogue at Lystra, and therefore only a few Jews.
But among them was a pious Jewess Eunice who had married a Greek.
He was apparently a man of some position and well known in south
Galatia (xvi 3) ; but now ho was dead, and Eunice lived with her mother
Lois, her chief care being the education of her son Timothy. She had
taught him the scriptures from his infancy, but he had never been
circumcised. With this family S. Paul formed an intimate acquain-
tance; and we may conjecture that when they first visited Lystra the
apostles found hospitality in their house". As there was no synago^e
S. Paul may liave taught at home, or talked in the market-place with
those who would, or lectured in some porch or school*. Probably at
Lystra there was a nearer approach to modem out-of-door preaching
than hitherto. But the apostles found the somewhat dull and slow
country folk of Lycaonia hard to reach, until the Lord opened a door
to them* by granting a * power' to be wrought by S. PauL S. Peter
had wrought a similar miracle at Jerusalem (iii 1-10), and a corre-
spondinff result followed at Lystra. It also gives us an opportunity of
hearing now S. Paul would begin to preach to the Gentiles.

8 And at Lystra there sat a certain man, impotent in his
feet, a cripple from his mother's w^omb, who never had

9 walked^ The same heard Paul speaking : who, fastening
his eyes upon him, and seeing that he had faith to be *made

10 whole, said with a loud voice, 'Stand upright on thy feet

11 And he leaped up and walked. And when the multitudes

1 It received the oame of COLONIA JULIA FELIX GEMINA LUSTRA. Op.
Sterrett WoJf Expedition yol. i, no. 242. ^ Cp. xvi 1-3, II Tim i 5, iii 10, 15.

* Cp. zvii 17, xix 9. There seem to have been public disputations with the Jews,
see below p. 234 n. ^ ^ Cp. verse 3, xvi 14, 1 Cor xvi 9 etc. ' A Bezan text

adds being in the fear of God, ^ Gk iaveJd, ' Bezan has 1 9ay unto tke$,

in the name of the Lord Jetut Christ, [etand upright on thy feet] and walk. And
immediately at once [he leaped up.

f

:3tJV8-9 A MIRACLE 231

saw what Paul had done, they lifted up their yoice, saying in
the speech of Lycaonia, The gods are come down to us in the

1 2 Jik^iess of men. And they called Barnabas, * Jupiter ; and

13 P^ul, 'Mercury, because he was the chief speaker. And 'the
priest of ^Jupiter whose temple was before the city, brought
oxen and garlands unto the gates, and would have done
aacrifice with the multitudes.

1 4 But when the apostles, Barnabas and Paul, heard of it,
they rent their garments, and sprang forth among the multi-

1 5 tude, crying out and saying, Sirs, why do ye these things ? We
also are men of like ^passions with you, and bring you good
tidings, that ye should turn from these vain thmgs unto the
living God, who made the heaven and the earth and the sea,

1^6 and all that in them is: who in the generations gone by
1 7 BiiflEered all the nations to walk in their own ways. And yet

lie left not himself without witness, in that he did good, and

gave you from heaven rains and fruitful seasons, filling your
^B hearts with food and gladness. And with these sayings

scarce restrained they the multitudes from doing sacrifice

onto them^

S Among the beggars of Lystra was a poor cripple, lame from

i>irth, who had his station for begging, perhaps at the entrance
of some temple in the market-place*. And the scene which follows
Occurred on a market day, or more likely on the day of some great
^^igious festival, for the city was full of crowds of people. Accord-
ing to one MS this cripple had heard of the God of the Jews,
f<ir he was in the fear of God, that is, one of the * God-fearing.'
MThis would enable him the more readily to understand and believe
5 S. Paul's doctrine. One day as S. Paul was speakina or talking
'^rith the people the cripple was listening mm gladness'. The
^postle was speaking of being saved through iaitli in Jesus, and
^.be davming faith which shewed itself in the lame man's £a.ce
oanght S. rani's attention and won his pity. He looked at him
^with a searching glance, and saw as it were the faith within
^rhich would enable him to be saved. The thought possibly flashed
tucross him tliat an act of bodily salvation would be the best

^ Ok Zev8. ' Gk Hermes, ' Bezan the priests of {him who was — ^p. 187

ttBte) Zew Before-the-eity, ^ Marg nature. ' Some use add but that they

•Md go away each to his home. ^ Bat see note ', p. 282. ^ As we may

ittiith a Bezan text. The tense of the yerb in Greek may denote a habit, he used
<* Iteca, Le. he heard S. Paul often. A various reading is he listened, the simple
fad

232 AND ATTEMPTED SACRIFICE xiv lo-u

10 explanation to his hearers of his doctrine of spiritual salvation \ and
so he cried with a laud voice to the lame man to get up, and he

11 at once did so. The crowds of Lycaonians were struck with
amazement, and their cry of wonder reveals the primitive state
of their religious ideas. They were as yet untouched by the
civilized scepticism of society; and the idea of appearances and
visits of the gods was quite natural to them as to a genuine pagan
peasantry. They concluded at once that Paul and Barnabas were

12 their gods, visiting them in human form. Barnabas, the elder
and more reserve^ was evidently the supreme deity and special
guardian of their city, Zeus; Paul the spokesman, the younger
and more eloquent, exactly filled the part of Hermes the messenger
of the gods^. In their excitement they dropped the foreign Greek
(if indeed many of them could speak it^ and spoke in Lycaonian ;
and conse(xuently the apostles returned nome in ignorance of their

13 novel reputation. The temple of the city's patron god lay outside
its walls. It was probably on the site of an aboriginal sanctuary ;
and now that its deity \?as identified with the Greek Zeus, for
distinction's sake he was called Zeus Before-the-city. His priest
would be one of the chief personages in Lystra. News wa.s
quickly brought to him of the divine epiphany, and he was equal
to the occasion. Sacrifice must be done. So with his attendant
ministers and in solemn procession he brought buUs, duly decked
with festal garlands^ to the gates of the temple, i.e. the great
gateway which led into the temple area. Here, before the abode
of the gods and in the midst of the crowds, he purposed to offer

l^the sacrifice. But there was a sudden interruption. The supposed
gods — whom some rumour had reached at last — were seen to issue
from the city gates ; they tore tlieir clothes in two as at the spectacle
of some awful act of sacrilege* ; and leaping into the midst of the
multitude, with loud cries they tried to stop the proceedings*.

^ Salvation was the lesson of S. Peter's miracle (p. 49). It was an idea familiar
to the (Gentiles ; cp. xvi 17, and in the same chapter yv. S0>1. ^ The commen-

tators quote Ovid's story of the visit of Jupiter and Mercury to the two Phrygian
peasants, Baucis and Philemon. But the idea was not peculiar to Phrygia, it is
a relic of primitive religion. In his Golden Bough (2Dd ed. n, p. 237) Mr Frazer
shews that strangers were regarded as embodied spirits : * The Greeks were quite
familiar with the idea that a passing stranger may be a god. Homer says that
the gods in the likeness of foreigners roam up and down cities.* Hermes was the
messenger, Gk angel, of the gods. Thus in a very literal sense the Lycaonians

* received S. Paul as an angel of God * (Gal iv 14, cp. i 8). Jupiter and Mercury
were the two Latin deities identified with the Greek Zeus and Hermes, The
Phrygian names of the native gods of Lystra we do not know. ' On a coin of
Lystra is a figure of a priest leading two oxen. * Like the high-priest in Mt
xzvi 65. The symbolism was familiar among (Gentiles as weU as Jews : see note on
xvi 22. ^ There is some uncertainty as to the scene of the intended sacrifice.
The Greek word for gate in v. 13 is pylon, PylSn is used of the gateway or porch of
a house (xii 13), but here it is in the plural and may well apply to the gateways or

* pylons' which formed the entrances into the precincts of a temple. A different
word is used for city gates (ix 24, xvi 13). The apostles would hardly have been
lod^g in a house with more than one pyl^n, and the narrow Btreets of an eastern

xrv 15^17 & PAUL'S SPEECH 233

is The apostles were horror-struck at an action which, far more

"t^lian Cornelius' prostration before S. Peter, infringed the divine

jpierogative of worship. But we notice their great tact. They

cixldress the people witn politeness — Sirs ; and instead of rebuking

'fchem, they appeal to their reason and conscience — * Why are you

^Moina these things? For, as all your senses as well as our own

'^fvoTQB assure you, we are men of the same nature, exactly like

^^ourselves^' At the same time S. Paul insinuates the gospel, and

m-t is instructive to study his method, (i) He begins with the

d^implest,l)ut the fundamental, truth of religion : the doctrine of the

►ne God and Creator — *I believe in God... Maker of heaven and

h.' (ii) He uses the method of accommodation. He starts

ith a doctrine they would readily accept — creation by God; he

.ppeals to tliat evidence which would be most obvious to country

»1k — the witness of nature; and he makes use of their present

^.tate of feeling — the gladness and joy of a festival, y. Paul then

1) explains who he and his companion are — not gods but evange-

r, i.e. messengers bring hi fj news, and that good' news, of the living,

^e. the true and real, God, who is the maker of haven and earth.

gods of the Lycaonians, their Zeus and Hermes, with all their

iphemalia of temples and sacrifices, were vanities, i.e. no-gods,

LO-tnings; they had no real existence. This was the Hebrew

loctrine about the gods of the heathen*, to which in Christian

succeeded the view that they were devils. Accordingly the

apostles' mission was — not at once to subvert all their religious

i Jeaa but simply — to turn their allegiance from one to the otner*.

1^ T?hey preached first a living Person. (2) At once, however, an

objection must have occurred — Wh^ then has he left us all this

't^ime in ignorance of himself? This is indeed a problem of the

'^rorld's history, of universal interest, which Paul, Uke ourselves to-day,

liad then to mce. He addressed himself to it fully when speaking

"to the Athenians and writing to the Romans^. But the present

moment was no time for discussion, nor were the Lycaonians apt

feir philosophy. So S. Paul contents himself with the assertion

that it was God's plan. For some reason he had permitted all

n tks nations to follow their o\mi desires until now. (3) But

this was not the full answer, 'llie ignorance was in part the

nations' own fiEiult. For he had not left himself without a witness^

Wvn would httdly lend themflelyes for a dignified sacrifice . It wiU indeed simplify
niiiiuii Tezy mndi if we suppose that the lame man had been at the gate of the
^M|to of Zens, and that the crowds were assembled there on the occasion of some
Mt fehgionB festivaL The priest would then have been on the spot, and the
■^ and garlands idl ready. Instead of sacrificing within the area as usual, the
frimVioaght them to the gates, the scene of the miracle, where the crowds were
M ooOected. The words of S. Paul in yerse 17 run almost like a quotation
^DBtome joyftd hymn sung at the festival. ' The meaning of pttstiofu in

"■ifliU has become narrowed since the AY translation. Cp. Jas v 17. ' Dent

S* n, I Sam xii 21, Jer xiv 22 : cp. Ps cxv 4-8, cxxxv 15-6. » Cp. xxyi 18,

IlhMi i 9. 4 Cp. xvii 80, Bom i 18-32, u 14-C.

4

234 THE STONING xiv i:

and that witness was nature. In his ar^ment from nature, in
the Epistle to the Romans, the apostle finds in creation itself the
lesson of the everlasting power and divinity of God ; he assumes
an analogy between the things that are made and the things
invisible; and in the case of man he points to the law written
in the heart and the witness of conscience. But with the Lyca-
onians he appeals to simple evidence which country people would
recognize, the simplest form of the argument from design, viz. the
succession of seasons, rains and harvests, which prove the bounty of
God, who brings 'food out of the earth, and wine that maketh glad
the heart of man and oil to make his fcuse to shine and bread that
strengtheneth man's heart.' It was in fia^ct this form of the bounty
of God which gave birth to religious festivals. For they began
when men met together and in /easting and gladness expressed
their gratitude for the fruits of the earth, for harvest or for vintage.

§ 4 Tfie stoning of PatU, and the fulfilment of the work

The miracle at Lystra was followed bv the active evangelization of
Lycaonia, already summarized in verse 7. Then it was suddenly cut short
by a tragic occurrence. The fickleness of the Galatians (Gal i 6) has
been quoted as a sign of their Celtic blood, but no fickleness could
exceed that of the inhabitants of Lystra. And the apostasy of the
heathen populace is a foretaste of the subsequent defection of the
Galatian Christians. After this S. Luke only muses to shew us 'the
frilfilment of the work' Tverse 26) in (1) tne organization of the
Christian disciples into cnurches, and (2) the report of the work
delivered to the church at Antioch.

19 'But there came Jews thither from Antioch and Iconium :
and having persuaded the multitudes, they stoned Paul^ and
dragged him out of the city, supposing that he was dead

20 But as the disciples stood round about him', he rose up, and
entered into the city : and on the morrow he went forth with
Barnabas to Derbe.

21 And when they had preached the gospel to that city, and
had made many disciples, they returned to Lystra, and to

22 Iconium, and to Antioch, confirming the souls of the disciples,
exhorting them to continue in the iaith, and that through
many tribulations we must enter into the kingdom of God

23 And when they had appointed for them 'elders in every

^ Bezan anthoritieB give But] while they were tarrying and teaching there came
certain Jewt from Iconittm and Antioch ; and as they were ditpuUng publicly they
penuaded the multitudes to withdraw from them^ saying that nothing which they s€ty
is true but all false, and they stirred up the multitudes and [stotied, * A Bezan

text adds at evening. ^ Gk presbyters.

XIV 19-20 OF S. PAUL 236

churchy and had prayed M'ith 'faatingy they commended them

24 to the Lord, on whom they had believed. And they passed

25 through Pisidiay and came to Pamphylla And when they
had spoken the word in Perga, they went down to Attalia' ;

26 and thence they sailed to Antioch, from whence they had
been committed to the grace of God for the work which they
had fulfilled

27 And when they were come, and had gathered the church
together, they rehearsed all things that Qod had done with
them, and how that he had opened a door of faith unto

28 the Qentiles. And they tarried no little time with the
disciples.

19 News of the work at Lystra must have soon reached Antioeh
and Iconium, and some Jewish emissaries arrived who began to
argue ^dth the apostles in public and deny their statements. The
citizens no doubt were somewhat sore and ashamed of themselves
and so the Jews would have less difficulty in persuading them that
these men were really false prophets or sorcerers. Full of indig-
nation at having been duped, the crowds were easily incited at one
of these public disputations to take up stones and throw them at
the one who had done the mischief, tne talker, the Hermes. Or
perhaps it was the Jews who, having obtained the connivance of the
people, took upon themselves to punish the apostle for his 'blas-
phemy ' : for stoning was the Jewish form of punishment. In any
case, whether it were the Jews or the populace, such taking of the
law into their own hands might lead to difficulties with the govern-
ment, especially if it was known that Paul was a Roman citizen, and
so they dragged what they thought to be the dead body of the

20 apostle out oj the city*. Then the discipleSj among whom we can
picture Barnabas, Eunice, and Timothy, came and stood round. But
while they may have been thinking of his burial, it being now
evening, he rose up and entered the dty^ Next day, without any
attempt to obtain legal redress or compensation, but as ususJ
yielding to violence^, S. Paul with the assistance of Barnabas went
on to Derbe — ^a distance of thirty miles. S. Paul had now suffered
retribution in kind for the death of S. Stephen, but he 'obtained
mercy.' S. Luke's careful language avoids any statement that the
apostle had been killed or that anything miraculous happened ; but
the narrative (the supposed death followed by a long journey the
next day) gives the impression of an extraordinary recovery — a
restoration which resembled a resurrection from the dead.

1 GkfoMtingi, ' Bezan adds preaching the gotpel to them, ' In the Greek
the JewM is strictly the subject of the verbs. « See Mt y 89-42 and z 23.

236 THE APOSTLES RETURN xiV2i-«8

21 Roman influence just now was strong at Derbe as at Lystra;
like Iconium, it had received a name from me emperor, Claudiodsrbi.
It was however but a small town, and the apostles' work was easio:
and more complete. It might almost be said that theif evangelized
the whole toumf certainly they made many disciples^ among whom we
may reckon * Gaius of Derbe/ (xx 4).

The travelling season must have now been drawing to a cloae
and the apostles had to decide on their movements. Derbe was
on the high road from Iconium to the Cilician gates and only
160 miles from Tarsus. But it was very necessary to revisit the
churches they had founded, the more so thiat they were now suffering
persecution. Accordingly they retraced their steps to Lystra^ Iconium
and Antiock From the former cities they had b^Bn driven by
illegal violence and Paul as a Roman citizen could return with
confidence. In Antioch new magistrates liad probably come into
office.

22 On their return visit the apostles did two things. (1) They con-
firmed the disciples^ literally made them stand firm upon, established
them upon — that is, upon the Lord. This sure standing depended
on (a) abiding in the faith — whereunto they had attained oy the
grace of Grod, therein to continue* : (b) a right understanding d
persecution — persecution was, as the apostles had shewn in tieii
own persons, the necessary entrance, the strait and narrow gate, into
the kingdom of God. It was a moral law of God's kingdom — tM
must. In this we must we seem to hear the very words of S. Paul
as they sank deep into the heart of some listener. The kingdom oj
God takes us back also to the first preaching of the gospel in
Antioch*. It is the inheritance there offered, mto which some ol
them have now entered. Lastly, the whole work of confirming
reminds us of the Epistle to the Galatians. The churches of Galatia
were particularly lacking in stability. In the Acts twice, if not
three times, out of the four times' in which the word confirm
occurs it is in relation to these churches. They soon, as the epistle
tells us, removed to another gospel, and did not stand in that
liberty wherewith Christ had made them free ; they shunned perse-
cution, and instead of abiding in faith they sought to be justified by
the works of the law*.

23 (2) As a kingdom the church required organization : especially
these Gentile communities which were now to be left independent
of the synagogue and without the apostles. What would they do
when the aposues were gone ? This is the question that had presented
itself at Jerusalem also ; and S. Paul answers it in the same way.
S. Luke once for all shews us S. Paul's custom : it was to give his
churches a body of presbyters*. They appointed predfytersjor eack

1 Gp. zi 23, ziii 43 : cp. obey the faith vi 7. ^ p. 214 : op. also Qal t 31.

' ziv 22, XV 32, 41, xviii 23. The oomponnd form ettablish-upmi is rare : it dosfl
not ocoar in the NT ont of the Acts. It is akin to S. Peter's * ttedfagt in the fiuth*
(I Pet ▼ 9): op. xyi 5. « See Gal i 6, ▼ 1, vi 12, iii 2 etc. • Cp. zx 17, 88J

xnr 23-27 AND ORDAIN PRESBYTERS 237

church^. The word for appointment originally denoted election by
s/iew of hands ; but the special meaning had lon^ been lost, and the
word might be used of (a) a popular election, as by the churches, or
(b) of a monarchic appointment^ as by God^. The idea of election
thus ceased to be essential, and ultimately in ecclesiastical Greek
the word was appropriated to 'ordination' in the technical sense.
Thus for the method here we have only analogy to go upon, but
S. Luke has already given us three typical pictures of election and
ordination in the cases of Matthias, the Seven, and Paul and
Barnabas*. To judge from these analogies, in each city the pres-
byters were chosen hy * the multitude,' i.e. the body of brethren,
and then presented to the apostles, who retained the power of
refusal (I Tim v 22). The presentation was made at a public
service, which had been preceded by a fast^ and then with prayer
the apostles laid on hands*. At Antioch in Syria Txiii 3) the
ordination service had also been a service of farewell. So here
when they had laid on hands, the apostles commendsd the pres-
byters and the whole church to the Lord^ — the true Kuler of the
kingdom J the object of the faith in which they were to continue, the
foundation on whom they were to stand frrm. Among the afl'ec-
tionate and enthusiastic Galatians, the scenes at these services no
doubt anticipated the fiarewell at Miletus described in xx 17-38.

24 The return journey to the Pisidian Antioch need only have

25 taken a few days, and thence the apostles recrossed the mountains
of Pisidia to Perga^ where they now preached, utiliring the time
left before the close of the sailing season. Then finding a ship at
Attalia, the port of Perga, they returned to Antioch after an

26 absence of about eighteen months. The grace of God, to which
they had been delivered (xiii 3), had enabled them to fidfil the
work* to which the Spirit had called them ; and as * apostles of the

27 church' they had to give an account of their mission. There was
an assembly of the whole church, and Paul and Barnabas there
recounted all that had happened, which clearly shewed that it was
God who had been working with them'' -, and declared the result —
God had opened to the Gentiles a door of faith^^ viz. he admitted
them into his kingdom through the door, not of circumcision and
the law as heretofore, but of faith in Jesus. This is the com-
plement to the expression of the Jerusalem church in xi 18 — God

^ Cp. Titos i 5, and Acts xy 21, 86 for the Greek. But like at home in ii 46 the
words might mean at ehurcht viz. at a meeting of the ecclesia when the ordination
took place. That Uiere was an ordination in each dty and not at Antioch only is
indicated by the plural, fasts, > (a) II Cor viii 19, (6) Acts x 41. > i 23-6,

vi 1-6, xiii 1-3. ^ That hands were laid on seems an inevitable conclusion from

xiii 8, cp. vi 6. Space would not aUow S. Luke to specify aU the details on each
occasion. Indeed the laying on of hands was so frequent a ceremony in the religious
life of the Jews, that the burden of proof lies on those who would deny it. * Cp.

xiii 8, xiv 26, xv 40 and xx 32. • Cp. xiu 25, xix 21 (Gk). ? Cp. vii 9,

X 38, xi 21, XV 4. The special reference is to the signs and wonders ; cp. xv 12,
where a dilFerent preposition (through them) is used. ^ A favourite metaphor

with S. Paul, op. I Cor xvi 9, ll Cor ii 12, Col iv 8; and ver. 22 above.

M

238 RELIGIOUS CONTROVERSY xnr 27-28

hcUh gnmted them repentance unto life. Repentance and £sdth are
united by S. Paul nimself in xx 21. The church of Antioch
28 accepted the result, no doubt with joy : Saul and Barnabas were
received back into close fellowship mth the disciples, and they
stayed at Antioch a considerable time which proved to be eventful
For indeed as yet ' the work ' was not finished.

SECTION II (=Ch. 15— 16, 6)
C(mfirnuxtion of Gentile liberty by the whole church

In the fifteeniii chapter we come to a great crisis in the history of
the whole church. We have witnessed the entrance into the church
of, first, selfishness, then murmuring, then simony : and now we come
to religious controversy. There had been some preliminary^ symptoms
in chapter xi (p. 160); but it was only by this tmie that differences of
opinion had so developed as to threaten the church with actual schism
or rending into two. S. Luke wrote some years after the event, when
peace had been long established, and yet even in his tranquil style
there are evident signs of the severity of the struggle. But the storm
was weathered, and the schism averted. The method by which it was
averted should be carefully studied in every a^e. For this was the
first of the long series of controversies which have torn the church
and the cleavage of opinion was no less sharp than that which has
since divided Catholic and Protestant, Anglican and Papist^ Puritan
and Cfhurchman^ The particular subject of debate — circumcision —
had only a temporary significance, but the principles involved were
fundajnental and perpetiud.

For the right understanding of such a crisis we want to know not
merelv the external history of the events as they were known to tiie
churcn at large, but the inner or secret history of the motives and
policy of the cnief actors. Of such history we are fortunate in possess-
mg a valuable document in the account given by S. Paul Umself to
the churches of GaJatia (Gal ii 1-10). This document is invaluable
for its revelation of feeling, but it occasions a difficulty. S. Paul's
account of his visit to Jerusalem presents at first sight such a very
different aspect from that given in this chapter of the Acts that many
have denied the identity of the visits. Professor Ramsay, for instance,
maintains that in Gal ii 1-10 S. Paul is speaking of the visit recorded

^ If this seems exaggerated, we can only point to the language of 8. Paul,
specially in Galatians and II Corinthians. Thas he speaks of the propagandists of
circiuncision as teaching a wholly different gospel or rather no gotpel at allt and as
annulling the work of Christ (Qal i 6-9, v 3-12). He calls some of tiieir leaders
false brethren, false apostleSt ministers of Satan. This is the language of an
ins^pired apostle, and mast refer to something more fondamentiUuian a mere
vanety of ritual or cnstom.

XV THE ACES AND GALATIANS 239

in Acts xi 30 and xii 25. This identification however is all but im-
possible. The whole course of the history is against it. The visit of
Acts xi 30 is much too early for that in the epistle. The baptism of
Cornelius was more recent (cp. xv 7) : James, the presbyters, and the
circumcision party, had omy just appeared upon the scene (xii 17,
xi 30, 2). 'oauV as he was then called, was still subordinate to
Barnabas, and his own mind had hardlv reached the stage of develop-
ment depicted in the epistle. Indeed the historv of the * work ' of Paul
and Barnabas as narrated in chapters xiii and xiv, with its decisive
turning to the Gentiles and its revelation that Ood had opened a
door of faith to them, would come singularly out of place, — or rather
would be entirely without point — c^er Gal ii 1-10.

(1) One argument against the identification adopted here is that
there will then be no mention in Gal i-ii of Paul's second visit. But
those chapters do not profess to be a comj)lete autobiography of S. Paul.
His aim m the epistle is to shew that his apostolic authority was not
derived from other apostles. Hence he gives an exhaustive account
only of his intercourse with the Twelve, (i) When he went up to
Jerusalem after his conversion he saw S. Peter and S. James, (ii) On
his second visit with the ahns from Antioch, as the narrative in the
Acts shews us, in all probabilitv none of the Twelve were at Jeru-
salem : nothing of importance happened, and so S. Paul does not
mention this visit, (iii) The third visit was on occasion of the present
council — ^a public and historical event known to and affecting the
whole churcn. It was also known that S. Paul had played a l^^iing
part in the controversy : and apparently the Galatians had received a
version of what had happened which was very unfavourable to himself
and his gospel. Hence the apostle has to vindicate himself, very much
like J. H. Newman in writing his Apologia pro vita sua\

(2) Here we find the answer to the main objection to our identifica-
tion, viz, the apparent discrepancy between the two accounts. The reason
for such discrepancy has indeed already been discussed above, p. 140.
It lies in the difierence between the external and internal history.
S. Luke writes an account of what the church saw and heard, he puts
on record the public deliberations of the council, and copies its resolution
and the encyclical they issued. S. Paul reveals to us his own motives
and emotions, and the private consultations of the leaders and his
relations to them. Again, we have to consider the aim of each writer,
and the public he is addressing. S. Luke is writing for the whole
church and he simply wants to inform them of the main result.
S. Paul is writing to particular persons and concerning particular
points, viz. the questions of his own apostleship and of Titus' circum-
cision. He is also apparently endeavouring to correct misrepresentation
or false reports whicn had reached the Gamtians : such, for instance, as
is suggested by the Bezan text^ that he had gone up to be judged by
the Twelve. Naturally, then, the accounts of S. Luke and S. Paul

^ (i) Acts ix 26-30, Gal i 18-20; (u) Acts xi 80, xii 25; (iii) Acts xy, Oal ii 1-10.

240 JEW AND GENTILE xv

differ. But they correspond exactly to the characters of the writers
and their different relations to the council. They are not contradictory
but supplementary, as is seen by the ease with which they can be fitted
into one another. There is no inconsistency, but an immense addition
to our information ; and to have a perfect understanding of the crisis
all that is wanting is similar insight into the minds of S. Peter and
S. James.

The subject of the controversy was the relation of Jew and Gentilfl
within the church. This question has been before us almost from the
beginning of the book, and as it received its final answer (so far as the
Acts is concerned) at this council, it will be well to review the whole
matter even at the cost of some repetition. Wherever the Jews went
in the Gentile world, their presence gave rise to two conflicting
tendencies. On the one hana the Jew possessed the knowledge of
the one true God ; and amidst the univeraal corruption, idolatry, and
superstition of the ancient world, this saving knowledge exercised a
powerful attraction. The s}Tiagogues of the Jews became the centre
of a large body of seekers after truth — whether actually circumcised
* proselytes ' or simply * God-fearing ' Gentiles. On the odier hand this
knowledge was enshrined in a law which imposed upon the Jews a
number of distinctive customs and observances, and these separated
them off from the rest of mankind and made a real coalescence
impossible. Four characteristics in particular struck the Gentilej-
the absence of all images or emblems of the deity from Jewish woishi^N
the observance of the sabbath, abstinence from unclean meat and
especially swine's flesh, and circumcision. This last was sufficient in
itself to prevent the world from adopting Judaism. But the law of
uncleanness caused the Jew on his siae to look upon the Gentiles with
contempt as unclean, and put an effectual bar on any real fellowship-
The Gentiles in their turn readily paid back Jewish exclusiveness
with an ample interest of ridicule and hatred. This double relation
to the Gentiles divided the Jews themselves into two schools. On the
one side there were those who, with some consciousness of the brother-
hood of common humanity, were striving to remove barriers, and to
present the Jewish faith to the world in its most spiritual and phik>"
sophic aspect. Such were the Hellenists of Alexandria. On the otter
siae the salvation of the Gentiles was inconceivable to the cenuin*
Hebrew ; and this was the attitude of mind which prevailed in Judaea
There the * Hebrews of the Hebrews ' were growmg more and moir^
rigid : instead of lowering they were raising the fenc^ round the Ii*^»
and trying to make the barrier between Jew and Gentile absolntely 1
impassable. '

Into this world of Jews and Gentiles the church was bom, and tte
same problems were presented to her : what was to be her relatioia
to the world outside? was she to remain Jewish or, dropping tihe
distinctive marks of the Law, become Catholic ? And again, how were
the Gentiles to be received? must they, to become Christians, first
become Jews ? As she worked out the answer, we find in the church the

7 AND THE CHURCH OF GOD 241

me tendencies to divergence as in Judaism, — viz. one side tending to
)eralism, the other to ngour. The idea of the necessity of the Law
r Christians seems to ns ^most inconceivable. But we must remember
lat Christianity began in Judaism. All the early disciples were Jews,
red up in the observance of the Law, and they naturally continued to
bsenre it, as did S. Paul himself. These matters of abstinence from
inclean meat, observance of the sabbath, circumcision etc., had become
ilmost second nature to them. The Lord himself had not directly
b&Qght the abolition of the Law : rather he had said that not one jot
or one tittle was to pass away. He had indeed come into conflict with
the authorities as a transgressor : but what he had transgressed was not
the Law but the traditions of the elders. In fact he left the church to
deduce the passing away of the Law from the principles which he had
laid down, and the whole history shew9 how 'slow of heart' the disciples
were to understand. But this question of the Law is not merelv a
iQi^r of antiquarian study. It was the temporary form of a problem
which man will always have to face in this world. While he is in the
body he cannot live without some law, nor can he worship without some
^; as long as the church is in the world, spirit and matter, law
wd gospel, are inextricably bound together ana cannot be divorced.
Pwitans by their sabbath-keeping, Catholics by their use of the
ttcraments, all Christians by their common habits of prayer and worship,
Me separated from the world as Jews were by their circumcision. In
obedience to the ten commandments and the doctrines of the fiedth
Q^tians are all under law. The problem present to the church at
d times is to find the practical balance between the two principles
of liberty and obedience, and the two conflicting claims of tne inward
ttd the outward. And it was just this problem which was now pre-
>%ted to the church at Jerusalem.

We have seen the development of the situation step by step.
Ri8t the Twelve appoint to oflice in the church a circumcisea proselyte
"^Kcolas of Antioch : then the preaching of Stephen foreshadows the
(hanging of the customs : then Philip baptizes the Samaritans, who
VQe schismatics, although they were circumcised and had a version
of the Law, and also an Ethiopian eunuch, excluded from the covenant
^ merely by his race but by his condition : then Peter admits Cor-
pus and a party of God-fearing Gentiles, at the same time that
•^'Miffelists at Antioch are preaching to Greeks : lastly, when S. Paul
^o. Barnabas turn to the Gentiles, the process of expansion is
complete.

The inevitable efiect of such a progress however was the de-
^(mment of parties within the church. The expansion was mainly
on tne Hellenist side of the church, and its successive leaders were
Stephen, Philip, the Cyprian and Cyreuian evangelists, S. Barnabas and
& PauL But this advance provoked alarm ana reaction. The church
It Jerusalem was Hebraic in feeling ; it was composed mostly, if not
eodrely, of 'Hebrews^' who had by no means lost their Jewish

1 The periMication of viii 1-3 dispersed the Hellenist element in it (vi i).
ft. A. 16

4

242 PARTIES IN THE CHURCH xv

patriotism; its type was S. James, the Lord's brother, who for his
rigorous piety and observance of the law won even from the Jews the
title of * tne Just.' Thus, while the Hellenists were continually widening
the entrance to the church, those whose faith in the law was unshaken
were being consolidated into a definite party. When S. Peter baptized
Cornelius we hear of thsm qf the circumcision : now we find many
of the sect of the Pharisees among the believers ; several years later
the thousands of Jewish Christians are zealous for the lawK This
growing self-consciousness of the Judaic spirit in the church corre-
sponded with, and was a symptom of, the same tendency in Judaism
itself. The Jews were getting more and more irreconcilable towards
the Oentile world, until their invincible fanaticism brought on the
fatal catastrophe.

At this time then we find two definite parties in the church — the
Greek or Gentile partv, represented by the church of Antioch and
headed by S. Paul and o. Barnabas ; and the Hebraic party, strongest in
the church at Jerusalem and typified in S. James, rernaps it is mis-
leading to speak of 'parties'; we ought rather to appreciate more
carefully the situation m the churclt For (1) the leaders and repre-
sentatives of the different states of mind, e.g. S. Paul and S. James,
would have been the first t6 disown the action of the extremists.
(2) It was these who exaggerated their principles until they had
formed definite parties, animated by party spirit. On the one side
there were the Judaizers who insistea on circumcision and the law,
and accordingly hated Paul. On the other side some of the Gentiles
who protested against Judaic legalism pushed the doctrine of Christian
liberty to an excess of licentiousness ; these corresponded to the Anti-
nomians of a later date^ Between these two parties however lay
(3j the great mass of the brethren, with, of course, sympathies on this
side or that, but on the whole undecided, subject to surrounding
influences, and waiting to be guided by the Holy Spirit in the course
of events. Of this great party of the * moderates ' S. Peter stands as
the representative.

And the moment has now come for the guidance of the Spirit ; for
the questions which press for an answer can no longer be put off.
They must be distin^ished clearly as follows : first (A) the doctrinal
question, Can a Gentile be saved? This all admit. But how? (1) Must
he be circumcised and keep the law ? And, if the Gentile neea not be
circumcised, (2) is circumcision still obligatory for the Jew ? (B) The
practical point of discipline. Assuming that circumcision is not neces-
sary for the Gentiles, what is to be their position ? (1) Can Jewish
Christians associate with them freely, without defilement? that iB, is
tiie church to be one body? Or (2) are the Gentile Christians to
remain in an inferior position, like the * God-fearing' in the synagogue?
that is, are there to be two standards of higher ana lower merit or only
one Christian life ?

^ xi 2, XT 5, xxi 20. ' The existence of suoh a clasa, and on no small scale,

is testified by the pages of the NT.

XVI CONTROVERSY AT ANTIOCH 243

The circumcision party saw the lorical consequences of surrendering
the first point (A 1), so they boldly laid down the dogmatic position,
Except ye be circumcised ye cannot be savedy — in other words circumcision
is necessary to salvation. If this be true, it ought to be made known
to tiie brethren in these new churches of the uncircumcised, and so a
propaganda was set on foot, no doubt in all sincerity and earnestness.
Certain of them accordingly came dotim to Antioch. But there they
met S. Barnabas and S. Paul, and these apostles had learnt that the
church must be catholic, open to all, and that there must be but one
Christian life and one Christian body. A struggle was inevitable, and
ch. XV is the record of the decisive engagement and of the victory of
the truth.

§ 1 The controversy at Antioch and the deptitation

to Jerusalem

15 And certain meu^ came do>vn from Judsea and taught
the brethren, saying. Except ye be circumcised* after the

2 custom of Moses, ye cannot be saved. And when Paul
and Barnabas had no small dissension and 'questioning vrith
them^, th4^ brethren appointed that Paul and Barnabas, and
certain other of them, should go up to Jerusalem unto the
apostles and '^elders about this question.

3 They therefore, being brought on their way by the church,
passed through both Phoenicia and Samaria, declaring the
conversion of the Gentiles : and they caused great joy unto

4 all the brethren. And when they were come to Jerusalem,
they were received^ of the church and the apostles and the
elders, and they rehearsed all things that God had done writh

5 theuL But ^there rose up certain of the sect of the Pharisees
¥rho believed, saying, It is needful to circumcise them, and
to charge them to keep the law of Moses.

1 The Bezan text, as in chapters xiii-xiv, is again very instructive.
From it we learn that the visitors to Antioch were of the sect of the
Pharisees. With great delicacy S. Luke withholds their names*.

^ Bezan texts add of thote who had believed of the sect of the Phariseei,
* Bezan adds atid walk [after, ' AV reads disputation, ^ Bezan runs /or Paul
said that they should so abide even as they had believed (I Cor vii 20), vehemently
cifirming it. But they that had come from Jerusalem charged them^ Paul and
Barnabas and certain otJiers, to go up to the apostles and presbyters at Jerusalem in
order to be judged before them. ^ Ok presbyters as elsewhere. ' Bezan

adds with great {honour). ' Bezan they that had charged them to go up to the

prAbyters rose «/>, [saying. ^ As S. Paul in other oases ; cp. e.g. Gul i 7, ▼ 10,

II Cor X 7.

16—2

•

244 THE DEPUTATION TO xv 1-2

They seem to Iiave alleged some commission from the church at
Jerusalem \ but they certainly had no apostolic authority for the
doctrine which they began to teach^ viz. tnat Except ye be circum-
cised [and walk] after the custom of Moses, ye cannot be saved —
a very different doctrine from S. Paul's, * Believe on the Lord Jesus
and tnou shalt be saved' (xvi 31). The keeping of the Law added
in the Bezan text was the natural consequence of circumcision^ as
is apparent from verse 5. This doctrine came like a bombshell
into the church of Antioch where the majority of brethren were
uncircumcised and they and their Jewish brothers were living side
by side in peace. It was indeed a *root of bitterness ' (viii 23;. It
troubled them, i.e. cast them into confusion, and subverted their
souls, i.e. upset all their principles of fetith and life'. The immediate
2 effect would be to divide the church into two classes^ ; and at the
moment there was a great dissension — ^the word used in Greek for
civil strife or sedition*. For resistance was offered to such division.
Paul and Barnabas called in question the doctrine itself. S. Paul
(according to the Bezan text) maintained that each should remain in
the state in which he was when he believed — the principle which he
reaflHrmed when dealing with the subject of marriage at Corinth*.
And this after his wont he affirmed vehemently, so there was a
deadlock.

The obvious solution was an appeal to the mother church at
Jerusalem, and accordingly they appointed thai Paul and Barnabas
and certain other of them should go up to Jerusalem unto the apostles''
and presbyters about this question. The indefinite they (p. 188) must
be taken as the brethren (IIV). So the church at Antiodi sent up an
embassy to the church at Jerusalem. That was the visible out-
come. But that a good deal more lay under the sur&ce is shewn
by S. Paul's words / went up in cu^cordance with a revelation^
And the Bezan text helps to reconcile the two statements. Ap-
parently the Pharisaic teachers charged Paul and the ether leaders
to go up to Jerusalem to be judged b^ore the apostles and presbyters.
Put in this way, S. Paul naturally would not yield to the proposal
If he was quite confident that he had receivea his gospel from the
Lord direct, it was not a matter to be submitted to human judge-
ment. And if Christ had made him his apostle, the apostles at
Jerusalem were now his peers, and not his judges*. But the Lord ap-
peared to him in a vision and reassured or commanded him ; and
accordingly he consented to go up to Jerusalem with the rest of the

^ Terse 24 : q). Barnabas (zi 22), the prophets (zi 27), Jndas and Silas (x? 22).
9 Gal Y 3. ' verse 24. For trouble op. Jn zii 27, xiii 21, Gal i 7, ▼ 10. The

Greek word for tubvert means literally to turn one*8 furniture uptide down, and so to
diimantle. The opposite process is indicated in the ^epare of Lk i 17, vii 27.
Another compound of the same yerb occurs below in xxi 15. ^ As in Gal ii 12.

• Cp. xix 40 {not), Lk zxiii 25 {insurrection). < 1 Cor vii 18-24. ^ ginoe

his departure from the city in a. n. 44 (xii 17, p. 180), S. Peter has returned: S. John
is with him; and S. James now is reckoned as an * apostle.' > Gal ii 8.

> Cp. the argument of Gal i-ii, esp. i 1, 11-2, 15-7.

XV 2-5 THE CHURCH AT JERUSALEM 245

party as a delegate or 'apostle ' of the church of Antioch. S. Luke
was veiy possibly among the certain others. We know that Titus
was. Titus, one of S. Paul's most £a,ithful disciples, was a Oentile and
uncircumcised, and S. Paul took him up deliberately. This shewed
the spirit of the deputation. And tnat it represented the real
mind of the Antiocnene church was shewn by its honourable

3 dismissal The whole church brought the apostles on their way\
TOTobably escorting them as far as Selcucia, the port of Antioch.
The like sympathy was shewn by the churches of Phoenicia and
Samaria whi(m they passed through — Tyre, Sidon, and Ptolemais,
Caesarea and Samaria (Sebaste). These received the news of the
turning of the apostles to the Gentiles, and the turning or cowoersUm
qf the latter to God, with great and universal joy^. The journey
almost assumed the character of a demonstration ; and so S. Paul

4 and S. Barnabas arrived at Jerusalem with all the weight of the
northern churches at their back.

At Jerusalem, as 'apostles of the church' of Antioch, they had an
honourable reception at a meeting of the church, assembled in due
order — ^the whole body and its officers. Then S. Barnabas and S. Paul
formally announced what God had done with them^i their ' work ' in
the journey and its result in the conversion of the Grentiles with the
manifest approval of God. But the experience of S. Peter (xi 1-3)
^ was to be repeated. The Pharisaic teachers who had charged them to
come up to the presbyters* had themselves also returned from Antioch,
and now they rose up out of their place and said It is necessaryto
circumcise them ana charge them to keep the law of Moses. Ttie
gauntlet was now thrown down ; and S. Paul was ready to take it
up. Possibly he did at that moment make a statement of his gospel,
in accordance with Gal ii 2 / laid b^ore them the gospel which I
freach among the Gentiles. But in any case the matter was too
important to be settled at once. There must be an interval for
deliberation and discussion, and so the meeting broke up. How
the interval was sj^nt we are told in the second chapter of the
Epistle to the Galatians, to which accordingly we now turn.
Oal 2 3 The interval was a stormy one. There was a sharp sting in the
demand of the Pharisaic party that ' they should be circumcised ' :
it had a personal reference — ^in the * they' was included one of tlie
deputation, Titus. Great must have been the indignation of the
stnct party, when they discovered that Paul had * privily brought
into' tneir midst an uncircumcised Greek, and on his circumcision
they insisted. On his side S. Paul resisted the demand with equal
strenuousness. It was indeed a home thrust : but not merely his
own liberty, the liberty of the Gentile churches was at stake. In
4 making the demand these Pharisaic teachers had revealed their true

' Oo, the bringing on the wati at Miletus xx 38, Tyre xxi 5 ; and the meeting at
ippii romm zxyiii 15. ^ Again the note ot joy after oonversion, cp. p. 228.

' jHm with them (op. xiy 27) is explained by (a) Terse 12 by ihern, and (h) vii 9, zi 21
etc, he WM with them. ^ This is following the Bezan text.

246 THE APOSTOLIC AGREEMENT [Galii4r-io]

Gal 2 4 character — they were false brethren, still Jews at heart who had
privily come into the church, like the spies into the holy land, to spy
out the Gentiles' liberty in Christ Jestis, and bring them bcick into
complete bondage under the Law. Yield to such he could not. And
yet, on the other hand, there was not only the hopelessness of the
issue otherwise, there was the still small voice of cliarity — * ^ve no
offence to the church of God neither to Jew nor to Gre^,* * if meat
make my brother to offend, I will eat no meat while the world
standeth ' ; and he might be scandalizing not merely the extremists,
but the whole church at Jerusalem. According to his own teaching
both * circumcision and uncircumcision were alDce nothing.* Hence,
though it might appear to the Grentiles as a betrayal of their cause,
though it would lay him open hereafter to a charge of inconsistency,
yet lor the ^eace of the church he became * to the Jews as a Jew,'
and circumcised Titus. What a struggle it cost him is evident
from this Epistle, where in going over the scene again his emotion
makes havoc of the ^mmar and prevents his actually stating the
fact of Titus' circumcision. But there was no need to state it. The
Galatians knew it perfectly well, as they also knew of Timothy's cir-
cumcision (xvi 3), and the charges of inconsistency brought against
the apostle. What was vital lor S. Paul was to make clear that
Titus was circumcised, not under compulsion, but out of voluntary

5 self-sacrifice ; as an act not of submission to the fake brethren, but of
charity towards the wciiker brethren*.

6 But submission brings victory. This particular 'scandal' re-
moved, S. Paul was the better able to discuss his gospel privately
with those qf repute, with James and Cephas and John. They —
like S. Peter liimself in the past, like S. Barnabas, like die church at

7 Antioch' — could not resist the teacliing of facts. They perceived the
grace of God given to S. Paul, and that God had evidently entrusted
to him a work among the Gentiles, in which he was destined to hold
a position similar to that which S. Peter had held in the church of
Jerusalem. The fervour, the spirit, the genius of S. Paul, backed
by the charity of which he had just given so signal a proo^ were

9 irresistible. The three gave to him and Barnabas the right hands qf
fellowship, and, as it were, divided the mission field. Where the
Gentiles predominated, that was to be the province of Paul and
10 Barnabas ; where the Jews, tliat of the other apostles. Only there
was one condition. Jerusalem suffered from poverty and the Jewish
l)Oor received alms from the Jews of the Dispersion. The Christian
poor were cut off from this supply, and accordingly the apostles plead
tliat the Gentile churches should remember their poorer brethren at

1 It is only fair to the reader to add that, as the fact of the circmnoiaion of Titos
ia not stated in Galatians, so many commentators consider that Titos was not cir-
cumcised. The account given above however seems to the writer to be the only
adequate explanation of the emotion evident in the stylo of the Greek of Gal ii 8-5
(and in particular of the hut that or and that of verse 4). But of this eaeh reader
must form his own judgement. ' xi 17, 28.

I

6-29 THE CHURCH IN COUNCIL 247

Jerusalem — ^this would be a practical bond of union, and would
*niake both (sides of the cliurch) one (Eph ii 14).' This request,
as we shall see, S. Paul fulfilled, loyally and with zeal, even at
the cost of much labour and danger to himself. This agreement
between the leaders practically settled the question. As happens
with the deliberations of large bodies and meetings, the resolutions
adopted are as a rule those prepared beforehand by the leaders.
This was the case at Jenisalem then, and so there was no need for
S. Paul to say more to the Galatians about the council itself. What
happened there they knew already; in fact they had received the
letter of the council, containing its resolutions. What they had not
heard of was the private conference of S. Paul with the three and
their entire unanimity ^

§ 2 The Council at Jerusalem

We now come to a narrative which bears strong testimony to the
fiddity of S. Luke. This is indeed incidentally confirmed by the
relation of S. Paul to S. Baniabas : at Jerusalem, and in official
records, Barnabas stands first (verses 12 and 25), but where S. Luke
^^airates, or gives his version of the record, he slips into the usual Paul
^nd BarnaSas (verse 22 : cp. 2 and 35). But the chief evidence is
afforded by the speeches. Tnese are of course only brief notes of what
^«ts actually saio, written out afterwards by S. Luke ; and yet in these
few verses the characteristic attitudes and pliraseology of the speakers
Unconsciously assert themselves.

Thus S. Peter's impulsive and generous character is seen in the
^si^r question and honest confession of verses 10 and 11: his language
^^Unutely recalls that of his speech, as also of the general narrative, ni
chapters x-xi^: and there are, besides, some striking coincidences
^t£ his words elsewhere. He had, for instance, asked Ananias and
^fiphiia why they had tempted the Spirit of the Lord, and he alone
?ppfie8 to Crod the attribute of knowinff-the-heart'. At the same time,
^^t as we find his first epistle reflecting the ideas and phrases of the
l^istle to the Romans, so here it is evident that S. Peter, true to his
^npressionable character, has been much influenced by intercourse with

1 We can now see how remarkably the account in Galatians doTetaUs in with

^^ Acts. There is (1) Gal ii 1-2 a the going up to Jerusalem : (2) Acts xv 4-5 ti^e

P^blie leeeption : r?Gal ii 2 b, at which S. Paul states his gospel:] (3) Gal ii 8-5

^^ aSiir of Titos^ ciroumoision : (4) Gal ii S-IO, with 2 o, the private conferences

^ the apostles: (4) Acts xy 6 and foU. the meeting of the council and decision.

Qoing through the speech here — cp. ye know x 2S, 37, at the beginning x 87, xi

(4) 15, Peter opened hie mouth x 34, into my mouth xi 8, the word... preaching f^tod

^^^Ua^f X 36, every one that believeth x 43, the prophets bear witnett x 43 (22),

'teeived the Holy Ghott x 47, even €u we, even a* unto us x 47, xi 17, making no

^^mtion xi 12 (x 20), cleansed x 15 (28), xi 9. * v 9 : i 24. The compound

^thet know iwj-t he-heart has not yet been found in classical literature or the lxx.

For heart cp. also v 8-4, yiii 21-2. Through the mouth of is found only in 8. Peter's

9Mlies i 16, iii 18, 21, iv 25. Cleansing by faith (in its position in the sentence

M ««U as thought) corresponds to cleansing all meats Mk vii 19 (which ropiesenta

Ibt Petrine tradition). For chosen cp. i 24 and beginning i 22.

248 THE RECORD AND xv 6-29

S. Paul In his faith in salvation from the burden of the law by grace
we ahnost hear S. Paul himself*: pv/rifying by faith is only another
fonn of jtisti/ying hy faith : and besides the doctrine, the phrase-
olofflT also bears distinct traces of S. PauFs language*.

When we come to S. James* speech almost his firet word stamps it
as thoroughly Hebraic in thought and expression. He calls S. reter
by his H^rew name (Simon), and in its Hebrew form Symeon. His
phrases — God did visit, a people, for his name, from the beginning of
the tporld, turn to God, generations of old — recaJl the Hebraic canticles
and narratives at the be^nning of the Gospel'. He uses the same
word as S. Peter, qf-old (i.e. ofthe-beainnimYi only with S. Peter the
beginning is that of the gospel, witn S. James it is still apparently
* Moses.' So in contrast to S. Paul he speaks of the reading of the
Law in the Jewish synagoj^es as a witness to Grod, parallel a£nost to
the Gentiles' £aith in Christ. Further than this, there is not mudi in
this short speech to mark a distinct individuality. But it contains
some coinciaences with his other speech in the Acts^, and one or two
unusual words'.

The letter affords a third test of genuineness. Here the con-
struction of the first sentence corresponds so exactly to the period
with which S. Luke begins his Gospel, that many conclude that this
letter is likewise his composition. But the existence of the original
letter must have been a check to inventiveness on S. Luke's part, nor
would he have lacked opportunities of copying it. Besioes, such
official communications had probably assumea an almost stereotyped
form. Another explanation of the resemblance is quite possible. If
S. Luke accompanied S. Paul to Jerusalem, being a good Greek scholar,
he may have been employed by the apostles as their scribe^ In its

1 Op. xiii 88-9, Gal ii 16-6. » e.g. the gospel (verse 7, 1 Pet iv 17) oocors in

8. Paul's writings 60 times, elsewhere only 16 times : 8. Luke only nses it here and
when quoting 8. Paul xx 24. Neck in a metaphorical sense only oocors Bom xvi 4.
Be able, i.e. have itrength (10), is osed in Gal v 6, vi 15 of circumcision not avaiUng,
The view of the law as a yoke is found in Gal v 1. The thought of Ood hearing
witne$$ is Pauline, cp. xiii 22, xiv 3, Bom i 9, II Cor i 23, PhU i 8, I Thess U 5, 10.
Oraee has occurred hefore, but now it is used in 8. Paul's special sense, cp. xiii 43,
ziy 3, 26, xv 40, XTiii 27, xx 24, 32. For puHfying hy faith cp. xiv 27 door of faith :
ehoien ix 15, xiii 17. * Cp. Lk i 16, 17, 31, 48, 49, 50, 68 (vii 16), 70 (AeU iii

21), 77, 78. * w. 21 and 7. ^^ xxi 20-5. In both he speaks of Motet, of

Judging^ and of writing : the last word occurs only in these places. Among the
epistles the word visit and the phrase the name which it eaUed upon you are fbund
in 8. James alone (i 27, ii 7). In the epistle also he speaks of the (ChriBtian)
tynagogxte (ii 2). * e.g. trouble, pollutions, not elsewhere in the NT. The

words of the prophett is a unique phrase. But to use uncommon words is a habit of
8. Luke's. There is besides a littlB similari^ with 8. Paid's speeches ; op. the voieet
of the prophets.,, read every tahbath day xui 27, turn unto the living God xiv 15,
the wordt of the Lord Jesut xx 35. 8. Paul also (wiUi 8. Luke) alone oses the
personal object of proclaim fviii 5, ix 20, xix 13). ' The occurrence of words

and phrases peculiar to the letter, such as suhvert, hy word of mouth, these necessary
things, it sluill be well with you, agrees with 8. Luke's habit. Besides tiiese the
compound word translated keep (verse 29) occurs elsewhere only in Lk ii 51 (but
there in a different sense). Verse 22, in which 8. Luke summarizes part of the
letter, may serve as an example of his use of his documentary authorities. Notice

XV 6 MEETING OF THE COUNCIL 249

matter the letter fsiithfully reflects the situation. As regards the style,
laying no burden upon you is a distinct echo of S. Peter's words in
yerse 10^; and there is also some resemblance to the Epistle to the
Galatians, in which letter we may expect to find verbal reminiscences
of the struggle*.

The narrative before us presents a typical picture of the church in
consultation. We mav refer to the other * assemblies' for illustration':
but to this chapter the church will always turn for guidance in its
conciliar action. Its relation to church councils will be considered
below (p. 266), but the best guide is carefully to follow our text
6 The first words of S. Luke at once introduce the question of
the composition of councils. He says the apostles and the presbyters
were gathered together. The letter runs in their name alone
^according to our text). In ch. xxi James and the fretbyters
(alone) assembled to receive S. Paul and his fellow delegates. The
term the multitude (12) might be used of such a limited assembly,
as it is of the Sanhedrin in xxiii 7. And if only apostles and
presb3rters were now present, the assembly would have been as it
were the Sanhedrin of the Christian ecclesia. On the other hand,
the language of verse 12 naturally implies a large number. The
word multitude was an almost tecnnical term for the whole body of
church members, corresponding to its secular use for the body of
enfi:B,nchised citizens (p. 188). In verse 22 the consent of the whole
church is asserted, and must have been obtained in some way.
And in verse 6 some Bezan texts definitely assert the presence
of the mtUtitude*. To judge then from former precedents we may
conclude that the apostles (to whom are now joined the presbyters)
met together to see about the matter, for the discussion and decision
of the matter rested with them. But they called to themselves or
summoned the multitude (vi 2), because though the initiative rested
with the apostles, the consent of the whole church was required.
The council was then a real 'ecclesia,' an assembly of the whole
church* in due order, i.e. of (a) apostles, (b) presbyters, and
(c) the multitude.

the change to PatU and Bamabat, the addition of with the whole church (whioh may

Soint to a mention of the brethren in the original address, as in the AY), and the
ascription of Jadas and Silas which is omitted in the letter itself in accordance
with modesty. ^ Oive commandment (ver. 24) is not found elsewhere in 8. Lnke,

hut it is used five times by S. Mark (Peter). ' Trouble is used of the same

kind of teachers in Gal i 7, ▼ 10 : tubvert is similar to untetUe Gal ▼ 12. 8. Paul
there also speaks of bearing burdens (yi 2, t 10, vi 5 : cp. also Bev ii 3), and of Christ
delivering up himself (ii 20 : here verse 26). We may add that while Greeting is
the ordinary commencement of a Greek letter, it is only used by James (i 1)
among the epistles of the NT. > e.g. in i 15-26, iv 23-81, vi 2-6, xi 2-18,

zzi 1&-25 and at Antioch xiii 1-3, xiv 27, xv 80-2. * Irenaeus in his accoant

of the council (c. Haer, ni 4) speaks of the whole church {universa eeeUtia) as having
met together. The Bezan addition was not likely to have been made in later times
when the church was growing more monarchic and oligarchic. ' As at

Antioch xiv 27 the ecclesia, xv 30 the multitude. The multitude is the body of the
ecclesia, of which of course the apostles and presbyters form a part. In verse 4 a
similar meeting of the ecclesia is described.

A

260 THE COUNCIL xv 6-17

We may picture the scene thus. At the upper end of *the
upper room' of i 13, or of some Christian *^Tiagogue/ sat the
aposties and presbyters feeing the multitude. In the centre of the
semicircle was the chair of ,mmes, the president of the church of
Jerusalem ; on his right were sitting S. r eter and S. John, on his
lefb S. Barnabas and S. Paul with the other delegates firom Antioch.

6 And the apostles and the elders^ were gathered together

7 to 'consider of this matter. And when there had been mudi
'questioning, Peter rose up*, and said unto them,

Brethren, ye know how that '^a good while ago God made
choice among you, that by my mouth the Gentiles should

8 hear the word of the gospel, and believe. And God, which
knoweth the heart, bare them witness, giving them the Holy

9 Ghost^ even as he did unto us ; and he made no distinction

10 between us and them, cleansing their hearts by ikith. Now
therefore why tempt ye God, that ye should put a yoke upon
the neck of the disciples, which neither our fathers nor we

11 were able to bear? But we believe Hhat we shall be saved
through the grace of the Lord Jesus, in like manner as they.

12 And^ all the multitude kept silence ; and they hearkened
unto Barnabas and Paul rehearsing what signs and wonders

13 God had wrought among the Gentiles ^by them. And after
they had held their peace, James answered, saying,

14 Brethren, hearken unto me : Symeon hath rehearsed how
first God did visit the Gentiles, to take out of them a people

15 for his name. And to this agree the words of the prophets ;
as it is written,

16 'After these things I will return.

And I will build again the tabernacle of David^ which is

fallen ;
And I will build again the ruins thereof,
And I will set it up:

17 That the residue of men may seek after the Lord,
And all the Gentiles, upon whom my name is called,

1 Borne Bezan texts add with the multitude, ^ Gk $ee eonceming, * AV

reads disputing as in verse 2. * Bezan adds in the {Holy) Spirit, ^ Qkfnm

days of old (verse 21) or of the beginning (xxi 16). * Qk to be saved, ' Bezan
inserts when the presbyters had consented (Lk zxiii 51) to the things which had been
said by Peter. ^ Gk through, ' Amos ix 11-12.

XV 18-29 AT JERUSALEM 251

18 Saith the Lord, ^who maketh these things known from

the beginning of the world.

19 Wherefore my judgement is, that we trouble not them which

20 from among the Gentiles turn to God ; but that we 'write
unto them, that they abstain from the pollutions of idols, and
from fornication, 'and from what is strangled, and from

21 blood'. For Moses from generations of old hath in every
city them that ^preach him, being read in the synagogues
every sabbath.

22 Then it seemed good to the apostles and the elders, with
the whole church, to choose men out of their company, and
send them to Antioch with Paul and Barnabas; namelj/,
Judas called Barsabbas, and Silas, chief men among the

23 brethren : and they wrote ^thtts by them. The apostles *and
the elder brethren unto the brethren which are of the Gentiles

24 in Antioch and Syria and CUicia, greeting: Forasmuch as
we have heard thdt certain ^ which ivent out from us have
troubled you with words, subverting your souls^ ; to whom

25 we gave no commandment ; it seemed good unto us, having
come to one accord, to choose out men and send them unto

26 you with our beloved Barnabas and Paul, inen tJuxt have
^hazarded their ^^ lives /or the name of our Lord Jestis Christ.

27 We have sent thertfore Judas and Silas, who themselves also

28 shall tell you the same things by word of moulh. For it
seemed good to the Holy Ghost, and to %is, to lay upon you

29 no greater burden than these viecessary things ; that ye
abstain from things saerificed to idols, and from blood,
and ^^from thin/fs strangled, and from fornication^^ ; from

^ Marg who doeth these thingt which were known, AV with the later mss reads
who doeth all theu things. Known unto God are all hU works from the beginning of
the world, Bezan who doeth these things. Known fixrni the beginning of the world to
the Lord is his work. Cp. Isai zly 21. ' Marg enjoin them, ' Bezan omits

and from what is strangled; and after blood adds and whatsoever things they would
not be done to them^ not to do unto others: cp. verse 29. * Gk proclaim.

^ Bezan reads a letter after this manner : and so AV adds. ' AV with later

M88 reads and elders and brethren : from Bezan aothorities Blass reads The apostles
and presbyters t omitting brethren. Perhaps the original ran The brethren^ the apostles
and the presbyters^ to the brethren, ' Marg with KB omits which went out.

9 AV vritii some Bezan texts adds saying Ye must be circumcised and keep the law.
' Ok delivered up : Bezan adds unto every temptation (Lk iv 18). ^ Or souls

(verse 24). " Bezan and early Fathers omit and from things strangled; and

add after fornicatUm\ and what things ye would not be done to yourselves, do not to
others.

262 a PETER'S SPEECH xv7-n

which if ye keep yoursdves, it shall be well wUh you\ Fan
ye well.

7 The meeting was not unlike other human synods and parlu-
ments. There was muck discussion (KV) conducted no doubt witii
di^utcUian (AY) and vehemence : the Hebraic party was in die
majority and Barnabas and Paul would have difficulty in obtainiM
a hearing. When, however, the feelings of the assembly bad found
some rehef in free utterance, the time came for the apostles to
intervene and to win the church to the acceptance of tne und^-
standing upon which they had privately agreed. Peter first
caused silence by an ap|>eal to the unquestionable £&ct that the
Holy Ohost had been given to the Gentiles in the persoi]fl of
Cornelius and his friends. Of this &ct S. Peter, enlightened bjr the
same Spirit^ now reminds his hearers who had not realized its ogni-
ficance (see p. 163), and in so doing he stirs their conscience— Pi)
knowy he begins. Like S. Paul, he was a chosen vessel, for in^
days of the ^ginning, that is, in the early days of the churcli'i he
had been chosen to preach the gospel to Comehus' party (and so he

8 had anticipated S. Paul). These Grentiles had received the word,

9 and God had received them. By so doing God had declared th&itki
distinction between Jew and Gentile was now done away. For is
liis sight distinction between men did not depend upon external
differences of birth and race, or upon acciaental cleanness or
undeanness, but on the purity of the heart. And then God^ who
alone can know the hearty had borne witness that the hearts of t^
Gentiles, Cornelius* party, were clean hy giving them the Holy Spr^-
By the faith which he had first inspired he had himself dixMii
their hearts. This divine cleansing bad been effected when th^

10 were as yet uncircumcised. Accordingly to declare now that cir-
cumcision was necessary and to insist on the observance of the k^
was to tempt God. As Ananias and Sapphira had tempted t^
Spirit of the Lord by doubting his power to read their hearts, so
now the circumcision party were tempting God if they called m
question his power to cleanse the heart of the uncircumcised by his
Spirit. ^ To aeny the reality of the cleansing of Cornelius woajd
be to sin like the Pharisees, who had blasphemed against the Holy |
Spirit by ascribing the miracles of Chnst to an unclean spirit'* '
Tne apostle concludes with an argumentum ad hominem*. This
law which they wished to impose upon the Gentiles, the Jews
themselves had been unable to keep. Even the apostles in ik&t
own personal experience had found it to be a yoke of slavery', and

11 they themselves could only hope to find salvation in the fxrf
same way as these Gentiles-^yiz. by taking up the light and easy

1 Bezan adds going <m in the Holy Ghott. > Cp. pp. 1, 13, 157. Tha

baptism of John was the beginning of ttie gospel, the baptism at Penteoost the

begumingoftheehnroh. * Idk iii 29-30. ^ Like S. Paul in Gal vi U.
• GalvL

tv 11-17 a JAMES' SPEECH 263

yoke of Christ, or accepting by faith the grace or free gift qf the
Lord Jesus, This doctnne S. Peter had declared long ago, ' through
fedth in his name hath his name made this man strong '../and in
none other is there salvation^' ; he now repeats it as a matter of
personal experience, just as S. Paul testifies in Gal ii 15-^ : ' We^
oeing Jews b^ nature and not sinners of the Oentiles, yet knowing
that a man is not justified by the works of the law, save through
fitith in Jesus Christ, even we believed on Christ Jesus.'

12 The fSeu^ quoted by S. Peter could not be gainsaid. The
presbyters expressed their acquiescence^ and the whole assembly kept
silenceK This gave an opportunity for Barnabas and Paul to drive
home S. Peter's argument by further evidence. Besides Cornelius,
other Gentiles had received the word without circumcision and by
signs and wanders God had declared his acceptance of them.

13 It only remained now for the chairman to sum up the debate
by suggesting the practical decision, or in modem language, pro-
posing a resolution. Accordingly in answer to the universal
expectation James rose up. Ever3rthing turned upon his utterance.
8. James commanded the veneration of all, and hardly needed to

U ask for a hearing. As James the Just, he represented in particular

the ideal of the Hebraic party, and if anyone was to win them to

the acceptance of the Gentiles, it would be he. And now S. James

completes S. Peter's argument by adding the proof (essential to the

Jew) from scripture that it was the purpose of God to take from the

U Gentiles a people for his name*. S. James' proof is tiie more

xemarkable m that its argument turns upon the Greek translation,

which difiiers from the Hebrew. The Hebrew original was rather

conducive to Jewish pride; it concluded thus — that they (the Jews)

may possess the remnant if Edom and all the nations which are

l€ cdUed by my name, saith the Lord. According to the Greek Bible

tiie whole passage runs as follows\ The prophet Amos is con-

temj)lating the ruin of Israel The kingdom, called after its

divmely appointed kin^' the Tahemacle of David, is faUen and

til ruins. But God had sworn to David that he would set up his

throne, and that in Zion would be his own resting-place, for ever*.

Accordingly the prophet prophesied that the fallen tabernacle shail

he raised up again, in order that in it, i.e. in the new Messianic

n kingdom, God might dwell for ever. But if this Tabernacle be the

dwdling-place of God, all who seek after ^tm will seek him there, and

it will become the centre and means of union for the whole race of

men, bodi Jew and Gentile. For all the Gentiles belonged to God

who was the Creator and Lord of all things : in the Hebrew idiom

his name was coiled upon them''. The time would come when they

I would turn and seek after their Lord, and then they would flow

onto this Tabernacle, the new kingdom or ecclesia of Gbd. Simi-

> Aete iii 16, iv 10-12, op. x 48. > Cp. xi 18. * Gp. I Pet ii 9-10.

' Iht tADslaion read Adam (=iiki7i) for Edom and gave a different sense to j)Of«eM.
' Op. xiii 23. * Ps cxxzii 14. ' Jas ii 7 margin.

264 THE DECISION XV 17-22

larly Isaiah had prophesied that when the mountain of the Lord's
house diould have been exalted, i.e. by the divine presence, all
nations should flow unto it^ Completing his quotation from Amos
with another from Isaiah, S. James shews that this call of the
Gentiles was part of God's eternal purpose. It had be^ Imown
to him before the world was, from eternity. He had kept it hidden
from past generations except in prophetic intimations, nut now he
is making it known to men^

19 Having thus completed the argument S. James proceeds to the
practical conclusion. He uses a strong word Ijudge, and although,
strictly speaking, his proposal was neither a sentence (AV) nor a
judgement (RV), yet it was the decision*. For he alone was aUe
to carry the Hebraic majority with him. But because of that
majority the decision had to be in the form of a compromise.
S. James confines himself to the practical question before them.
The Gentile converts were not to be disquieted*^ by the requirement

20 of circumcision. But to facilitate intercourse with theur Jewish
brethren they should be charged* to abstain from certain Gentile
practices which were the chief causes of offence to the Jews*. Such a
concession out of charity on the Gentiles' part was entirely in accord

21 with the principles of S. Paul himself. On the other hand the
Hebrew party ought to be satisfied, for nothing had been suited
about 'apostasy from Moses* (xxi 21) on the part of the Jewish
Christians. Wherever there were Jews, Moses, i.e. the Law, wonld
continue to be read and proclaimed every sabbath day as heretofore.
Moses, so to speak, womd suffer no loss, in failing to obtcdn the
allegiance of those who never had been his.

The epistle of S. James shews that his chief characteristic was

22 wisdom — wisdom practical and peaceable^ And that is exactly thB
character of this Eirenicon. It was at once adopted by the assembly
and that unanimously (verse 25). The apostles and the preAjterf
probably uttered theur judgements or votes in turn, €uid the multi-
tude, the whole church, expressed their assent by acclamation. The
Lord had promised his own presence where two or three were
gathered together to bind or to loose, and also the presence of his
Spirit to be the guide of the church, when the ways appeared to

1 Isai ii 2, Micah iy 1. Cp. Bev xxi 8 and 24, 26. > Isai xlv 21. Tfaii

quotation giyes the sense of the words in Amos, <u in the days of old, wfaiA
S. James had omitted. The Bezan and AV give the same sense wiUi a diffenB^
emphaaiB. For the thought, cp. S. Paul in Bom xvi 25, Eph iii 9. 8. JuMi \
had quoted the prophets ; and his treatment of their words illustrates the freedom <v
interpretation in those days. > It was reaUy S. James' own personal cpiiuoA

or vote {sententia — the proper meaning of the AV sentence), important beoaun hi
was chairman. The I is emphatic in the Greek. The wora judge is used of (1) tt
opinion in iy 19, xiii 46, xyi 15, xxyi 8 ; (2) a determination in iii 13, xx VL
xxv 25, xxvii 1 : op. xvi 4 the decrees which had been determined, ^ So Dr Fkn

(Notes on Translation of the NT) translates, comparing I Sam xxviii 15. ' Thl

Greek word may be translated either write or etyoin, * On these see bdov

p. 2G4. 7 Jas i 5, iu l»-a

XV 22-23 THE LETTER 265

diverge*. Accordingly in this unanimous decision they recognized
the mind of the Holy Spirit (verse 28) ; for oneness of heart and
mind was a special sign of his working'. The result had to be
made known to the church at Antioch, so they passed a second
resolution ; they decided to send two delegates or * apostles of the
church' to Antioch, bearing a letter'.

The choice of delegates shewed the wisdom and brotherly mind
of the church. They were chosen out of the ruling body of anostles
and presbyters, being chief men among the brethren^', and they
were more than presbyters, they were also prophets (verse 32).
One of them was a Heorew — Judas BarsabhaSy perhaps brother of
the Joseph Barsabbas who had been put forward for the vacant
apostolate (i 23). The other was evidently a Hellenist. For he
possessed a Latin name— &7as is short for Silvanus^ — and the
Koman citizenship (xvi 37)« His syinpathies are shewn by his
subsequent attachment to S. Paul, which however did not interrupt
a close intimacy with S. Peter*. As a bond of unity, he was a
worthy successor of Barnabas.
23 A letter conveyed by messengers or 'apostles' was a familiar
method of communication among the Jews. Thus the 2nd Book
of Maccabees m&DA with a letter announcing the purification of the
temple, from The brethren^ the Jews who are in Jerusalem and in
the land of Judaea, to the brethren, the Jews who are in Egypf. For-
mally, the letter formed the credentials of the delegates. But it also
contained the decision of the council, and its composition was not
an easy matter. The apostles had a delicate task. They had to
avoid giving offence either to Jewish or to Gentile Christians. On
the one hand, any declaration that circumcision and the law were
abrogated would rouse the Hebrew party: on the other, some
burdens had to be laid on the Gentile converts ^ But they sur-
mounted the difficulty, and the letter is a masterpiece of tact and
delicacy. They avoided the enunciation of dogmatic principles
which might be distorted and misused by either party, and confined
themselves to the practical points of present conauct.

The letter is not addressed to the Gentile brethren universally,
but only to those of Antioch and Syria and Cilicia, in other woros

1 Mt xviii 18-20 (xxviii 20) : Jn xvi 13. Cp. also S. Paul'g daim in I Cor ii 16,
vii 40. ' Cp. ii 1, iv 24 and 31 : ii 46, v 12. > Both these resolutions are

expressed by the Greek yerb it teemed good to them (yy. 25, 28), or they thought
good (xxyi 9, cp. yerse 34 marg). From this yerb is derived the noon dogma; and
dogma is the Greek word for both the decrees of this councU (xvi 4) and the ordert
of Caesar (Lk ii 1, cp. Acts xvii 7). * In Heb xiii 7, 17, 24 the word is translated

they that hear the rule (over you). See Introd. ch. yi § 2. 'I Thess i 1, II i 1,

n Cor i 19. •I Pet v 12. ' Cp. the letters in II Chron xxx 1, Jer xxix 1,

25 : also II Chron xxi 12, xxxii 17. ^ The Didaehe (yi 2-3) iUustrates the burden

laid upon them. If thou cantt bear tlie whole yoke of the Lord, thou thalt be
perfect, but if thou cantt not, do what thou eantt. Now about eating, bear what thou
cantt, but from meat tacri/iced to idolt be exceedingly on thy guard, for it it the
tcorthip of dead godt.

^

266 THE LETTER xv 24-49

24 of the province of S)rria\ The apostles and the presbyters (1) disown
the conduct of the Pharisaic teachers which had begun the dispute
(verse 1). This disowning however, while it is itself indirect — to
whom we gave no commandmenty — contains implicitly the doctrme

25 that circumcision is not necessary to salvation. (2) The main
subject of the letter is the accrediting of Judas and Silas, who aie

27 to announce the same things, still left undefined, by toord of mouth.
To prepare their way (a) mention is made of the unanimity of the
church at Jerusalem, and {b) the church of Antioch is conciliated

26 by high praise of their delegates Barnabas and Paul for having
delivered up their lives to aU manner of peril for the name of our
Lord Jesus Christ*, (3) Last of all, almost as in a postscript,

28 comes the chief point of the letter — the burden. To facilitate
obedience the apostles first claim that their decision is the mind
of the Holy Spirit, and then they make four demands on the

29 disciples which are indispensable. They are to abstain from four
things, viz. meats that had been sacrificed to idols, flesh with the
blood in it, the flesh of strangled animak, and from /omicatum.
The ground of the necessity is not stated, but the last clause
su^ests the profitable motive — ye shall/are well. To say tlie least,
su^ abstinence would promote peaceful relations with the Jewish
brethren, and the self-discipline would be good for their own spiritual
lUe. For in the concluding words added in the Bezan te2ct, going
on in the Holy Spirit*, lies the essence of the whole matter. That
too is S. Paul s conclusion in his epistle to the Galatians. Neither
circumcision nor uncircumcision is an3rthing, but life in the Spirit:
'walk in the Spirit*.'

§ 3 Peace restored cU Antioch

They had yet to wait to see how the church of Antioch would
receive the letter; and when it accepted the decision joyfully, peace
was restored to the church. Thus the council proved an effectual
method of settling the controversy; and, like persecution from without,
strife within was also followed by a peace*.

30 So they, when they were dismissed, came down to Antioch* ;
and having gathered the multitude together, they delivered

^ Cilieia was at this time closely attached to Syria and seems to have been
under the same Bomsn Prefect: see Marquardt Rom, StaatsvenoaUung i p. 3S7.
' As he had delivered np himself to death for them (Gal ii 20, cp. II Cor iy U).
The word translated hazard is literally give up or hand over to. The addition in
the Bezan text tells us to what — to temptation, e.g. trial in danger. Cp. Lk iv 31,
xxii 28, Acts xx 19, Gal iv 14. But to protect them against temptation they had
been delivered up by the church to the grace of God (xiv 26). > The Greek word

for going on (translated by Irenaens walking) is the middle or passive participle of
the verb to hear (Heb i 3). This expression is connected with the work of the Spirit
in u 4, n Pet i 21. It also occurs in xxvu 15, 17: I Pet i 13, II i 17, 18: Heb vi 1,
being variously translated prett on, be driven, brought, moved. ^ Oal v 16-26^

cp. iii 2-3. ^ Cp. ix 31, xii 24. * Bezan adds in a few days.

XVS0-S5 ACCEPTED AT ANTIOCH 257

31 the epistla And when they had read it, they rejoiced for

32 the ^consolation. And Judas and Silas, being tiiemselves
also prophets', exhorted the brethren with many words, and

33 confirmed them. And after they had spent some time there^
they were dismissed Mn peace from the brethren unto ^those
that had sent them forth."

35 But Paul and Barnabas tanied in Antioch, teaching and
* preaching the word of the Lord, with many others also.

30 On the arrival of the delegates at Antioch there was a public
assembly of the church, in fiBWJt another council, only at Antioch the
emphasis is on ths multitude. Judas and Silas publicly delivered

31 their letter to the authorities, and it was recid aloud. It caused
at once an outburst oi joy. The verdict so to speak was in their
favour — this was a great consolation^ and even the demand for
abstinence at the end would appear only in the light of an

32 ej^kortcUion^ . Then it was the turn for Judas and Silas to
announce the same things by word of mouth (verse 27), and their ex-
planation of the meaning of the letter passed into a long prophetic
exhortation. There was a repetition of the scene in xi 27-28
(p. 172) : there was prophecy and exultation. The exhortation
of Judas and Silas was no doubt in the main an earnest appeal
for unity and mutual charity ; and so they established the church,
made it firm and compact after its recent shaking and division^

33 A service preceded their return to Jerusalem, at which the church
of Antiocn solemnly bade them farewell. 'Peace be with you'
was the Jewish formula for goodbye ; but in this word here S. Luke
rather intimates that they returned unth peace^y having won peace

[34] for the church. As a matter of fact Silas found the atmosphere of
Antioch so congenial, or S. Paul's personality so attractive, that he

35 staved on at Antioch ^°. A time of peace was then a time of progress,
ana there followed an outburst of renewed apostolic activity on the
part of Paul and Barnabas : they taught those within the church
and preached the gospel to those without. Their eflforts were
seconded by similar work on the part of many others also, of less
distinguished position in the church".

^ Marg exhortation^ Gk paraclesis; and in verse 82 exhorted =iued paraclesu,
marg comforted. * Bezan adds fuU of the Holy Qhott. > Gk vfith.

^ AY reads the apostles, ^ AY and Bezan insert yerse 34 But it seemed good

unto Silas to abide there, and Bezan continues and Judas went alone. * Gk

evangelizing. ^ In paracletis the meanings of consolation and exhortation

ran into one another and can hardly be separated. " Cp. xiv 22. > Cp.

I Maoo zii 52, xvi 10. ^^ It is probable that Silas was not Judas* sole companion.
1^ This is parallel to the teaching and evangelizing of the Twelve in v 42. The
word for others marks a distinction (cp. the also) : it might denote preachers of the
opposite (Hebraic) school. In Gal 16 8. Paul uses it of * quite a different ' gospel.
With the interpretation adopted above we may cp. the rest of v IS.

B. A 17

258 THE 'JUDAIZERS' XV

In a sense, however, the struggle was not yet over. In fact this
council, in its history, very much^ resembled that of Nicaea. That
great council met in 325 after the first outbreak of Arianism, and
ahnost unanimously adopted the creed which excluded Arianism from
the fiedth. But this was only the beginning of the struggle. After die
council the controversy grew more intense, the church was nearly torn
in two, and only after fifty years of fighting was the Nicene Creed
generally accepted as the faith of the churcL So now after dus
council the circumcision party renewed their eflForts with greater zeal
S. Luke, however, is right in speaking of peace, because the stm^
changed its character. The extreme party in its fanaticism became
almost a separate ' sect ' of ' Judaizers ' ; and their work was trans-
formed into a personal attack on S. Paul. They recognized that 'the
apostle of the Gentiles' was the great champion of Gentile liberty;
and accordingly they dogged his steps, they disputed his teaching;
they denied his apostolate. They sent emissaries even mto his own
Gentile churches to steal his converts away fix)m him, and in many
places they succeeded in stirring up scenes of strife such as had oc-
curred at Antioch, and this with most disastrous eflfect in the churches
of Galatia, which almost apostatized from S. Paul's gospeL We learn
these facts chiefly from the letters of the third missionary journey—
to the Galatians, Corinthians, and Romans. This last however, written
in 54, marks the turn of the tide. It was S. Paul's great vindication
of his gospel; after that, we only find some last flames as it were
flashing up in the Ep. to the Philippians, and the dying embers of the
controversy in the Pastoral Epistles. But in attacking S. Paul thfi
Judaizers were not alone. If they were zealous against Paul because of
circumcision, the unbelieving Jews who did not even accept Jesus as
the Messiah must have been infuriated at his preaching to tne Gentiles.
Accordingly, as we shall see, they pursued him with a relentle*
hatred. Tms controversy with the Jews altogether ecLpsed in mag-
nitude that with the Judaizers ; and of the latter S. Luke tells ns
no more. Indeed he had no reason to break silence. The controTersy
was personally most painful to S. Paul ; but in the council at Jera-
salem the church had definitely decided against the Judaizing party
and the truth must prevail. The rapid growth of the Gentile churches
of itself caused the controversy to die out, and there was no need to
rake up the embers*.

Even at Antioch the question was reopened. In Gal ii 11-1*»
after recounting this visit to Jerusalem, S. Paul passes on to an in-
cident at Antioch in which S. Peter figures. When this happened hs
does not say. It must have been before the separation from female
immediately to be related in this chapter of the Acts'. And there i*

^ This is perhaps a reason why S. Lake does not speak of the Oalatiam 4
name in ch. xiii-xiy, and why he passes so oortly oyer S. Paul's snbseqaent visitli
Better silence than a narrative which oonld only be painful. ' It could bud}

have been at Uie visit of xviii 22-8. We do not know that Barnabas was then i
Antioch and about that time the Epistle to the Galatians was being written.

Gal II 11-14] S. PETER AT ANTIOCH 259

nuch to support the view that it took place even before the council *.
Jut on the whole the internal evidence shews that in the Epistle
?. Paul is keeping to the chronological order and that the incident
lappened in this interval between the council and the breach with
J. fcmabas. The question at issue was one which would present
tself after that which had been decided at the council and fonn the
ogical conclusion of the whole matter ; it deals with the conduct of
;he Hebrew Christians about which nothing was said in the apostolic
etter*. If then the incident happened at this moment, we may find a
lint of further division or controversy in the others of verse 35, as has
)een suggested in the note above ; and it will be easier to understand
ihe separation from Barnabas.

3al 2 11 Shortly after the council, then, Cephas (i.e. Peter) himself
came down to Antioch, When he came, like the other Jews in the
Antiochene church, he ate with the Gentiles and lived as a Gentiley

12 80 fieir disregarding the Law. Then certain of the circumcision
party came from Jerusalem, bearing commendatory letters from
James, S. Paul does not say that tney reopened the controversy,
but they lived strictly as Jews. This made the Jews in the
Antiochene church uncomfortable. Even S. Peter teas afraid of
them, i.e. of their censure and of causing them scandal; and
thoroughly in accordance with his character he began to draw

13 back and separate himself from the Gentile brethren. With such
an example the rest of the Jews did the same, and even Barnabas
wets carried atioay. There was no dogmatic teaching as in xv 1, only
a preaching by action, but action utterly inconsistent with the
truth of the gospel and in fact — what S. Paul calls it — 'acting'
(or dissimulation). Once more there was a crisis, and the recently
won liberty of the church was threatened. But S. Paul was equal

L4 to the emergency. By his inconsistent action Peter was already
^fM'Condemnedf and the only thing to do was to jjoint out the
inconsistency. It would be paiimil to Peter, — painful also to
Paul himsefr, — but the cause of the gospel called for courage.
Therefore at a public meeting of the church Paul rose up and
resisted Peter to the face^ ana b^ore all asked * If them beina a
Jew livest as do the Gentiles, a/nd not as do the JewSy how compeUest
thou the Gentiles to live as do the Jews ? ' S. Peter we know would
take the rebuke with all generosity, and S. Paul once again saved
the church. It was thus made clear that Jewish Christians might
freely mingle with their Gentile brethren and live as do the
Gentiles, and so far they also were fi«e from the Law.

^ Thus (a) the certain from Jame$ in Gal ii 12 would be the certain who came
IcwH from Jerusalem in Acts xy 1. (b) It is very likely that S. Peter may have
risited Antiooh between oh. xii and xv. He must haye been there early, if there is
uiy foundation for the tradition which makes him the first bishop of Antioch. See
p. 179. (e) The separation of Jews from (Gentiles as described in Galatians would
sorrespond to the division Olfaction of xv 2, ' That is, with questions A 2

ind B on p. 242,

17—2

260 S. BARNABAS LEAVES a PAUL xv 36-89

§ 4 The separa;tion of Barnabas and P<ml

Victory now secured, S. Paul is a^ain free for mission work ; imi
his stay at Antioch ended in an umiappy incident which left lum
fiJone. This S. Luke narrates because it falls in with his plan, which,
is to shew S. Paul standing out at the end of this period in single aoi
unquestioned preeminence as 'the apostle of the Gentiles,' corresponding
to S. Peter at Jerusalem (see p. 186\ The narrative also confinns
S. Luke's honesty. He does not hide the human shortcomings througli.
which this result was brought about. His pen has faithfully recorded,
the various sins which made their appearance in the churcli, and ww
he has to tell of a sharp contention between his fisivourite apostles.

36 And after some days Paul said unto Barnabas, Let ns
return now and visit the brethren in every city wherem we
proclaimed the word of the Lord, and see how they &ra ,

37 And Barnabas was minded to take with them John also, who j

38 was called Mark. But Paul thought not good to take with
them him who withdrew from them from Ptoiphylia^ and

39 went not with them to the work. And there arose a ^sbaip
contention, so that they parted asunder one from the oilier,
and Barnabas took Mark with him, and sailed away unto

40 Cyprus ; but Paul chose Silas, and went forth, being oom-

41 mended by the brethren to the grace of the Lord. And
he went through Syria and Cilicia, confirming the churcha*.

36 It was probably the autumn of 48 ; and S. Paul's missiontiT
spirit felt an ardent longing to turn again to the work', as btf
affectionate heart yeamea to visit the converts they had made on

37 their first journey^ So he made an appeal to Barnabas. Bwmdoi
was ready, but \naplan included the addition to their company w
John Marky who was now at Antioch^ The a&t>, as in xiii 5, majf
impl)r another * attendant ' — possibly Luke himself whom we shstt

38 find in the company later on. Paid^ however, had not forcotfeea
Mark's desertion of them at Perga, for so it appeared to him stiU; and
to take him with them was not riaht\ John Mark was ' not worthy*
having once taken back his hand from the plough. S. Paul was n^
yet convinced of his full sympathy with the toork, and perhaps il^
the recent difficulty at Antioch Jolm also had been carri^ away o<^

39 the Hebrew side together with Barnabas. So there arose a warf

^ Or provocation, Ok paroxysm, * Bezan adds delivering the eommatidmtnlt0

of the {apottles and) presbyters. ' The same strong hortatiTe particle (BY WNif

Ib used as in xiii 2. ^ For similar yearnings op. I Thess ii 17, iii 10 : Bom i 11«

XV 28. ^ If S. Peter had oome down to Antioch this sammer, as snneitodt

S. Mark may have accompanied him. ^ The original Greek is mii£ mort

emphatic than the English : Paul thought right for demanded) in regard of him wht
h€id withdravm.,.work — not to take with them »uch an one.

XV 39-41 WHO TAKES SILAS 261

contention or provocation between the apostles. Neither would ^ve
way, and consequently they were parted asimd^^. They divided
the field, and Barnabas taking with him Mark sailed out of

40 Seleucia to Cyprus, his native country. In the place of Barnabas
Paul chose Silas for his fellow-worker. As a Roman citizen (p. 255)
Silas was admirably suited for work in the Roman empiren>ut in
comparison with Bsumabas he would, though himself also a prophet,
decidedly stand second to S. Paul'. On whichever side tne fault
lay, S. Paul had not forfeited the confidence of the brethren at
Antioch, who, as before, in a solemn service delivered him up to
the arace of the Lord (Jesus). Barnabas having gone to Cyprus,
Paul turned towards Soul. Galatia. But the rofiS first ran through

41 Syria and Oilicia, Here he visited the various churches and
coT^firmed them^ i.e. (as in verse 32) settled them a^in after the
recent dissension which, as we learn from the apostolic letter, had
spread over all these parts.

So the two champions were separated. They never worked together
again, and S. Barnabas disappears from the Acts. It seems inex-
pressibly sad : the more so wnen we remember that S. Paul owed to
o. Barnabas his very introduction both to the church and to his specisd
work*. No one probably felt it more than S. Paul himself. It was an
occasion when he felt he had to give up all for Christ, and suflFer the
loss of all * gains,' even of fiiencfihip (rhil iii 7-8). The quarrel was
indeed made up afterwards. In the first Ejjistle to the Corinthians,
S. Paul speaks of Barnabas as of one mind with himself^ ; and at the
last, even Mark had won his entire confidence". But the smart
remained in his conscience, and no doubt the apostle was writing
out of his own bitter experience and with a pang of sorrow for his own
shortcoming, when in the same epistle he says * Love... is not provoked*.'
There are indeed two provocations. One is *unto love and good works" ;
the other tends to separation. In this case the latter provocation
was overruled for good, and led to the former result — the increase of
good works. Two missionary parties started instead of one, and new
workers were taken into the field.

§ 5 Galatia. CircKmcisum of Timothy and

loyalty to the cmincU

Of this visit to Galatia, S. Luke notices only two points, which
serve to make thoroughly clear S. Paul's position in the recent con-
troversy. (1) After winning for the Gentiles freedom fix)m circumcision,
he yet circumcises Timothy. This shews that S. Paul was no fanatical

' A strong word : elsewhere in NT only in Bey yi 14. ' Thus the plural

they first ooonrs in xvi 4. It was the action of S. Paul which required to be recorded
in XV 40-XYi 8. > ix 27, xi 25-6. « I Cor ix 6. Benan in his S. Paid has

some very sympathetic remarks on S. Barnabas at this parting. ^ 11 Tim iv 11,
Col iv 10. ' I Cor xiii 5. ' Heb x 24. There is yet another good provo-

cation^ viz. at the sight of evil (Acts xvii 16). Similarly God U provoked by sin.
Dent xxix 28, Jer xxxU 87 (Gk).

>

262 PAUL IN S. GALATIA xvi i

3

)

opponent of circumcision in itself. Circumcision and nncircamciaioKi
were alike nothing in themselves; they only received a value wb^xi j
related to the law of charity. To remove offence, or to pave the ^t
for preaching the gospel, the apostle was ready to circamcise. So
circumcised Ttmothy because of the Jews that were in those part:-
(2) S. Paul was thoroughly loyal to the council, although he nuu^
have thought its decision too much of a compromise. For, thonr^^
the letter was only addressed to the S)rrian church, he yet voluntanL.
delivered the decrees to the churches of Galatia for them also to
There are however signs in the narrative that the controversy
already begun to pass over the border from Syria into Galatia.

16 And* he came also to Derbe and to Lystra : and beholi — 3,
a certain disciple was there, named Timothy, the son
'a Jewess which believed ; but his father was a Greel

2 The same was well reported of by the brethren that were

3 Lystra and Iconium. Him would Paul have to go forth wit
him ; and he took and circumcised him because of the Jei
that were in those parts : for they all knew that his &thi
was a Greek.

4 And as they went on their way through the cities, 'the
delivered them the decrees for to keep, which had
ordained of the apostles and elders that were at Jerusalem.

5 So the churches were strengthened in the fidth,
increased in number daily.

1 The interest of the narrative is still confined to Paul's action {^^^f
Continuing his journey from Tarsus in Cilicia and crossing tl^^f^
Taurus range by the Cilician gates, he would come first to x^gr^^jf
and then to Lystra, Here he doubtless lodged with Eunice (p. 23(P^^'

2 and would hear of the good work done since his departure by b^^^
son Timothy in the church at Lystra and Iconium, The place ^^^
John Mark had not been filled up. It is extremely likely tb
S. Luke was with them, but a secona 'minister' was ne^ed. S. Pav

3 had been greatly drawn towards Timothy, and now he wished^
take him with him. His wish was confirmed by the Spirit. 1^*-^
S. Paul and S. Barnabas, Timothy was called to the work by th^^
Spirit, for there were some prophetic utterances 'which went before
(either now or even at Antioch) and marked him out*. Accordingly,
there was another ordination. First the testimony qf the bretkrm

1 Bezan adds when he had gone through these nations, * Some texts tdd

a widow, ' Bezan has they] proclaimed to them with all boldness the Lord Jesm

Christ, at the same time delivering {to them) also the commandments [of the apostles,
* There are two different Qreek words for ne willed in xy 37, xyi 3 (BY was minded^
would). One refers to plan or purpose, the other to inclination or desire. Bamaba^
plan was to,,,Faul luid a great wish to,,, ^ I Tim i 18, op. It 14.

-VI 3-5 CIRCUMCISES TIMOTHY 263

ai Lysira and Iconium to his good character was obtained: this

was alwajTB an essential requisite for ordination. Then he was set

apart with laying on of hands by S. Paul and the presbyters of the

church, whereby he received a * charisma ' or spiritual gift, defined as

' the Spirit of power and love and discipline.* This ia^t of Timothy's

ordination we learn from S. Paul's own letters to hiiu^ S. Luke

does not mention it; for the purposes of the history his circumcision

was more important. Timothy was uncircumcised, and this was

well known to the Jews in those parts and would cause scandal

Further, as the missionaries would generally lodge in the Jewish

quarters of the cities they visited and begin work in the sjmagogues,

tne presence of the uncircumcised Timothy would be an impediment,

like that of Titus at Jerusalem (p. 245). Accordingly, on grounds

of expediency as well as of charity, Paul took and circumcised him.

This circumcision would be notorious in Galatia, and when the

Judaizers arrived they soon laid hold of it. * Why, this apostle of

Gentile liberty himself preaches circumcision ! ' * he is indeea a mere

man-pleaser, utterly without principle ! ' And when S. Paul in his

letter to the Galatians enters so niUy into the question of Titus'

circumcision, he is at the same time defending his action in

Timothy's case also'.

^ The circumcision of Timothy itself is a sign that the discussion

about circumcision and the law had begun to shew itself in (jalatia

also, and in consequence Paul and Silas, who now act as representing

the church of Jerusalem, gave the Galatians the apostolic letter,

and charged them to keep its requirements. The Epistle to the

Galatians confirms this. For from it we learn that already

8. Paul had been obliged to teach expressly against two threatening

tendencies. (1^ On the one side, warning tnem against teachers

of the law ana circimicision, he said — *ii any man should come

and preach a difierent gospel from tliat they had received, let

him be anathema.' (2) On the other side there were Gentiles who

were exaggerating their freedom from the law into freedom from

aU moral restraint. Such, he warned the Galatians, 'should not

inherit the kingdom of God'.' This double teaching is reflected in

the Bezan text. (1) The^ preached the Lord Jesus Christ with all

hddness : (2) thej/ gave them the commandments qf the apostles and

elders.

5 This is the last mention of the letter, and it forms the close to

the history of the council. Further, as the council was the ratification

of S. Paul's work in ch. xiii-xiv, and of his position as an apostle

in the church, this paragraph is the real conclusion of the chapter

cS the history wliich began in xiii 1. And to mark this S. Luke

here adds one of those sentences of his which sum up the past work

and give a picture of the progress of the church. The final result

' I Tim iv 14, II i 6-7. It is assnmed above that the ordination took place
now. It may of course have happened later. ' Gal v 11, i 10 and ii 3-5.

> Gal i 9, V 21, to keep occurs in Gal vi 13.

264 THE FOUR xvi5

of the controversy after all was: (1) A great confirmation of the
&ith of the church ; the council was the scene of a victoiy of the
'faith in the Lord Jesus' and that faith made the church strong\
(2) A great increase of numbers. The sentence recalls the early
chapters of the history. The churches — of Jerusalem, of Syria^ and
of ualatia — were being strengthened in or by thefalth^ like the lame
man in the temple (iii 16 ; cp. vi 7), cmd were abounding in
number (iv 4, vi 7) daily (ii 47). The conclusion of the whole
matter is exactly parallel to that which had followed upon Stephen's
martjnrdom ana the subsequent events : cp. ix 31, which forms
the conclusion of vi l~ix 30.

The four necessary things (xv 28)

It is now time to examine the meaning of the four demands of the
letter. The first three concern eating. It was the matter of food
which was the chief ground of separation between the Jews and
Gentiles'. The 'bread of the Gentiles' was unclean: and it was a
mark of piety in a Jew rigorously to abstain firom it, like Ezekiel,
Daniel, and Tobit". It was unclean in these respects, (i) The Gentiles
ate meat sacrificed to idok. Eating flesh-meat probably had its origin
in the feast upon an animal slain in sacrifice, and still in the apostles'
days much of the meat eaten had been so slain. This connexion ¥rith
the idol of course 'polluted*' the meat: and the eating of such meat
by the Gentiles had an intimate effect upon the daily life of the Jews
in their midst. Jews were obliged to have their own butchers, and it
was perilous for them to accept Gentile hospitality. This pollution
touched the Christian conscience also ; and S. Paul had to discuss the
question for the Corinthian church, as he does in I Cor viii-x. (ii) The
Gentiles ate the blood. This the Jews were strictly forbidden to do,
and that for a reason hkewise coming down from primitive religion,—
the life was supposed to be in the blood. This idea was consecrated
in the Law of Moses, which declared that * the life is in the bloodV
The blood then had to be all poured out ; and therefore (iii) in this
prohibition was included that of meat killed by strangling, — which the
Gentiles esteemed a great delicacy.

Then we are startled to find joined with these purely ceremonial
matters a fundamental moral command, (iv) abstinence ftom Jomica-
turn. In consequence of this difficulty some commentators interpret
this fornication to mean marriage within the prohibited degrees as
given in the 18th chapter of Leviticus. This is possible, for incest
18 covered by the word in I Cor v 1, but the limitation is unnecessary.

^ For the faith see xiv 27, zv 9, 11 : and for ihQ firmness needed after distorbanoe
and sabverting xv 32, 41. The phrase corresponds to S. Peter's stedfatt in the
faith (I Pet y 9). > xi 3 (p. 150), Gal u 12. » Ezek iy lS-4, Daniel i 8,

Tobit 1 10-1. * The word used by S. James in xy 20 pollutions of idols is

peooliar in the NT. But the pollution is connected with eating, cp. Dan i 8, Mai
1 7, 12, Ecclus xl 29. » Cp. Gen ix 4, Ley iii 17, yU 26, xyii 10-4, xix 26,

Deut xii 16, 23-5, xy 23.

XV 28 * NECESSARY THINGS 265

For there are some ways of considering the precepts which will
diminish our surprise.

(1) Like the meats sacrificed to idols, this matter was closely
connected with idolatry. The practice of immorality formed an
essential part of the worship of many deities. To prostitute oneself
was, at some rehgious centres, an act of worship. Attached to ^eat
temples were large bands of prostitutes who were ^ sacred,' and ' slaves
of the god (hierodouloiy ; and such temples were the scenes of incredible
corruption, *sanctifiea* by religion. Hence the close association of
eating idol-meats and fornication which we find elsewhere in the NT,
as in I Cor x 7 and 8, Rev ii 14-20*. To prohibit idol-meats and
fornication is to say Flee from idolatry. And this interpretation is
confirmed by S. James' speech, which places fornication next after the
idol-meats.

(2) Again, the sharp distinction between the moral and ceremonial
law hlad not been as yet clearly drawn, not even in Jewish ethics.
This we can see in the law itself, where moral and ceremonial precepts
stand side by side ; and in practice the Jews regarded them as on a
level — to eat an idol-meat would probably have been esteemed a greater
sin than to commit fornication. There being then no recognized
distinction per se between the moral and the ceremonial commands
of the law, it might appear that the Gentiles, when freed from the
yoke of the law, were freed from the former as much as the
latter, and they would be left to the moral law of nature, the law
written on the heart, interpreted and expanded by the moral teaching
of Christ as handed down by the apostles. Now it was just in this
matter of purity that the Gentile conscience fell short in its moral
standard. Even in the law of the Jews, although they themselves had
a high standard in the matter, it was nowhere actually forbidden to
commit fornication". But among the Gentiles this form of impurity
was not looked upon as a sin at all : it was, as we have just seen, an
act often consecrated by religion as part of divine worship. Hence
the Christian teachers found it necessary to give very dogmatic teaching
on this point fi:om the first, as we can see from the episties*. And
therefore it is not at all surprising tiiat the aposties, while making a
kind of concordat between the Gentile Christians and their Jewish
brethren, should make an express pronouncement upon a subject where
the Gentile standard difierea so widely from that of the Jews — and how
much more from the moral law of the Christ.

Further, the question of purity, like that of eating, did closely

^ Cp. also the oontigmty of fornication and idolatry in Gal v 19, Eph y 6, Col
iii 0. In the OT, adultery and fornication are constant metaphors for the desertion
of Jehovah and the worship of idols. ^ Cp. Dent xxiii 17-8. If there is no

actual prohibition of fornication in the law, the reason is the same as that for the
toleration of polygamy etc. in the OT. The strict Christian law of parity is based
npon the new creation of our human nature in Christ, and the sanctifioation of
our bodies by the indwelling of the Spirit. For this law then the foundation had
first to be laid in the incarnation. > Cp. e.g. I Thess iv 1-8, Gal v lU-21. 1 Cor

V 1-9, vi 9-19, Eph v 3-14, 1 Pet ii 11, Rev xxi 8, xxii 16.

266 THE CHURCH xv-xvi5

aflfect family life aaid social intercourse (p. 227). Accordingly, taking
the commands as a whole, we may view them in either of two ways.
(A) They deal with two important social questions — Eating (i, ii and
iii) ; and Puritnr (iv, this latter being a new precept which completes
the law). Or (B) according to the order of S. James, they deal witii
two fundamentaTpoints of contact between Jew and Gentile — Idolatry
(i and iv) ; and Eating (ii and iii, two commands which practically are
one, the prohibition of blood).

Nothing is said about meats which were pronounced unclean by the
Law of Moses. For these regulations are based on an earlier law, the
covenant of Noah (Gen ix 4), and the prohibition of the blood which
it contains is a part of primitive religion. And yet the apostles are
following the precedent of the Law of Moses. For according to
Levit xvii 8-16 the precept about the blood was to be tauffht to lie
stranger sojourning in Israel And if we compare the whole passage
we shall find a striking correspondence with the apostolic rules. For
there we find in the same order the apostolic precepts (1) about
sacrificing flesh-meat. Lev xvii 1-7, (2) about eating the blood,
verses 8-16, (3) about marriage, ch. xviii,

(C) There is yet another view possible. The Bezan text^ which is
that of the early Fathers, certainly illustrates the absence of the dividing
Une between the moral and the ceremonial. It omits things strangled,
which is included in the bloody and adds another moral precept, what
ye would not have done to you, do not to others. Tliis is the negative
form of 'the golden rule,' and as a summary of the second table it had
long been current among the Jews^ It formed part of their instructions
to Gentile disciples, for we find it at the beginning of the DidachS,
If this be the original form of the apostolic letter, the prohibitions
will then form a summary of elementary moraUty, needed by Gentile
converts who had not been grounded in the law. For it contains
four elementary rules — of worship {eat no idol-meats) ; of r^ulation
of the appetite (eat no blood) ; of purity (do not commit /omicatioti) ;
and of duty to one's neighbour (do not to others as you would not be
done by).

The first council of the church (xv-xvi 5)

As the history of the council is now closed, we may consider its
bearing upon the conciliar action of the church. In the council we
see the church exercising the power of binding and loosing, that is of
saying what burdens are to be borne, what loosed; and the power
of the keys, that is of laying down the conditions of entrance and
membership in the church. These are legislative powers, and they were
conferred upon the church by Christ himself. He also promised that
its decisions should be ratified in heaven, for when assembled together
the church enjoys his presence, and it can then claim Uie promised

^ It oconrs in Tobit iy 15. The quotation from the Didache given on p. 255
shewa how the rules of eating were mixed up with moral precepts in &e Jewish mind.

xv^xvi 5 IN COUNCIL 267

gnidance of the Holy Spirits Here, then, on the occasion of the first
recorded exercise of this power by the church as a whole, it is important
to stady (A) the object, (B) the method, (C) the decrees, and (B) the
policy, of tnis council.

A., The council was not summoned arbitrarily to utter definitions
or enlarge the faith. It was occasioned by a particular emer^enc^,
and its aim was to restore peace to the church. In fact^ doctrme m
the narrower sense of the term was not the subject of its discussions.
The 'teaching' or *the faith" had been learnt by the apostles from
the Lord directly, or through the inspiration of his Spirit ; and it was
this * teaching of the apostles ' which was the test of church member-
ship. The apostles therefore would be the authorities to decide as to
wh&t was contained in this original * deposit ' of the faith. Then from
tlie apostles this teaching was handed down by tradition, as we learn
from the Pastoral Epistles' : Hold the pattern of sound words which
ikou h(ut heard from me: the things which thou hast heard from me
^naumg many witnesses the same commit thou to fait/^ful men, who shall
ffe €Mble to teach others also, S. Paul indeed had not received his gospel
from the Twelve, but he claimed to have received it direct from flie
Ixnrd, and therefore when he came up to Jerusalem he did not submit
it to the council, but conferred privately with the leading apostles
ibont it. It is true that the Phaiisaic teachers put the matter in a
doctrinal form, alleging that circumcision is necessary to salvation.
But the apostles persisted in treating it as a practical question
concerning the amount of burden to be kid upon the Gentile brethren
^ the moment. Thus a practical difficulty of serious magnitude was
^e occasion, and its solution the aim, of the council and its legis-
lation*.

B. It has often been denied that this is to be reckoned as a

'council' of the church. Some disUke the scriptural precedent it

^▼es for conciliar action and authority. Others exclude it because

^ does not satisfy later canonical rec[uirements as to the composition,

procedure, summoning etc. of councils. It is too informal. But for

that very reason it is a real council. For in truth a council or synod

^ the church is simply the church * meeting together ' and so eiroress-

i^g its mind. It was to the church that Chnst cave the authority

^ ie^late : his presence is secured by the assembling together : and

^uiammity is the surest sign that the decision is the mind of the

Spirit Of course, as numbers increased, it soon became impossible

w aU the brethren to meet together. Yet an assembly of *the

▼hole church' is always possible. On this occasion the church of

^ See Mt xviii 15-20, xvi 18-9; Jn xx 22-3; Jn xly 26, ziri 18, Acts zy 28.
< 042: Ti 7. * Cp. U Tim i 18-4, ii 2, I vi 20. « This oouncU then oan

Iwd]^ be coasidered as forming an absolate precedent for the deoidou of a matter
iffeetmg the creed, e.g. the question of Arianism and heresies affecting the incarna-
tkm. It may be eaid that the letter asserted the doctrine that circomoision is not
7 to salTation. It did so implicitly bat not explicitly^ — no more than it
the doctrine that the * four necessary things * were necessary to salTation.

368 THE CHURCH xv-xvi 5

Antioch was represented by delegates, and so by the method of
representation the whole church can still be gathered together.

In the procedure also we recognize the church acting as a whole
in due order. In all great societies, however democratic in their
constitution, the practical administration of afifairs must iaJl into the
hands of a smaller or selected assembly, such as the Greek Baide
and the Roman Senate^ the Jewish Sanhedrin and tlie modem
Powliament. Similarly in these bodies the initiative and control
centres in a small committee of the leaders, whether magistrates,
or high-priests, or cabinet ministers. So in the church we find the
same three elements : (I) the multitude, (2) the ' senate ' of aposties
and presbyters, (3) tne apostles. ^ Only there is this difference.
The two smaller bodies possess, besides their authority of personal
influence, a definite commission received firom a^ve — uy the
apostles firom the Lord directly, by the nresbyters firom die apostles
tnrough lajring on of hands. Now in tne council we see the tturee
elements cooperating in their due order. (1) The 'senate' of apostles
and presbyters is summoned (verse 6): it is mainly their business as die
responsible authorities to discuss the matter, and they ^ive their
opinions or votes (verses 22, and 12 Bezan) : the letter of the cooncQ
runs in their name. (2) But in this senate the apostles take the
leading part. They sum up the discussion at the end, and their
speeches, which are alone recorded, decide the voice of the assembly,
riirther, we learn firom S. Paul that they had previously discussed
with him in private the more doctrinal side of the matter, his
gospel, and come to an agreement thereupon. (3) The popular
element is not wanting, viz. ' the multitude ' of so to speak enfirancnised
citizens of the church. They are present (see |). 249), and tJieir consent
is emphatically expressed (verse 22) : without it the mind of the whole
churcn would not have been expressed. There was still (4) a further
body to consider, the church of Antioch, which represents distant
churches who must have a voice in the decision if it is to be the mind
of the universal church. This church was represented by delegates ;
and besides this, the decision was sent to it in the form of a letter for
its acceptance. The brethren of Antioch accepted it with joy. What
would have happened if they had refused we are not told.

An interesting parallel to the whole is to be found in II Chronicles
ch. XXX. The occasion was Hezekiah's great Passover, (a) The king
had taken counsel and (b) his princes and (c) cM the congregation
(ecclesia) in Jerusalem to keep the Passover,.. and the matter pleased
(cp. Acts vi 5^ the king and aU the congregation ; so they estabUshed a
decree to make proclamation throughout [A) all Israel... So the posts
went mth the mters from the king and his princes (w. 2-6). oome
received the letters, others scorned them and did not obey. At the
feast itself the whole congregation (ecclesia) took counsel to keep other
seven days (ver. 23).

Such being the council in its composition and procedure, viz. the
whole church acting in due order, it is obvious that details as to

XV-XVI5 m COUNCIL 269

summoning, presidency, etc., are of minor importance. They would
naturally vary according to the ideas and customs of the age. Thus
at Jerusalem S. James presided, evidently because he was the president
of the church where the council met. He occupied his own ' chair.'

G. The actual decrees of the council (1) concern, as we have seen,
not doctrine — except implicitly, as is of course inevitable,— 4)ut
matters of practical' discipline. But even for such disciplinary rules
the guidance of the Holy Spirit is needed and claimed. (2) In form
they are not expressed as canons or laws ; but in accordance with the
customs of the time they are sent in a letter and are also to be
published by word of mouth. (3^ They are in part local, to meet the
local circumstances and heal the local dispute in the church of Syiis, ;
and in part temporary, in the sense that when the conditions that
occasioned them disappear, they disappear likewise. (One rule which
deals with a moral question is of course of perpetual validity.) TIds
character of the precepts emlains the conduct of S. Paul at Corinth.
There he discusses the whole question of idol-meats on independent
grounds without any reference to the letter. For the letter did not
run as £aj: as Corinth; and the conditions of the church there were
quite different from those at Antioch. But where the conditions re-
mained the same, as in the churches of Syria, they continued to be
observed (xxi 25). The later history of the rules tells the same story,
^i) The question of idol-meats became a test question between Christ-
ianity and paganism, and therefore abstinence was observed until
idolatry passed away and with it the prohibition ipso facto, (ii, iii)
Abstinence frt)m blood is observed to this day in tne east, but m the
west, after a temporary survival, it died away, (iv) The decree against
fornication, as part of the eternal moral law, will never pass away.

D. The decision itself seems open to criticism. It resembles a
compromise, and seems to shirk the direct question. It implicitly
domed the necessity of circumcision for salvation, yet it did not openly
assert the liberty oi the Gtentiles. It did neither the one thing nor the
other. Criticism on this ground however is but superficial. Tne letter
is really a model how to deal with burning questions which do not
immediately affect the primary deposit of the faith with which the
apostles were entrusted. Such questions, arising out of matters of
ntual or discipline, constantly recur in the history of the church, and
the best method of solving them is by way of compromise, avoiding
dogmatic decisions. This method is generally open to the charge
of oeing illogical, but ultimately it is seen to have been true to the
logic of facts. On this occasion there were two parties in the church,
diametrically opposed to each other on a particular point. A dogmatic
decision would probably have excluded one, but tne apostles wi^ed
to retain both. So a modus tivendi had to be found ; each must ^ve
up something — ^they must live and let live ; a via mediae in fact, which
pleases neither party, but is successful in the end.

For the apostles were justified in the event. The real decision
lay with the church. The council indeed was the church in assembly.

270 THE DIVINE RATIFICATION xv-xvi 5

But the church is also a living and growing body ; and its very life
will decide the question at issue. The council frames an expedient
to enable the church to ro on living, and then in the life and growth of
the church the doctrinal problem will be solved : solvitur ambulando,
or rather vivendo. This is what happened. The burning question was
the relation of Jew and Gentile in tne church of God. Tne council did
not commit itself to any doctrinal assertions about the law or circum-
cision, but found a compromise to enable Jew and Gentile to go on
living side by side. And the whole problem was soon settl^ by
history itself. The rapid development of Gentile churches caused
Jewish ideas and scruples to tail mto the background. And at last in
the year 70 the destruction of Jerusalem cut away the ground of
Judaism not only within the church but without. This great judge-
ment of God, then, we may regard as his final ratification of tke
council. Wisdom was justified qf her children^.
To sum up our conclusions :

(1) The legislative power of the church was called into action by a
practical difficulty affecting the peace of the church.

(2) The church assembled together in due order propounds a
present practical solution ; and as me decision possessed the mark of
unanimity, we can be absolutely confident that it was the mind of the
Spirit.

^3j The church accepts the solution loyally and lives by it.
God gives his final judgement in history.

n

^ Benan (S. Paul oh. iii) veiy tersely expresses the wisdom of the apostles : IZi
vireni que le teul moyen tPiehapper aux grandes quettiaru eft de ne pat Us rimjudrt^
de prendre des moyen* termes qui ne contentent penamie, de laister lee probUmet
$*u»er et mourir faute de raUon d'etre.

DIVISION II

( = Ch. 16. 6—19. 20)

EXTENSION OF THE CHURCH IN THE ROMAN EM-
PIRE AND FOUNDATION OF THE CHURCHES OF
MACEDONIA, ACHAIA, AND ASIA

^rom the year 49 to 54, — Claudius (u>ho died Oct, 54) beina emperor
qf BomOy Ventidius Cumanus (48-52) and Felix ^52) being pro-
curators cf Judaea, and Ananias son of Nedebaios nigh priest.

It is jiuite evident that the paraffraph xvi 6-10 begins a new
division in tlie Acts. Grammatically the paragraph begins with
▼erse 5. That verse, after S. Luke's style, is a summary of the past
^hich forms the starting point for the future. Indeed even in the pre-
^^oding passage, xv 36 to xvi 4 (which is a piece of editorial joining), the
^Jiind 01 the writer is divided between the past and the future. It is
^e preparation for the future and yet looks back to the council In
'^erse 5 nowever is reached the limit of S. Paul's original plan, which was
*to revisit the brethren,' and verses 6 to 10 record what was most clearly

* divine call to a new work, corresponding to the call in xiii 1-3. This
'^cw work begins in Macedonia^ As has been already pointed out^ it is

* jnistake to divide S. Paul's work by missionary journeys', and from

^his time Antioch ceases to be his centre. When the brethren there

^mmended him to the grace of God (xv 40), he took his £girewell.

Henceforth he *had no certain dwelling place,' and his headquarters

^hanged with the work. To Antioch succeeded Corinth, to Corinth

Rhesus. S. Luke's notes of time mark the successive resting places :

•* first he was with the assembly of the church at Antioch for one year :

then he * sat ' at Corinth for eighteen months : then at Ephesus for two

years'. The visit to Jerusalem and Antioch, which is summed up in

^e sentence in xviii 22-3, was but an episode in his ministry at

ephesus. Subsequently to that visit, the true conclusion of the whole

P^od is given in the summary note of progress in xix 20 ; the next

vetfte (21) rives unmistakeably the be^nnmg of the end.

Wnat then is the subject of this division ? (1) Having related the
u^ternal struggles and development of the church S. Luke now turns to

.,} Cp* verse 10 * go forth unto Macedonia * with the tending forth by the Spirit in
s^ 2, 4 : ep. zy 38, 40 (went forth), * The word j'ourvKy, although oonvenient,

\$ hardly the beet ezpreesion for a ministry which includeid long residences of
fHOBths or even years. Campaign would be a better word. The word ased by
0. Paul and S. Luke is the work, ' xi 26, xviii 11, zix 10,

272 THE CHURCH IN xvi-xix

its external progress. His subject is the rapid extension of Christianity
among the Gentiles, especially in three great provinces of the empire,
Macedonia, Aghaia, and Asia; and he describes the firm establishment
of the church in their capitals, Thessalonica, Corinth, and Ephesus^
Here we have to be on our j^uard against the influence of modem ideas
of geography. The crisis of the work was not^ as is popularly supposed,
the crossing over from Asia into Europe. The Macedonian did not say
*Come over into Europe,' but *into Macedonia.' These three great
provinces embraced respectively the northern, western and eastern
coasts of the Aegean Sea, and they were all members of one great
Roman empire, and all enjoyed one great Hellenic civilization. Indeed
the Asiatic coast of the Aegean Sea, that is the western part of Asia
Minor, was at this period the theatre of the greatest Greek and Graeco-
Roman activity ; and for a division between the east and the west we
must look to the mountains of Taurus rather than to the Bosporus
and Dardanelles. To the Romans Syria was the first province oi * the
east.'

(2) The foundation of the churches of Macedonia, Achaia, and
Asia was the work of S. Paul, and it was his j^reatest achievement
Ch. xvi 11-xix 19 is really the record of his life's work. It filled a
period of five years fix)m 49 to 54 ; and in the composition of the book
it corresponds to the ministry of the Lord in the Grospel (Lk iv 16 to
xvii 10 or xviii 30)' and of S. Peter in the church of Jerusalem in the
first part of the Acts (ii 14-xi 26). This period may be looked upon
as that of S. Paul's life-work for another reason. The churches of
these provinces gave occasion for those works of his by which he has
influenced the whole world, viz. his letters. To them were addressed
the Epistles to the ThesscUonians and Philippians, to the Corinthians^
to the JBphesians and Colossians ; the Epistle to the Galatiiins was also
written within these years, and at their close that to the Romans,

S. Luke has written the history in his usual manner. Out of the
multitude of stirring events which must have filled these five years he has
selected a few typical pictures. And it is not hard to see the motives
which guided the selection. He wanted to illustrate especially (1) the
relation of the church to the various secular authorities, and (2) the
relation of the faith to the false religions which occupied the field.
And (3) in so doing he is able to record the offer made by Christianity
to the world. Thus (l) we see S. Paul before the 'duoviri' of a
Roman colony, and the * politarchs ' of a provincial and free capital ;
before the areopa^gus of Athens which had the prestige of a central
religious tribunal in Hellenism, and the supreme secular authoritv of a
Roman proconsul. (2) The true faith has to meet the hatred of the old
faith of Judaism ana the criticism of philosophers at philosophy's true
home and birthplace, the indifference of the cultured circles of Rome

^ xvi 9-10 : xviii 12 ; xix 10. xvii 1 : xviii 1 : xviii 19» xix 1. ' The same

difficulty as to the exact line of division ocoors in the Acts as in the Oospel. The
actual work in these provinces goes on for a year after the beginning of the end (in
xix 21], and up to xx 3. This makes up a total of six years.

xvi-xix THE THREE PROVINCES 273

and the superstitions of the populace : it inflicts decisive defeats on
its most serious rival, false spiritualism or magic, whether of a Oentile
* python * or of Jewish * exorcists.* (3) In contrast to all these rivals we
nave S. PauFs gospel of salvation for the individual, given to the jailor
at Philippi : his gospel of the Messiah, fulfilling the aspirations of the
Jews, at Thessalonica ; his gospel of the revelation oi the true God,
presented to the philosophic public of Athens.

Incidentally, also, we obtain many interesting glimpses into the inner
life of the church. Each of these provincial churches is gratified by
the record of one or two of its early converts whose names it will love
to cherish — at Philippi there is Lydia, at Thessalonica Jason, at Athens
Dion3rsius and Damaris, at Corinth Titus Justus and Crispus, and at
Ephesus Priscilla and Aquila : many other names are also mentioned.
Like the Lord, his apostle moves about surrounded by a band of
disciples and 'ministers.' Such were Sopater of Beroea, Aristarchus
and Secundus of Thessalonica and Gains of Derbe, Timothy fix)m
Galatia and Tychicus and Trophimus fix)m Ephesus ; among them were
also Erastus and S. Luke himself : and the work they did is abundantly
illustrated in the Epistles. The missionaries f?un^ their lodging at
Philippi in the house of Lydia, with Jason at Thessalonica, and with
Priscilla and Aquila at Corinth as no doubt at Ephesus also. In the
house of Titus Justus at Corinth and the school of Tjnrannus at
Ephesus we see the first * churches,' the parents of the future basilicas.
Tnere is also the record of baptisms, of laying on of hands, and of gifts
of the Spirit; there are visions of the Lord with signs and miracles.
Lastly, from S. Paul's vow and the shaving of his head at Cenchreae,
with his anxiety to be at Jerusalem for * the feast,' we learn that he
conformed outwardly to Jewish life and customs.

The authority for this history is of the first class. For the author
himself was an actor in the opening scenes. They begin with the first
undoubted * we ' passage ; and the presence of S. Luke will account for
the somewhat disproportionate space allotted to Philippi. From the
disappearance of the ' we,' we gather that S. Luke was left behind at
Phihppi; but that does not exclude his presence with S. Paul at
intervals during the five following years. Communication across the
Aegean Sea was easy and frequent. In any case he enjoyed intercourse
with first-class witnesses, such as the members of S. Paul's company
enumerated above. And beyond all this the letters of S. Paul himself
are invaluable as documents which enable us both to test S. Luke's
narrative and to fill out its scanty framework

B. A. 18

A

IntrodiLCtory ( = Ch. 16. 6 — 10)
The divine caU to the work

The close of the first division (xvi 4) leaves Paul, Silas, Timo^j^.^
and possibly S. Luke, at the Fisidian Antioch at the end of their retoin^^
visit to the cities of South Galatia. Their further course was und^
the direct guidance of the divine will. By a series of divine prohiU-
tions, they were driven across Asia Minor to its north-west extremity,
not knowing whither they were going. But the Holy Ghost knew, for
he was calling them to Macedonia; and so this second 'vQDrk' of the
apostle, like the first (xiii 1-3), is due to the direct action of the Spirit

The appreciation of this (Uvine call is much obscured by the idea
which has oeen so prevalent that in the single clause they went tkraugk
the Phrygian and Galatian region is contained S. Paul's first visit to
(North) Oalatia, and the founding of the Qalatian churches. The
meaning of the 'churches of Oalatia' has already been discussed
(pp. 195-7). Here we need only reflect on what the old North-Galatian
theory would mean. It woula mean that on leaving Antioch, the
missionaries were prevented from preaching in Asia, and so turned
first north through Phrygia and then back again eastwards for one or
two hundred mues into North Galatia. ^d yet the aim of this
detour was not Oalatia, for S. Paul assures us that only through
sickness did he preach there : it must have been some goal further
east, Pontus or Cappadocia. However that may be, it was now (on
this sup^sition) that the apostle founded the churches of GaJatia, a
work wnich would take at the least several weeks, if not months.
Then they retraced their steps westward and arrived aver ctgavMt
Mysia. ^ow (1) an omission of a work on this scale womd be
certainly unprec^ented. For it was a work, the record of which
would have mllen well within S. Luke's scope, viz. the addition of
another great Roman province to the kingdom of Cihrist. But
(2) S. Lite's own language is against the old view. His words give
the impression of a single and direct journey — from South Galatia in
the south-east to Troas in the north-west. To keep tiiem in this
direction they were prevented by the Spirit from preaching either on
the right hand or the left, in Bithynia or in Asia : and yet, on the old
theory, a great exception was made in favour of the province of Galatia.
In particmar (3), if our interpretation of S. Luke's use of the participles
is correct (see p. 184), the RV is hardly right in translating having
been forbidden : the prohibition came after the journey through t^e
Qalatian r^on ; the order is they passed through... and were forbidden,
(4) Why does not S. Luke write * Galatia' like Asia, Bithynia, and
Macedonia'^ Instead he writes tlie Phrygian and Galatian region^

6 THE START FROM SOUTH GALATIA 275

a pluase which would naturally make us think of a * region * — ^not a
*pro7ince* — ^which in some sense could be called both Phrygian and
6alatian, and that description certainly would not apply to North
Galatia. It would however correctly describe that p^ of Phrygia
'which was reckoned to Galatia politically, and this was the district in
which the Pisidian Antioch was situated : it would in fact be identical
with the region mentioned in xiii 49. There seems then to be no reason
fop the gratuitous insertion here of the evangelization of Galatia. And
S. Luke's words simply state tliat after leaving Derbe and Lystra the
*poetolic company pursued their journey through South Galatia until
^hoy reached the border of Asia.

C And they went through *the region of Phrygia and
Qalatia, 'having been forbidden of the Holy "Ghost to

y speak the word in Asia ; and when they were come over
against Mysia, they assayed to go into Bithynia ; and the

8 Spirit ^of Jesus suffered them not ; and passing by Mysia,

^ they came down to Troas. And a vision appeared to Paul
in the night; There was a man of Macedonia standing,
l^eseeching him, and saying, Come over into Macedonia, and
^O help U8. 'And when he had seen the vision, straightway we
Bought to go forth into Macedonia, concluding that God had
called us for to preach the gospel unto them.

^ When they had passed through the region of the city of the

Pisidian Antioch, Paul and Silas would he on the border of the

province of Asia, which was onlv about 15 or 20 miles distant firom

Antioch. This rich and flourisning province, if it had not already

been in S. Paul's mind (pp. 204-5), would now at any rate seem the

obvious field for work. From Antioch to Ephesus there were two

Toutes. The usual road led first to Apamea, the most important

city in Phi^gia, 60 miles south-west of Antioch ; there it joined

the great hign road from the east, which next ran down the Lycus

Tilley past Uolossae and Laodicea to the Maeander, then along the

Maeander to the coast. But from Metropolis, a station on the road

to Apamea, a track ran along the higher ground in almost a straight

hne of about 180 to 200 miles to Ephesus*. This route S. Paul

teems to have taken on a later occasion (xix 1) ; and so now

probably, in the spring of a.d. 49, the missionaries made their

iray from Antioch to Metropolis. But what is obvious to man is

' Ok the Phrygian and Qalatian region. * Translate with AV and were

ftlMieti (literally prevented. ' Or Spirit, * AV with later mss omits of

/erne, * Bezan has When] therefore he aroee^ he related the vieion to us and we

piteeived [that Ood had called ut for to preach the gospel unto] tJtose in [Macedonia.
• fag this statement Prof. Bamsay is tlie authority. See his Church in Roman
Empire p. 94, Paul the Traveller p. 265.

18—2

d

276 THE JOURNEY xvi 6-8

not always the choice of God, and S. Paul's plans were overriiled.
He was to reach Ephesus — but not this wajr. As *Asia' was now
the great centre of Hellenism, it seemed as if the apostle needed a
preliminary training in pure Greek life, just as £^hesas itself with
its cosmopolitan elements was a preparation for Rome. Accordingly
the Holy Spirit prevented them from speaking the ward to amfom

7 while they were in Asia. The only course, then, was to go to
another province. North of Asia and Galatia lay Bithynia. This
province contained a number of flourishing cities which offered a
rich harvest for the gospel, — Prusa, Nicaea, Nicomedeia, Chalcedon,
and Heracleia. Accoraii]^ly towards Bithynia they turned their
steps, crossing Phrygia either to Dorylaeum 100 miles north, or more
prooably to Uotiaeum 80 or 90 miles north-west : for at Cotiaeum
they would have reached a point aver against Mysia, — ^which was
the geo^phical term for the north-western part of the province of
Asia. Sut the harvest of Bithynia was not for S. Paul to reap. It
was apparently reserved for S. Peter ; for his first epistle, written
about fifteen years later, was addressed (among others) to tiie
Ghristiems in Bithjmia. At the beginning of the next century these
had grown so numerous that the worship of idols was fiEdling into
neglectj as we learn jfrom a letter of the Roman governor Pliny.
At present however ths Spirit of Jesus forbade the missionaries to
cross the frontier. They made an earnest endeavour ; but tlie pro-
hibition was emphatic, and to persevere would be to tempt die

8 Spirit. The only course left open was to turn west. So ihej passed
through Mysia — without preachin§\ for they were still in Asia.
Whatever road the^ took would brmg them down to Troas on the
coast, about 200 miles from Cotiaeum as the crow flies. For Troas
was the natural terminus for travellers through M3rsia. It was its
chief port, and lay on one of the main routes to Rome. Here the
traveller from the east took ship for Philippi : at Philippi he joined
the Egnatian way, which ran straight across Macedonia and lUyiicum
to Dyrrhachium : from Dyrrhacnium he crossed the Adriatic to
Brinaisium, and thence the road led him across Italy in almost
a straight line to Rome.

Troas would have been attractive to S. Paul in any case. It
was a busy cit^ and a Roman colony. It had been fiedthfial to
Rome in her Asiatic wars, but the neighbouring site of ancient Troy
and the legend which made the Romans descendants of the Trojans
through Aeneas were more effective in winning privil^es for Troas.
The city itself — ^for the whole district was called Troas or tiie
Troad — ^was not ancient. It had been founded by the successors of
Alexander, and called after him Alexandreia Troas. Then Rome
raised it to the rank of a colony, and from Augustus it received its
full name of Colonia Augusta Alexandbeia Troas. It was the
special object of imperial favour because the Julian fiunily boasted

^ This is the xneaniDg of the word which is acoaratelj translaied paning by
(omitting) : cp. Mk vi 48, Lk zi 42, xv 29.

XVI 8-10 TO TROAS 277

their descent from lulus the son of Aeneas, and it was reported
in Rome that Julius Caesar had thoughts of transferring the capital
fix)m Rome to a new Ilium in the Troad — ^a plan which would nave
9 anticipatedthe work of Constantino by three centuries. In after years
S. Paul preached in Troas, but now on their arrival the travellers
had to take counsel as to their further course. There was not
much choice : being forbidden to preach in Asia and Bithynia,
they must either go on across the sea or return home. But at the
critical moment the divine guidance was ready. Macedonia must
have been much in S. Paul s mind and at night he dreamt of it.
He saw a Macedonian — such his words proved mm to be — who stood
in front of him and eagerly entreated Mm: 'Cross over into Maw-
donia and help us.* In the morning the apostle related the vision
"to the rest of the party. The divine suggestion required a
corresponding exercise of ^'udgement on their side. They con"
duded that it was a divme message : ' God has called us to
suangelize them,' It was a call similar to the earlier one at
Antioch\ At once they sought for means to obey. They went
down to the harbour and found a ship sailing on the morrow
^ezan).

In this paragraph, as in xiii 1-3, the divine leading is unmistake-
«1>1«, and in it S. Luke sees the cooperation of all three Persons of the
Ble^ed Trinity—the Spirit, the Son, and God the Father (verses 6, 7,
lO). The direction is given in a negative manner. In other hindrances
S« Paul sometimes saw the work of Satan': here it is Grod who pre-
vents. How the prohibitions were manifested we are not told. The
W5tion of the Holy Ghost is generally associated with prophecy : two of
^>be company were prophets, and the warnings of xxi 11 and xx 23 may
^iiggest an analogy. The guidance of the Lord Jesus seems to have
t^een afforded to S. Paul in visions or ' revelations of the Lord,' such as
^le recorded in xviii 9-10 and xxii 17-8^ Lastly, the hand of God is seen
lu the overruling of external events and circumstances by the divine

Kdence. Thus in this paragraph are grouped together the various
\ of divine intervention which have occurred at previous crises.
lie chain of events which led to the baptism of Cornelius was ordained
of Ood : the Lord converted Saul by appearing to him face to face :
^ Holy Ghost called Barnabas and Saul * to the work*.' The Spirit
tf Jesus (which is the correct reading in verse 7) marks an important
pcttnt in theology. After the resurrection the Christ was oecome
altogether spiritual: henceforth his action upon, and revelations to, men
tdce place tnrough his Spirit. Even what seem to be visions of bodies
take place in the sphere of spirit. When he sees the Lord S. Paul does
M mow whether ne is in the body or out of the body : he is in a state
^ ecstasy, i.e. literally a standing-out-of tiie body^ Hence we can

* The word for call is the same as in ziii 2. 'I Thess ii 18. ' Gp.

he M, n Cor zii 1-9. « x2-4: iz5: xiii2. > Cp. U Ck>r xii 2, 3 : Aots

xziin.

278 S. LUKE APPEARS xvi 11-12

understand that S. Paul might speak of the Lord appearing to him in
a vision as ' the Spirit of Jesus.'

This paragraph is remarkable for another reason. In verse 10
S. Luke suddenly discloses himself in the word we\ The natural
inference is that here at Troas he met or joined the party for the first
time. Further thought however shews that this imerence is by no
means inevitable, ana we rather conclude that he had for long been a
member of the party^ Several times already we have had occasion to
suspect the presence of S. Luke. And now the decided way in which
he identifies himself with the work of the apostolic band is almost
convincing — we sought to go forth, God hath called us, tee snake unto
the womeriy she cried after us saying These men^ etc. This is nardly the
language of a new comer, or a new worker, — certainly not of a recent
convert. S. Luke's modesty is sujSicient to account for i)revious silence
about himself, and it is not hard to find a reason for his breaking the
silence now. It is evident, as we shall see presently, that he had a
very intimate connexion with the church at Pnilippi, and now that we
are coming to the founding of that church, S. Luko 'the evangelist/
sharing the joy of S. Paul m spiritual fatherhood, is anxious to kt the
Philippians know the share he had in their foundation. Yet even here
liis modesty receives a new proof. He does not mention his name,
— the Philippians knew that, — ^he simply lets his pen slip from thef
into we. Possibly there may be a simpler explanation. The situation
at Troas somewhat resembles that at Perga, when John Mark turned
back (xiii 13). And if there is any emphasis on the word concluding^
it may point to some discussion, if not division of counsels. The direct
form of speech God hath called us reads as the (j[uotation of an actual
utterance. The voice of S. Luke may have decided the balance. In
any case it was a momentous decision, and as the writer goes over the
scene, the recollection of the anxious feelings and of the victory he
helped to win is too much for him and almost unconsciously he writes
we sought.

SECTION I ( = Ch. 16. 11—17. 16)

MACEDONIA

11 The new enterprise began with good omens. The missionaries^
had a good passage. On tne first day theu had a straight run to tiie^
isle of Samothrace where they anchored for the night, and the next^
day to NeapoliSy and so accomplished in two days the run of 125 ^
miles, which on a return voyage took five days. Neapolis was the ^
port of Philippi which lay ten miles inland, and thither the party "^

12 took their way. And thence to Philippi S. Luke writes, as if"^

^ For the first time in our text. The Bezan text had it in xi 27. * So

S. Irenaens quotes : toe came to Tro<u, * yy. 10, 13, 17. ^ It occurred in ix 22.

12 MACEDONIA 279

<K)pymg from a diary, and then — what is quite unique for him —
adds a description of the town. It was (1)^^^ qfthe district^ (2) a
eUy of Macedonia, (3) a colony.

So S. Paul entered Macedonia, Though akin to the Greeks, the

IS'sM^onians were a distinct race. They were a simple, rough, hardy

p^^ople, who in the glorious time of Oreek history nad been looked

m by the Athenians as almost barbarians. But their time was to

First, under their king Philip (b.c. 360-336), they shattered the

po'^ver of the Greeks. Then, under nis son Alexander the Great (B.a

33&-323), they concjuered the Persian Empire. So it was the Mace-

doxiians who established in the east the Greek civilization and tlie

Q'X-ieek monarchies, which reached as far as India. The royal houses of

Syvia and Eg^t, and the aristocracy of Alexandria and Antioch, were

uci^onian m blood and origin. The great cities of Asia Minor and

S3rx]a bear Macedonian names : and in following the history of the

A-otB this connexion of Macedonia with the east must be borne in mind.

I<^ spite of their prosperity, the Macedonians at home did not lose

4^^oir hardy character. Of all the countries east of the Adriatic they

^flRered the most stubborn resistance to the rising power of Rome.

^^i.t after three obstinate wars (215-168) they were conquered; in 147

Wr^<»donia became the first province of Kome beyond the Adriatic ; and

«o more completely to destroy the national spirit of independence,

ft^e Romans broke up the country into four districts, each under a

^^pArate jurisdiction. This stubborn national character can still be

i^^ocgnized in the Acts and Epistles. In the cities of Macedonia we

&>&d the people the important factor. With the more simple faith of a

J*«fcrdy rustic race — ^very different from the blas^ indifference of an

^tliens or a Corinth, — they are hard to win and easily prejudiced

^Sainst a new religion, and from each citv S. Paul is driven away by

^ popular tumult. But on the other siae, when won their national

Btnonfiness displays itself in their intense fidelitv and affectionateness.

I^o none of his converts was S. Paul bound witn closer bonds than to

^He disciples of Hiessalonica and Philippi. Macedonian independence

l^so ass^ted itself in the comparative fireedom allowed to their women*

^ m the Acts in each city, at Philippi, Thessalonica and Beroea, we

find mention of the (Jod-fearing women ^; and certainly in the church

^t Philippi the women Lydia, Euodia and Syntyche, stand in a very

P^xnninent position.

§ 1 The entrance into Philippi

In the First District of Macedonia on the borders of Thrace lay
^e city of Philipm. The surrounding mountains were once rich in
Bold, and they haa been worked from an early date by Greek settlers,
{got the savage Thracians had always proved troublesome neij^hboors.
To hold these in check Philip of Macedon founded a new city on a

* ZTi 18, ZTii 4, 12, cp. the Pisidian Antioch ziii 60. It may be also signifioant
^ the liUe hrethren rather than disciples is used of tiie Macedonian Christians.

280 PHILIPPI XVI 12

strong site, wliich he called, after himself, Philippi. After two more
centuries of working, however, the mines had become exhausted, when
a great event of history gave PhiUppi a new notoriety. Its citadel
was built on a steep hiU between tne mountains and a marshy lake,
and so it commanded the road which formed the only communication
by land between the east and the west. This defile was the place where,
during the Roman civil wars, in B.c. 42, the armies of the republicans
Brutus and Cassius and of the triumvirs Antony and Octavian, advanc-
ing from east and west respectively, met together, and where the
decisive battle was fought. In gratitude for their victory the triumvirs
made Philippi a Roman colony and settled it with soldiers. Seventeen
years later, when Octavian, the future Augustus, defeated Antony at
Actium, Phihppi received another settlement of veteran soldiers. Thus
CoLONiA Augusta Julu Philippi Victrix was a thorougUy Latin town
when S. Paul entered it, and its citizens were Romans (verse 21). In
keeping with this both the tone and language of the inscriptions found
on the now deserted site are Latin. Most interesting oi these is an
album (i.e. rolD of a Collegium Cultorum Silvani or Society of the
Worshippers of Silvanus, one of the primitive Latin deities. For it
was just as such another society or collegium that the new Christian
body would present itself to the citizens — with this difierence, that the
new collegium was illicit, that is, it had not yet received sanction from
the authorities. Besides the worship of the Latin deities, e.g. Silvanus,
Diana, Minerva, and of course of the emperor^ we find devotion paid to
the Thracian Liber and also to a Phrygian deity. Men. There was some
kinship of race between the Thracians and Phrygians and the same
nature-worship prevailed among both. Thus a connexion between
Philippi and Asia Minor alrea<^ existed, and in the Acts a hint is

E'ven of another channel of communication, viz. the purple trade with
ydia. ITie Jews however had not been attracted to PhiUppi. There
were some women, 'infected with the Jewish superstition' (as the classic
writers would phrase it), but there was no synagogue. This combines with
the other evidence to shew that Philippi was not a very important city*,
and it makes the prominence of Philippi in the Acts more remarkable.
For (1) much more space is allotted to Philippi than to the far greater
city Thessalonica, the capital of the province; more indeed than to
Athens or Corinth. (2) As there was no sjrnagogue at PhiUppi, it
would have been much more in accordance with 8. Paul's custom to
have gone on straight to Thessalonica. He passed by Amphijpolis and
Apollonia (xvii 1-2), why not Philippi ? (3) It is tne only city which
S. Luke describes, and the description itself has puzzled commentators.
For in fact Amphipolis, and not Philippi, had been the first dty qfthe
district. But we are not acquainted witn all the administrative changes
of antiquity and very likely when Philippi was made a colony it was
given precedence over Ampliipolis. At any rate it may have claimed

1 At Troas has been found the inscription of a Philippian who was priest of the
divine Aoguatoa. ' Compared e.g. with Beroea, where the Jews had a synagogue.

12 AND a LUKE 281

pi^M^edence^ TIus perlmps suggests the ezplEumtion. The description

of t^he city betrays some civic patriotism. The writer is anxious (a) to

viri.<licate the claim of Philippi as a^inst Amphipolis, (b) to make it

clear that Philippi was in Macedonia not Thrace, (c) to remind his

readers tiiat it was a colony. Of the five colonies' we visit in the Acts

Philippi is the only one which is called by that name. The Fhilippians

were evidently proud of their city — we are Romans they say (verse 21)

—and perhaps it is not by mere accident that in the Acts the word

dty occurs more often in connexion with Fhilipni than with any other

cit^ except Jerusalem, while in his Epistle to tne Fhilippians o. Paul

tirice refers to the true ' citizenship ' of Christians'. Besides interest

in the city, the narrative reveals personal acquaintance with it on

tke part of the writer. This is shewn by its vivid touches, like the

evidentiy local expression in verse 13 to river\ which resembles the

English to town.

On the ground of this evident connexion some critics, notably
Professor Ramsay", have concluded that S. Luke was a native of
Philippi. But this conclusion is not really necessary. Frof. Bamsa^
layB great stress on S. Luke's Oreek characteristics; but in fact Philippi
^as a Macedonian and Latin city rather than Greek. S. Luke, as we
luive found reasons for believing, had been chiefly associated with the
^ftst, and certainly from the text here it appears that on his arrival
^ PhUippi, he had no personal friends in the city, nor intimate
knowledge of the locality : they were taken in by a stranger (verse 15),
*^ they guessed rather than knew of ^proseucha at the river side.
Proiii this time however Philippi was S. Luke's home for a long
P^od, till A.D. 55 (xx 6). A residence there of six years would
B^^fficiently account for his catching the genius loci; and if S. Luke
plftyed a prominent part in the evangelization of the Fhilippians, and
j*Jtt left in charge of their church, his strong affection would soon identify
him witii the civic patriotism of his brethren*. If however we stiU
fed that a closer relationship is wanted, it is rather to be looked for in
^e existence (of which Prot Reimsay has reminded us') of Macedonian
^Dailies in tiie Hellenistic cities of the east. Philippi mav have been
^e hmne of S. Luke's ancestors, and this would have made him eager
for the evangelization of Macedonia, and for beginning at PhilippL

ll Setting sail therefore' from Troas^ we made a straight
oonrse to Samothrace, and the day following to Neapolis ;

^ Tliii then makw annecessary the yery plausible oonjeoture that the original
^'■iding was of the first dUtrict : it would be tame compared with our text. The
^'Qid dittriet was rare io this territorial sense, but it has now been met with in
^lyplian papjrri. In the east First was a complimentary title conferred upon cities,
Withs enstom does not seem to have prevailed in Europe, so we cannot translate
• 'JkH ' cUv of the dittriet, * i.e. Pisidian Antioch, Lystra, Troas, Oorinth,

FUlmtrf t /?t#w /v%mM A ^imAa in w 19 QH AQ P.n PVtil i 91. iii ^20. For

cay occurs 4 times, in vr. 12, 20, 89. Gp. Phil i 27, iii 20. For
of cirie patriotism on 8. Paul's part cp. xxi 89 Tartut^-no mean city.
* That IS the Uteral translation of the Greek for ky a riverside. * Paul the

TnHikr etc. pp. 200-10. * Notice this eity in Terse 12 as if that passage

«ts written at Philippi ^ Paul etc. pp. 889-90. * Bexan adds on the morrow.

282 LYDIA RECagaTES xvi 12-14

12 and from thence to Philippi, which is ^a ciiy of Macedonia^
the first of the district, a Bomcm colony : and we were in
this city tarrying certain days.

13 And on the sabbath day we went forth without the 'gate
by a river side, 'where we supposed there was a place of
prayer ; and we sat down, and spake unto the women which

14 were come together. And a certain woman named Lydia^ a
seller of purple, of the city of Thyatira, one that worshipped
God, heard us : whose heart the Lord opened, to give heed

15 imto the things which were spoken by Paul. And when she
was baptized, and her household, she besought us, saying,
If ye have judged me to be faithful to the Lord, come into
my house, and abide tJiere. And she constrained us.

12 The travellers evidently arrived early in the week. As there
was no Jewish quarter, they stayed at some inn and waited for the
sabbath. Where there was no synagogue, the Jews generally pre-
ferred to say their prayers by the waterside, whether of sea or
river, for this afforded opportunity for their ablutions*. A mile
west of the town the river Gangites flowed across the plain and on
its bank there was a simple enclosure which served as the substitute
for a synagogue for the use of those inclined to Judaism. Such a
place was called a Proseucha or Pray^(-place), though the term

13 could also be used of a synagogue*. The travellers nad noticed
this enclosure and had taken it to be a proseucha, and thither they
went on the sabbath day. Their conjecture proved to be correct, and
they found several tcomen of the Gk)d-fearing class, nossiblv with

14 some Jewesses amcmg them, assembled for |)rayer. One oi these
women at least was of considerable position in the town. She was
really a native of Thyatiray a city of Lydia in the province of Asia,
and so she was called after her country Lydia. Purple dyeing was
a Lydian industry which flourished especially at Thyatira', where
there was a guild of dyers. Their trade with the west would pass
through Troas and Fhilippi, and at Philippi Lydia had settled as a
seller qf puij)le. She was evidently a widow and wealthy, but her
name inoicates the reverse of blue blood or aristocratic connexions.
For racial names such as * Lydus,' * Thrax ' (Lydian, Thiacian), etc.

^ AV the chief city of that part of Macedonia and a Colony^ Qikfirtt of the diMtriet
of Macedonia a dty a colony. ^ AV reads city. * AV with later usa reads

where prayer w<u wont to be made. ^ Cp. xzi 5 and Ezra viii 15, 21. Josephos

(Anit. xn 10. 28) quotes a decree of Halicamassus allowing the Jews to make their
prayers (Ok proieuchas) on the tea-shore aeeording to the cuetom of their fatkert ;
and 200 years after Christ Tertullian stiU mentions orationes litorales (prayers on
the shore) as a oharaoteristic of the Jews. ' As in Juvenal (in 296) in qua te

qvaero proseucha f * Later, when the Apocalypse was written, we find Thyatira
the seat of one of the seven ohorches of Asia.

:vx 14-15 THE MISSIONARIES 283

'were nsnally borne by slaves ; so even Lydia may have been a freed
iv'oinan. It must have been a godsend to the little company to have
Becored apreacher, but the missionaries preferred to sit and talk with
tliem. Tney sdl talked apparently, but Lydia tixts listening^ with
tlie keenest interest to Paid, His words went home, because the
y^ajv was prepared by the divine grace, as at the Pisidian Antioch :
€naj instead of the military me^hor, here S. Luke uses that of
tlie door*. Ths Lord opened the door of her heart to give heed, just
as after his resurrection he had opened the mind of the disciples to
5 nnderstand the scriptures (Lk xxiv 45). The gospel of S. Paul in-
cluded baptism; Lydia therefore was baptized^, perhaps that very
day, and with her all her household. This happened also in the case
of tiie jailor, and of Grispus at Corinth, and Cornelius at Caesarea.
It was due to the great power of the parent or head of the house
OTer his &mily or nousenold. This authority was a relic of the
IMktriarchal sta^e of early civilization, and from this we can see that
the ' patria potestas ' was still a living reality not only at Rome but
tirroQghout the ancient world. Almost as a matter of course the
£ather set the religion for his * family ' of children and servant8\

S. Luke then aHds one of those touches which give such vividness
and interest to the history. It gives us a glimpse into home life,
and has a companion picture in tne Gospel — m the house of Martha
and Maij at Bethany. Lydia invited the missionaries to stay with
her, * seemg (she said^ that ve have judged me to be a true believer
in the Lord ' (verse 1) by admitting me to baptism. For the sake
of the freedom of the gospel S. Paul was very reluctant either to
lay himself under obligation to his converts or to expose himself to
the charge of interested motives; but Lydia was urgent. She con-
strained them, as the disciples at Emmaus had constrained the Lord
(Uk xxiv 29). So she proved herself indeed a woman 'who used hos-
pitality to strangers,' and in taking them in she 'entertained angels
xmawares'.' Her house became the home of the four missionaries
and the first 'church' in Philippi (verse 40\ When Paul and Silas
^went on to Thessalonica, it continued to oe S. Luke's home \ and
when pecuniary help was sent to Paul, no doubt it came mainly out
of Lyma's wealth. Lydia is one of the striking women who were, so
to speak, the nursing mothers of the infant diurch (Isai xlix 23).
like Dorcas she was a woman devoted to good works, like Eunice
die entertained the apostle, like Mary the mother of John Mark
she had a church in her house, like Pnscilla she 'laboured with the
a^oetle in the gos^pel.' Indeed many are inclined to identify her
inth ^e 'true yokefellow' of Phil iv 3.

1 Like the Ume man at Lystra xiv 9. ^ ziii 48 : for * the door ' op. ziy 27.

* 8o at Samaria (viii 6, 12) bapiitm had followed upon (fiving heed, * No doabt
fbmiliei that were baptized contained infants, and so these passages have been
as an argument for infant baptism. Bat that practice rests on sorer foonda-
• I Tim ▼ 10, Hebr xiii 2.

284 THE PHILIPPIAN CHURCH xvi 16

The ^pyth(yn* and expulsion from Philippi

S. Luke tells us nothing of the work at Philippi. From allnsions
in the following verses we gather that the proaettcha continned to be
its centre, and that the evangelists became well known in tiie city.
They were recognized as Jews and as on a mission from the Qod of the
Jews. The burden of their message was salvation ; but to accept it
involved a change of life, and so the conversions that were made
caused some considerable disturbance in social and civic life. To this
picture we can add colour from the Epistle to the Philippians. An air
of Joy and thankfulness pervades tnat epistle, and for one reason
S. Paul's work here must have been exceptionally happy : it was almost
the only place where he was free from the deadlv hostility of his fellow-
countrymen. The characteristic of this church was work. Timothy
laboured as a son with a fftther, and no doubt Silas and S. Luke did
likewise. The new converts proved from the first zealous fellow-workers
in the gospel : among the labourers were Clement and Epaphroditus.
Women also were prominent in the evangelistic work : two ladies,
Euodia and Sjmtyche, with others, *wrestl^ together* with S. PauP.
As in the churches of Galatia (xiv 23) a body of rulers was formed,
consisting, in this case, of two classes or orders — ^presbyters, here
called bishops (episcopt) i.e. overseers of the church, and deacons or
ministers 01 the church. Of this body it would be natural to suppose
that S. Luke acted as president when left behind by the apostle'.

Of all this work of building up S. Luke says nothing : he passes
straight on to the incident which led to their expulsion from Philippi.
This is to be carefully noted as the first conflict of G^stianity, apart
from Judaism, with the heathen world. (1) We learn that the cause
of hostility was not the Mth in itself but the interference with sain
caused by righteousness. (2) We learn *the wayof salvation' wnich
is held out to the Gentiles: cp. ii 38. (S) We find a lesson in
S. Paul's behaviour. While prepared to suffer personal injustice, he
claims his civil rights and privileges; but he also jdelds to the powers
that be (Rom xiii 1-7), that is, so long as it is possible to follow ^e
Lord's directions^ — *when they persecute you in one city flee into
another' (Mat x 23). For illustration of tnis paragraph we may com-
pare (a) the demoniacs in the Gospel, especiallv lA iv 41, viii 26-39,
and the exorcists at Ephesus, Acts xix 13-16 : (b) the riot at Ephesus,
xix 23-41 : and (c) the deliverance of S. Peter from prison, xu 6-17,
and in the OT of Jeremiah (Jer xxxviii 7-13).

16 And it came to pass, as we were going to the place of
prayer, that a certain maid having 'a spirit of divination met
us, which brought her masters much gain by soothsaying.

1 Gp. Phil ii 19-22 : ivSandii25: It 2-«. > Philil: this is the eftriiert

appearanoe of the title epUcopi and of deaeom (as an order). > Gk a tptrit, «

pyt?ion*

17-S2 THE AFFAIR OF THE ^PYTHON' 286

17 "Xhe same following after Paul and us cried out, saying,
fniese men are ^servants of the Most High Qod, which
IB proclaim unto you the way of salvation. And this she did
for many days. But Paul, being sore troubled, turned and
said to the spirit, I charge thee in the name of Jesus Christ
to come out of her. And it came out that very hour.
Id But when her masters saw that the hope of their gain was
*gone, they laid hold on Paul and Silas, and dragged them
^ into the marketplace before the rulers, and when they had
brought them unto the 'magistrates, they said. These men,
SI being Jews, do exceedingly trouble our dty, and set forth
customs which it is not lawful for us to receive, or to observe,
32 being Romans. ^And the multitude rose up together against
them : and the magistrates rent their garments off them, and
S commanded to beat them with rods. And when they had
had many stripes upon them, they cast them into prison,
24 charging the jailor to keep them safely : who, having received
such a charge, cast them into the inner prison, and made
their feet fisist in the stocks.
S5 But about midnight Paul and Silas were praying and
singing hymns unto God, and the prisoners were listening to
36 them ; and suddenly there was a great earthquake, so that
the foundations of the prison-house were shaken : and im-
mediately all the doors were opened ; and every one's bands
27 were loosed. And the jailor being roused out of sleep, and
seeing the prison doors open, drew his sword, and was about
to kill himself, supposing that the prisoners had escaped.
%But F^ul cried with a loud voice, saying, Do thyself no
%harm: for we are all here. And he call^ for lights, and
sprang in, and, trembling for fear, fell down 'before Paul and

30 Silas, and brought them out, ^and said. Sirs, what must I do

31 to be saved ? And they said. Believe on the Lord Jesus^
33 and thou shalt be saved, thou and thy house. And they

spake the word of "the Lord unto him, with all that were in

' Gk ilava, * Gk come out. * Ok itrategi (=miurg pratton),

* BflUQ has And\ a great multitude rote up together against them, crying out: then

like magUtratet, ^ Bezan has at the feet of [Paul. * Bezsn reads and]

when he had secured the rest he came to them and [said. ' AV with later lua

adds CkrUL • Marg God (KB).

286 AND EXPUISION OF PAUL AND SILAS xvi i

33 his house. And he took them the same hour of the nighl
and washed their stripes ; and was baptized, he and all

34 immediately. And he brought them up into his house, ani
set ^meat before them, and rejoiced greatly, with all
house, having believed in God.

35 But when it was day, 'the magistrates sent the "seijeant^^p

36 saying, ^Let those men go. And the jailor reported the woi
to Paul, saying. The magistrates have sent to let you go

37 now therefore come forth, and go in peace. But Peiul
unto them. They have beaten us publicly, uncondemned, m<
that are Romans, and have cast us into prison ; and do th&;
now cast us out privily ? nay verily ; but let them come thrac^—

38 selves and bring us out And the seijeants rq>orted thqgC3
words unto the magistrates : and they feared, when they heand

39 that they were Romans ; 'and they came and beeougb.'t
them ; and when they had brought them out, they asked

40 them to go away from the city. And they went out of tlm^
prison, and entered into the Jumse of Lydia : and when th^y
had seen the brethren, *they comforted them, and departed*

16 Philippi was not exempt from superstition and attempts to

upon the spiritual cravings of man. A well-known figure in the ci trV
was a young slave girl, seemingly a ventriloquist, who was ciedibsd
with a power of divination^. She belonged to some mctgters\ possibly
a corporation of priests, who made a good business out of her/artw9^
teUina. This slave girl is a contrast to the well-to-do Lydm ; atm^
like tne maidservant who troubled Peter in Gaiaphas' palace, she

^ Ok a table. ' Bezan reads the magittratei] auembled together at ^^

market-place and remembering the earthquake which had happened were afraid m^'^
\%e!nX, ' Qk lictor%, ^ Bezan r^ids "Let thote men] whom ye reeewed yefC:^^

day go. And the jailor went in and [reported, ' Bezan reaoB cmd they ea^^*^

with many friends into the priion and besought them to come forth, Maying * we
not know concerning your affairs tJiat ye are just men,* and thry brought them
amd besought them saying * go forth from this city, lest again t?iey make a fw..^
against us crying out against you.* * Bezan reads they] related what things ^^i

Lord had done for them and [comforted (marg exhorted) them. ' The ri^^

reading is, as BV margin, having a spirit, a python (not as AY a spirit of Pythow'
Now a python may be in apposition to a spirit or to a slave girL Python was ^b^
name of a great dragon at Delphi slain by ApoUo, who aooordingly reoelTed ^e tl^
of Pythius. Hence probably arose the connexion of the name wiUi diTinatkMtt j
According to Plutarch — and he is supported by other aathorities (see Wetstein oo ]
this place) — in his time a ventriloquist was called a python* This wiU throw lifl^ \
on the present incident: the girl was probably a ventnloqnist. Yentriloqiiiim Uks ^
insanity was closely associated with spiritual agency, and ascribed to the ponoorion j
of a spirit In the Greek OT the Hebrew for having a familiar spirit is genendly
translated by ventriloquist, e,p, in I Sam xxviii 8-9, Lev xix 81 etc * The

Greek word for Lord, Master, Sir (verse 80), is the same.

16-20 THE * PYTHON' EXPELLED 287

"to be the involuntary cause of much evil to S. Paul^ For she had

formed a habit of intercepting the missionary party on their way to

dhe proseucha, and then, following close behind them, she kept crying

^Dut loudly These men are slaves of the Most High God, who proclaim

mmto vou the way of salvation. The evil spirits in the Gospel (as

At Epnesus, xix 15) appear to have had a more than human insight

mnto the Lord's personality, but in this girl's conduct there need not

1)6 anjrthing that is impatient of a natural explanation. A belief

an one supreme deity and the desire for salvation were widespread.

Several of the gods were worshipped under the name of Saviour,

And God Most High is found in inscriptions. The latter was the

'term used by the demoniac in the Gospel, and to jud^e from its

1186 in scripture, it would seem to have been the usual GentiJe title

for the God of the Jews^ Further, there were in the aiicieni world

various classes of persons who had consecrated themselves to the

fiervice of some deity, for a special purpose or a special time, or who

^irere under his special inspiration. Such persons were regarded as

l)elonging to the god as much as the ordinary slaves who were

tiemple property. The slave girl, then, had taken Paul and Silas for

Iwo such inspired slaves of God; and she shewed the impression they

) made on herself in this excited fashion. It was very inconvenient to

tihem personally : but it was more vexing^ for the gospeFs sake. The

Xiord's example had shewn that the gospel was to be propagated

neither by tne testimony of evil spirits, nor by the metnods of

excitement. Patd at last was forcea to bid the spirit go out from

Aer. The maiden returned to her right mind, but at the same time

lost her power of ventriloquism, and so with the spirit there went

^ €mt also the hope qf further business or gain.

Her owners, thus robbed of their profit, determined on revenge;

nor was it difficult to find an opportunity. Besides the general

unpopularity of the Jews, the preaching of the Most High God must

liave Deen stealing converts from the votaries of Silvanus, Liber, and

Hen Cp- 280). Accordingly on a court-day, when the magistrates

^ere nolding their sessions in the town-hall in the marketplace

(p. 309), they seized hold of Paul and Silas, draaged them thither

M) and {oTmaHy presented them* to the duumvirs. After the pattern of

the consuls at Rome, the chief magistrates of a Roman colony were

two in number and their official title was *duoviri' i.e. *the two-men'.'

^ Lk xxii 56 and parallels. Rhoda (xii 13) makes a third slave girl. They had

J^ place in the gospel as well as the rich. > Cp. Lk viii 28, Mk v 7.

Utpliimmer in his commentary on S. Lnke quotes Qen ziv 20, 22, Nam xxiv 16,

hi xir 14, Micah yi 6, Daniel iii 26, iy 24, 82. y 18, 21 etc. It is nowhere used of

Ood by Gbristians or Jews in the NT. ' The Greek word is the same as in iy 2.

* 8m xii 6 (p. 177 note 7) and Lk xxiii 14 : for the dragging cp. yiii 3. All the

tofliorities {nUert) of the city were assemhled, bat the owners present their indiot-

asnt to the proper chief magistrates, the duoviri, ^ The BY giyes praeton in

the margin. Bat the daamyirs of colonies did not enjoy that proad Roman title ;

It leait not now, if they had done so in earlier times. Stratego* was the Greek

term for other Roman titleu besides jn-aetor, JSee Mr Uaverfield in Journal of TheoL

Siudi€$, TOL I pp. 431-5.

288 PAUL AND SILAS IMPRISONED xvi 2(K84

The charge preferred was that these Jews were causing great dis-

21 turbances in the dty by proclaiming customs which it was unlawful
for Bonums to observe. In other words they were introducing an
'unlawful religion' (religio illicita). Judaism indeed, from which the
accusers did not aistinguish Christianity, was a 'lawful religion^'
But the missionaries were evidently proseljrtizing ; and it was one
thing for a Jew to live as a Jew ana another for a Roman citizen to
ado^t Jewish customs. These customs interfered, for instance, with
service in the army and with the various ceremonies connected with
the public state worship. Without inculcating specifically Jewish
customs, S. Paul certainly turned away his converts from idols, and
therefore from the worship of Rome and the Augustus. It was
in these last words being Uomans that the sting lay. The rumour

22 of disloyalty to the sacred name of Roman was enough to rouse up
the mob of *Bomans* in the market-place as one man ; the hint of
treason would cast magistrates and all alike into a panic. There
was then no time for legal proceedings ; prompt measures had to be
taken, and to satisfy the people as well as themselves the duumvirs
gave orders for them to be stripped naked' and beaten bv the lictors
on the spot*. In the panic and tumult it would have been useless
to plead their citizenship, and Paul and Silas bowed their backs to

23 the rods. After a severe beating they were sent to prison. The
jaUar received a special charge to keep them in all security as
dangerous political prisoners. He was no mere turn-key, but the
governor of the prison, — ^probably of the rank of a centurion, like
Cornelius at Caesarea, of whose history there is much to remind us
here. The prison probably stood on the side of, and was partiallv
excavated out of, the steep hill on which the citadel was built, with

24 the jailor's house above it (verse 34) ; the inner prison at least would
have been most likely a cell excavated in the rock. Into this cell
the jaUor now thrust his prisoners, just as they were, with their
blood-stained backs unwashed; and he took the additional precaution

oi securing their feet in the stocks.
-I-

^ Judaism is oalled a religio licita in TertnU. Apolog. 21. We do not know the
aetnal regulations of the Roman law in relation to lawful or unlawful religiom.
Probably only a religion which proselytized would come within the scope of the law.
The case is different with the societies or collegia. By a Lex Julia definite sanction
from the state was required for such associations : otherwise they were illicita or
iUegal. Some exceptions however were tolerated. See E. G. aardj CkrisHcMity
and the Roman Oovemment § ix (Longmans 1894). ' The stripping in public

would be an additional insult which the apostles as orientals would feel keenly.
8. Paul in writing to the Thessalonians specially mentions the thamefiU treatment
they had received at Philippi (I Thess ii 2). Prof. Bamsay {Paul etc. p. 219) thinks
that the praetors tore their own garments in horror at the blasphemy against the
majesty of Borne, like the apostles at Lystra (xiv 14) and Caiaphas at the Loid's
trial (Mt xxvi 65). But this would have required either the middle voice, or a
different preposition {Sia for T€pl), in the Greek. II Maco iv 88 is strongly in
favour of the usual interpretation. The rest of the account above is much indebted
to the Professor. ' The lictors were the attendants on Boman magistrates and

beat criminals with the rods or fatce$ which they carried. This is one of the three
beatings with rods of II Cor xii 25.

XVI 25-30 THE EARTHQUAKE 289

25 At midnight^ after all this, the rest of the prisoners were
astonished to hear Paul and Silas praying aloud and singing
hymns to God, and they listened eagerly. Night was a usual time
for Christian worship, as we shall see at Troas (xx 7), and perhaps
these midnight 'lauds' represent the apostle's customary practiced

26 Suddenly there was felt the shock of an earthquake. It is not
likely that Paul and Silas had asked for such a special inter-
vention, but we may look upon it as a sign of divine favour in
answer to prayer, like the earthquake which followed the prayer of
the Twelve in iv 31'. It was a great shock, for the foundations of
the whole building were shaken, the wooden bolts which held the
doors were flung back out of their sockets, and the fetters hy which
the prisoners were chained to the walls were loosened in their holes.
These effects are quite intelligible if the prison was in great part
excavated in the rock as we have suggestea'. It was an excellent
opportunity for escape, but the prisoners themselves were for the
moment panic-stricken, and S. Paul, who first realized the situation,

27 would have restrained them^ The jailor too, awakened by the
same shock, came down with all haste from his private house ; for
as jailor he was responsible for his prisoners with his life'. When
he caught sight of the doors all flung cpeny he concluded that the
prisoners were escaped; in a sudden access of despair he drew his
sword, and was on the point qf committing suicide^ when he was

28 arrested by a loud cry. If he was standing at the outer door, his
movements must have been visible from the dark interior, and
S. Paul perceiving his intent cried out to reassure him ^we are
all here, every one.' The loud cry out of the dark and the sudden
recall from the brink of death, following close upon the shock of the

29 earthquake, completed the overthrow of the jailor's nerves. He
coiled to his servants to bring liahts and himself sprang into the
prison; there shaking for fear he first fell down as an act of

30 reverence or worship* at the feet of Paul and Silas, and then
brought them out into the courtyard. He had now regained
sufficient self-possession to secure the rest of the prisoners, and
then returning to Paul and Silas asked Sirs^, what must I do to
be saved i Paul and Silas were well known at Philippi as ' slaves of
the Most High God,' and they had openly proclaimed *a way of
salvation.' Only within the last twenty-four hours they had been
cruelly and shamefully treated on the very ground of their re-
ligion, and now there could be but one conclusion. The Most
High God had avenged his servants : they were no impostors but
true messengers of God*. The jailor himself may have been, like

^ Ps ozix 62. * We may see a reminiscence of the earthquake in n Thess ii 2

(ihaken) : cp. also Acts xvii 13 {stirring up = shaking). ^ Otherwise so great a

shock would have caused the huilding to faU. * So verse 28 implies. He excr-

eised a similar restraint in xxvii 30-2. ^ q^^ xii 19, xxvii 42. * Like

Cornelius before Peter, x 25. ^ See p. 286 note K ^ For other sudden

revulsions of feeling cp. xxviii 6 and xiv 19.

R. A. 19

/

290 CONVERSION OF THE JAILOR xvi so-s?

Cornelius, a seeker after salvation; at any rate he would be terrified
at the harsh treatment he had meted out to the 'slaves of the
Most High' and earnestly crave to be delivered fix)m the divine
vengeance. No wonder then that he asked how he could be saved.

31 The answer was ready, Believe an the Lord Jesus\ This was
S. Peter's mess^e to Cornelius : like that, it would need ezplana-

32 tion, nor would Paul and Silas lose any opportunity. Acconnngly,
tired, sore, unwashed as they were, thetf spake to the jailor and all
his establishment of warders, slaves, and feunily, who had gathered
round, the same word of God\ That word embraced the sending of
Jesus to be the Christ, his life of good works, his crucifixion and
resurrection, the promise of forgiveness and of the gift of the Spirit
to all who should repent and be baptized. Their audience received

33 the word ; nothing hindered them from being baptized, and the
whole company went to the prison well or fountain. Then at last
the jailor recollected the condition of Paul and Silas, and first he
washed their bodies, and then they gave him and all his the water

34 of baptism^ the * washing of regeneration and renewing of the Holy
Ghost*.' After this the jailor took them up to his own (i.e. the
governor's) lodgings and spread a table be/ore them. Paul and
Silas neeaed food, but recollecting the religious significance of the
common meal (pp. 36-40) we have little doubt tlmt they and the
new converts partook of the food in the first place as a sign of
fellowship in the new faith : in other words it was a * table of the
Lord,' an agape and eucharist, and so the completion of their
communion with the church ^ Such a sudden salvation and suc-
cessful sequel was followed by more than joy — ^by exultation^ which
pervaded the whole house.

35 In the morning the lictors came with a not very courteous order
to the jailor to dismiss^ those men. The reason is not &r to seek
The magistrates had felt the shock of the earthc^uake; like the
jailor they also had connected it with the two prisoners and were
alarmed. This the Bezan text states for us explicitly. Now

37 however S. Paul's time had come. One of the most valued
privileges of the Roman citizenship was immunity from corporal
chastisement. According to Cicero 'to fetter a Roman citizen was
a crime, to scourge him a scandal, to slay him — ^parricide ! ' The
actual legal exemptions are difficult to ascertain, but a Porcian law
expressly forbade the scourging of a Roman citizen. Under the
republic an arbitrary governor like Verres might not scruple even
to beat to death a Greek who possessed the citizenship in spite of Us

^ The Jewish title of the Christ would not have been very intelligible to the
jailor and is omitted here by the best mss. * x 43, xi 14 : z 86. > Titos

ill 6. The analogy of iz 17-9, x 44-8, ziz 2-6 wonld lead us to infer that there
was also laying on of hands with the gift of the Holy Spirit The emphatic word
for (HI seems to shew that the whole establishment, and not merely the jailor's wife
and children, were baptized. ^ Cp. ix 19. ^ The Greek word is used of

the liberation of Barabbas (Lk xxiii 25) ; and also of the dismissals of the mission-
aries by the choroh (e.g. xiii 3), and the Lord's servant in the Nunc ditnittii.

irj 37-40 DISMISSAL OF PAUL AND SILAS 291

cries Civis Ramanus sum : even tlieu Cicero, with some rhetorical

exaggeration, could declare that *in the most distant lands, even

among barbarians, that cry has often brought succour and safety.'

The emperors however were very careful to maintain the dignity

of the citizenship; about this very time Claudius deprived the

cit7 of Rhodes of its freedom for having crucified some citizens

of Bome. And now Paul and Silas who were Romans had been

jnMicly beaten, and that without a hearing^. The utter illegality of

the whole of the proceeding was a great aggravation of the ofience.

The magistrates nad put themselves in the wrong and S. Paul would

^ve them a lesson. He would vindicate justice for its own sake ;

and also secure protection for his brethren at Philippi from

similar illegalities in the future. Accordingly Paul and Silas

3 refused to leave the prison. The news that they had beaten

9 Romans threw the duumvirs into another panic, and they came in

person with a large escort of notables and entreated Paul and Silas

to come out. Their plea was ignorance : they did not know that they

were righteous men, that is — either just and innocent in the eye

of the law, or righteous and true servants of the Qt)d'. When

the prisoners had come out of the prison, they then asked them to

ieave the city. They pleaded inability to protect them in case

another tumult should arise and the populace should mob them.

S. Paul's custom was to yield to the inevitable : there was no good

in continuing work in the face of excited popular feeling. So he

tO complied witn the request. First however they went to the house of

Ijydta; there they found the brethren already assembled and they

Md what the Lord had done for them. S. Luke himself was

among them, we have little doubt, and so he would have heard

their story and written it down on his memory or on some tablets;

and thus have been preserved for us what are probably some actual

words of S. Paul'. Then after the needful encouragement of the

brethren, Paul and Silas left the city. They took Timothy mtii

them, but Luke they left behind in charge of me young church.

Thus ended S. Paul's first work at Philippi. As the firstfruits of

Macedonia^ the church there must have been specially dear to him.

Unlike the Galatians the Philippians never fell away trom him ; and

^" letter to them, written eight or ten years later, is full of aflFection ;

^ 8. Luke nsed a word uneondemned which does Dot seem to have been a Boman
■0d pHunue. He probably means by it unheard (Lat. indictd catud), for even if
*»MOTniwd the scourging wonld have been iUegal. Paal and Silas had had no
v^^ortnnity of making their defence, which was contrary to Boman custom (zxv 16).
Ai FmI'b companion at Bome, we should have expected S. Luke to be thoroughly
|iBiiliar with the procedure and phraseology of the Boman law-courts: and pro-
lllib foller information would explain the term. > The same word occurs in

theB«ian text of xiv 3. The additions are from the Bezan text, see p. 286.
' Ihe nene is similar to that in Mary's house (xii 16-7) where S. Mark fiUed the

rrt here ascribed to S. Luke. One question may occur to us — why does not
Luke tell us the jailor's name, as he mentions e.g. Dionysius and Damaris at
ilhens? Gould he have been Epaphroditus? * Cp. Phil i 5-6, iv 16 the be-

§bmin§,

19—2

292 JOURNEY TO xvil l

its characteristic word is 'jov.' Perhaps the continuous presence of
S. Luke had something to do with this fidelity. S. Pam gave Uie
Philippian church a ver^r practical jproof of his affection. He allowed
it^ and it alone, the privilege of ministering to his wanta. Four times
they sent him a gift of money : twice to Thessalonica, once to Corinth,
and once to Home. The last contribution was sent by the hands of
Epapliroditus to S. Paul when in prison, and the Epistle to the
Phih^pians is his grateful acknowledgment of the cift^ ^e epistle
contains a very slmrp warning against Jews or Juoaizers and on the
other hand a rebuke of antinomian tendencies^ But the chief danger
of the church came from divisions within, arising out of persontd
jealousies and social or spiritual pride, such as the rivalry between
Euodia and Sjmtyche*. From without^ the Philippians, as the Thessa-
lonians also, had suffered much persecution at the nands of tlieir pagan
fellow-citizens\

§ 2 Thessalonica cmd Beroea

1 From Philippi the missionaries took the ^natian way which
ran through Ampkipolis and ApoUania to Thesssdonica. GHiey may
have preached in the former cities, but their mention (like xvi
11-12) seems to be copied from some diary, possibly kept by
Timotny, which marked the evangelists' resting places for the
night. So after three stages of an average thirty miles, they
reached ITiesscUonica. This city was their goiol because (1) it con-
tained a colony of Jews with a synctgogue, and (2) it was the capital
of the province.

A brief summary of the visits to Thessalonica and Beroea completes
the work in the province of Mcu^edonia; and the absence from the
narrative of vivid incidents like that at Philippi makes us feel the loss
of S. Luke's company. (1) The main feature in the history is the
action of the Jews. There is a brief statement of the gospel preached
to them ; moreover an express contrast is drawn between the friendly
Jews of Beroea and the hostile Jews of Thessalonica. (2^ In another
respect there is a contrast between the two cities. ^ Tne history of
ancient and independent Greece may be summed up in one sentence :
it was the conflict between aristocracy and democracy. In no other
country can the struggle be witnessed so clearly. The whole of Greece,
and each city within itself, was divided into two camps of the
aristocrats and the democrats, the few and the many. And now
S. Luke seems to be comparing the attitude towards Christianity of
the two parties, of the democracy of Thessalonica and the aristocrat
of Beroea, and the comparison is much to the credit of the latter. It
is evident from the Acts that S. Luke himself was quite alive to
social distinctions, much more so than S. Paul'; and if he was

» PhU ii 25, iv 10-8. » ui 2-6 and 17-21. » iv 2, op. i 27, u 1-11.

* i 27-30. B Cp. his frequent allnsions to thefint, the noble or the honourable

(xiii 50, xvi 12, zvii 4, 12, zxv 2, 23, xzviii 7) : nor does he forget to name any
convertB of distinction, e.g. Dionysias and Damaris at Athens, CrispoB at Corinth

THESSALONICA 293

d^&scended from an old Macedonian Sajnily, we can well understand
kis attitnde towards these cities.

Tkessalonica as capital of a province ranks with Antioch' and

CSetesaiea, Corinth and Ephesus. With the last two it may also be

grouped as a flourishing commercial city. It was situated on the sea

at; the head of the gulf of Salonica ana at the edge of the plain of

Macedonia, down to which ran all the valleys which penetrated the

interior ; to Thessalonica accordingly all the commerce of the country

gravitated and from its harbour found a ready ouUet. Further, by

means of the Egnatian way it enjoyed direct communication with

Rome. In fact after Ephesus and Corinth it was the most busy city

on the coasts of the Aegean, and as such it contained — we might say

of course — a Jewish quarter. Its natural advantages have preserved

its position and enabled it altogether to eclipse its two rivals. For

*Saioniki' is to-day the second city of Turkey in Europe, with a

^pulation of over one hundred and fif^ thousand inhabitants.

Historically the town owed its rise to the Macedonians. Its original

i»*nae was Therma, but Cassander, king of Macedon, refounded the

^ty and called it after his wife, a daugnter of Philip, — Thessalonica.

Inrough the royal favour it soon outstripped the neighbouring cities,

*nd under the Romans it was made the capital of the province and

residence of the proconsul. The Romans left to the city its freedom,

of which &ct it makes proud mention on its coins. From these we

*ko learn that it had the dignity of a Metiiopolis and Nbokoros

(p. 363). Thus when S. Paul visited it, Thessalonica was a *free

city/ possessing its own Macedonian constitution. This was demo-

watic in form, and so the supreme authority rested with the Demos

or People (verse 5), i.e. the assembly of all enfranchised citizens.

The chief inajg^istrates were called Politarchs, i.e. City-rulers (verses

S and 8). This title has not been met with in classical literature,

^ 80 it was once quoted as a proof of S. Luke's inaccuracy, not to say

powers of invention. In fact it proves to be exactly the reverse. The

scholars who made that criticism were unaware that, at the very time

^W were writing, there was standing at Saloniki a Roman triumphal

Wen, erected probably in the first century after Christ, on which the

^fQtd PoLTTABCH was engraved in large letters. Unfortunately the arch

^ destroyed in 1867, but the block containing the word was rescued

•Jid is now to be seen in the British Museum '. Since then it has been

(^md in inscriptions elsewhere in Macedonia : so it would appear to

DO a word of specially Macedonian use.

M S4, xriii 8). Cp. also his impresdon at the scene in the aaditorium at
23). ~

(xxv 23). Paul, whom we take to have been a member of the Jewish
iriitoflnu^ (p. 125), m^e many such, made light of these distinctions. For Christ's
fiiks be eonndered them loss rather than gain. ^ Antiooh without an epithet

M atwajB of course the Antiooh of Syria. ' The inscription contains some

Mines which we shaU find in xx 4. It runs thus : ' the politarchs being Soiipater
ton ci Oleopatra and Lndas Pontius Secundtu, Aulus Avius Sabinus, Demetrius
•oa of Faostos, Demetrius son of Nicopolis, Zoilus son of Parmenio also called
MfBiicaa, Caiu$ Agilleius Potitus...* {Gk Iiucriptiont in BriL Mu$. pt n no. 171).

294 a PAUL« REASONING xvu ^

The Jews a/nd mob law ai Thessalaniea

17 Now when they had passed through Amphipolis an^
ApoUoma, they came to Thessalonicay where was a 8yiiagog!L*<

2 of the Jews : and Paul, as his custom was, went in uni
them, and for three ^ sabbath days reasoned with them firoi

3 the scriptures, opening and alleging, that it behoTcd th
Christ to suffer, and to rise again from the dead ; and tha-r
this Jesus, whom, said he^ I proclaim unto you, is the

4 And some of them were persuaded, and consorted with
and Silas ; and 'of the devout Greeks a great multitude, aik5
of the 'chief women not a few.

5 But the ^ Jews, being moved with jealousy, took unto th<
certain vile fellows of the rabble, and gathering a crowd, 9^t
the city on an uproar ; and assaulting the house of Jaso'Ei,

6 they sought to bring them forth to the ^people. And wh^n
they found them not, they dragged Jason and certain brettir^sn
before the 'rulers of the city, crying, These that have tum^^
the world upside down are come hither also ; whom Jason

7 hath received : and these all act contrary to the decrees of

8 Caesar, saying that there is another king, one Jesus. And
they troubled the multitude and the 'rulers of the dly, when

9 they heard these things. And when they had taken security
from Jason and the rest, they let them go.

2 The travellers found hospitality in the house of a fellow-coimti?-
man^. His Greek name Jason from its resemblance to Joshua w<^
one frequently adopted by Jews of that name'. On tibie sabbi^th
day Faul went into the synagogue. His work there lasted tk^^
weeks (margin! The sablSath day was of coarse the day for t3^^
great service, out services were held during the week, and it se&i^
to have been S. Paul's custom to reason cmily*. This word, ifhi^
makes its first appearance here'^ seems to mark a change of metlm^ '
on his part. To reason is a characteristic Greek word. Origiiui-lJl
meaning to converse, it came to denote discussion by means ^
question and answer. This method of eliciting the tniHi was C>^

^ Msrg wfeks, ' Bezan has manv of the devout and of the [Oreekt a

multitude, ' Ok first, * AV and Bezan add unbelieving, * Ok <i... .

* Gk politarchi, ^ Jason was a Jew, if he was the same Jason who was w^**

S. Paul at Corinth when he wrote the £p. to the Bomans (Bom zW 21). • ^P*

Saul and Paul. * So at Beroea and Ephesns (yer. 11, six 9) ; op. Aihfl&s (r^'

17). For Paars custom of entering the synagogue, see the scene at the Pisiai^
Antiooh and cp. xiy 1. ^o Cp. xrii 17, xviii 4, 19, xix 8, 9, zz 7, 9.

VTi 2-4 AT THESSALONICA 295

special characteristic of Socrates; and after him the Greek philosophers
developed it, until dialectic (or reasoning) became a definite branch
and method of philosophy. Here of course the word is used in the
more general sense of reasoning or arguing. In the synagogues
of the east teaching was the method of instruction (p. 208), and the
Christian evangelists accordingly tauaht and preached the word. But
in the more cntical atmosphere of the west dogmatic assertion was
not sufficient, and S. Paul had to adopt the method of reasoning^
in which he was an adept. The reasoning of course was Jewish ;
it was based on the scriptures. But until they recognized the Christ
in them, the scriptures were a sealed book to tne Jews\ T\m

t book S. Paul now opened for them, by alleain^j i.e. proving by the
comparison of passages, the doctrine of the Messiah. Ijie summary of
bis teaching here given agrees with the gospel he preached at Corinth,
which was also based on the scriptures*. There were two main
positions: (1) the Christ must suffer and rise again; (2) *this is
the Christ, this Jesus wliom I proclaim unto you' The latter fact
did not rest on the scriptures, but upon personal testimony; and
the convincing testimony to the resurrection of an eye-witness
could only be given by S. Paul, — ^and not by Silas or Timothy;
hence the emphatic '/.' S. Luke, we notice, quotes the actual words
of S. PauL This assertion must have been constantly on his lips ;
and the truest description of his preaching was this: 'he preached
Jesus/ whether as (a; a herald, or (b) a messenger, or (c) a beajrer

4 of good tidings'. The result at Thessalonica was \hQ persuasion^ of
only a few of the Jews (among whom was Aristarchus'), but of a
great number of the devout or (rod-fearing Greeks, including several
of the wives of the first men of the city. S. Luke varies his narrative
by ucdnff a new and uncommon word for their adhesion : they
consorted with Paul and Silas. The verb is compounded from the
si^ficant word cleros or lot, and may be taken either (1) in the
middle sense — they east in their lot with Paul and Silas ; or (2) in
tiie passive, which is much in accordance with S. Luke's fondness of
dweUing on the preventing grace of God*. In this case it will mean
that they were assigned bv lot, i.e. by the divine will, to Paul; or
that they were allotted to nim, i.e. assigned to him as his lot^
Between verses 4 and 5 there is an interval^. The Epistles to the

^essBdonians postulate a much longer ministry than three weeks.

Hiey also shew that the majority of converts had been converted from

E^ttganism directly. Now verse 4 deals only with the congregation of

' Ber V 1 : op. n Cor iii 14-6. For the opening op. xvi 14 and Lk zziv 45.
^ Pml opened the Beriptnres, but to oonvinoe the Lord must first open the heart.
•I Cor XV 8-4: cp. also Lk xxiv 46. » Cp. (a) ix 16, 20, 1 Cor i 23, xv 12,

UCor i 19, iv 6, xi 4, 1 Tim ii 7: (6) xvii 8, 18,Coli28: (c) XTii 18, 1 Oor ix 16,
Oil i 16. « Cp. xiii 48 (p. 220), xviii 4, xix 8, 26. « xx 4, Col it 10.

* Ai in xiii 48, xvi 14. 7 Cp 1 Cor iii 6-9. This thought is familiar to S. Paol.

hom I ThesB ii 19-90 we learn that the Christians of Thessalonioa were his hope^
iad/oy, and crown of glorying, * As at Iconiam (xiv 2 and 8) and Philippi

(ni 15 and 16).

296 THE THESSALONIAN CHURCH xvu4-5

fche synagogue ; and the definite mention of the three weeks' preaching
the ^nagogne seems to imply a turning to the Gentiles at its end, as
the Pisiman Antioch\ Of the subsequent preaching to the Greeks, tbi
beautiful letters to the Thessalonians, written within a few months
the apostle's departure, will enable us to draw a picture.

Tne house of Jason would form the first 'church,' and S. Paul'
preaching there was ' with power and the Holy Ghost.' Consequent!;
great numbers of the Thessalonians 'turned from idols to serve tix _
uving and true Qod\' The ^owth of the church was accompanied
with the usual joy and exultation, and also with prophetic phenomexife^
and visible manifestations of the Holy Spirit. A great personal aflfiBo-.
tion grew up between S. Paul and his converts : he was tender to thexa
as a nurse, or as a feither with his children'. As at Philippi, the convert^^
became evangelists also ; the news of the gospel was spread through t}i^
whole of Macedonia and along the lines of the city's commerce, so di^-^
the echo of their faith reached to Achaia*. From S. Paul's allusions to his
teaching and 'the traditions' which he had handed on to them we gathez*
that : (1) There was very definite teaching about the parausia (presence)^
i.e. the return of the Lord, and this was accompanied by further
apocalyptic doctrine. It is quite clear that when at Thessaloiu»
S. Paul^ like the rest of the church, believed that the parousia twls
imminent, and this expectation deeply impressed the Tnessalonians.
They too accepted the belief and the very fervour of their fidth resulted
in some disorganization of social life*. (2) The charge brought against
Paul and Silaus in Acts xvii 7 proves that tJiere had be^a consider&hle
preaching of * the kingdom of God.' The relation of this new kincdona
of the church to the existing kingdom of Rome required some expiaDft'
tion, whicli because of the danger of treason had to be veiled in more
or less mysterious language*. (3) Besides these doctrines there were
moral * traditions.' (a) Like other Gentiles, the Thessalonians needed
very definite commandments on the subject of purity', (b) Tto
doctrine of the parousia together with the excitement of converrioii
and the manifestations of spiritual gifts gave rise to some disorder;
daily work was neglected ana the behaviour towards those without was
somewhat contemptuous. Hence S. Paul laid down the laws of work
and social duty, of orderly and ' gentlemanly ' conduct He also f^
them a practical example by workmg with his own hands for his daily
bread^ Lastly, a body of 'labourers and presidents,' in other words o'
presbyters, was formed ; we notice also the beginnings of discipline
and, in the 'holy kiss,' of Christian ritual*.

There was, however, another side to this joyful work. The converts
liad to fece persecution. There was 'much affliction,' and S. Paul
taught them, as he had taught the Galatians (xiv 22), that ^ we must

1 Similarly at EphesuB the 3 months* reasoning in the synagogue was foUoired
by 2 years' work ontside (xix 8-10). > I Thess i 5, 9. * I i 6 : I ▼ 90,

IIii2: Iii7, 11. * I i 7-8. » I iv IS-v 11, U i 7-10. ii 1-12. •IfilS,

II i 6 : n ii 4-7. ' I iv 2-8 (see pp. 264-6). • I !▼ 10-2. H iii e-15 : I ti 9.

» I V 12-5, 27: U iii 14-5: I v 26.

XVII 5-7 THE JEWS STIR UP A RIOT 297

be afflicted\' His own preaching was *in much conflict,' and he was
reduced to great straits. Twice ne had to accept pecuniary help from
the Philippians^ The main cause of this affliction was the enmity of
the Jews, Their motive was the usual one of jealousy^ and their first
weapon was slander and misrepresentation. The preachers were re-
presented as * deceivers' and charlatans: they were 'pleasing men'
and 'using words of flattery'; they were actuated by the most
corrupt motives of vain-glory and greed of gain*. In answer, the
missionaries proved their absolute disinterestedness by refusing to
accept a penny from their converts. This method having failed, the
Jews resorted to violence which resulted in the expulsion of Paul and
Silas from the cit}r. No wonder that when he writes his epistle tlie
apostle suddenly gives way to an outburst of righteous wrath against
* the Jews'.'

5 In the absence of any legal ground for indicting Paul and Silas,
the only method was to adopt the tactics practised at Philippi and
stir up the populace. This was not a hard matter. The centre of
life in a Greek city was the Agora or Market-place, and there would
generally be found in it a crowd of idlers' ready for any excitement
or mischief. So numerous was this class that they had a name;
they were the agoraioi or market-men. Out of these the Jews
selected for their co7\federates'^ those who were specially conspicuous
for moral obliquity, and our sober historian can hardly contain his
disgust at these lewd fellows qf the baser sort (AV), or vUe/eUows
of the rabble (RV). With their aid it was easy to set the city in an
uproary and when a sufficient mob was collected the Jews led them
to the house of Jason, They burst in and searched for Paid and
Silas to carry them before the ecclesia or assembly of the People

6 (Demos). Paul and Silas, however, could not be found and in their
place the mob dragged Jason and some other Christians to the
politarchs. It was a repetition of the scene at Philippi. On their
way the Jews and their accomplices kept shouting out the cause of
tlie tumult : ' The men who have turned the world upside down have
come hither also and Jason has harboured them^.^ The charge was
of course an exaggeration, but it is evidence of the stir which
Christianity was making. The Jews would have heard of the
disturbances in Palestine and in the towns of Galatia : what had
happened at Philippi would be known in Macedonia, and news of
recent tumults among the Jews in Rome caused by * one Chrestus '
may have reached Thessalonica. The formal accusation was brought

7 against all the Christians alike — they a/re acting in defiance cf the
decrees of Caesar^ saying that there is another emperor^, one Jesu^.

1116, iii^ « Iii2: PhU iv 16. * Aots xvii 5 ; (m. v 17, xiii 45.

^ I These ii 3-10. ' I iii 14-6. * The Thessalonian converts themselves were
somewhat disinclined to work (II Thess ill 10). ' Took unto them implies rather

close relations, cp. xviii 26, Mt xvi 22, Bom xiv 1, 8, zv 7, Philem 17. ^ There

may he a saggestion of secret harhoarlng in received ; cp. Jas ii 25. ' BanUutt

the Greek for king^ was the title used for the Roman emperor. The charge brought
against the Lord was that he $aid that he U Chritt a king, or the king (Lk xziii 2).

298 PAUL AND SILAS SENT AWAY xvii 8-ia

8 The suggestion of treason cast into a pome boHi the politarchs and
the crowd who were witnessing the disturbance. There was, howeTcr,

9 no immediate danger, and the magistrates were most anxious to pot
an end to the tumult^ so they postponed the case to another day
when they could give it a fuller and more impartial hearing. At
the same time there was no eyidence of any wrong-doing on the
part of Jason and the rest ; it was clear thiait they were not die
ringleaders of the body accused; and so the politarchs did not put
them in prison, but dismissed them after they had first given M
for their appearance when called up for trials

10 At once the brethren took care to put Paul and Silas out of
reach ; under cover of darkness they sent them aivay to Beroea,
Once more we find S. Paul a passive agent'. This may have been
because he was much discouraged by what had happened ; but mm
likely the thought of the trouble in store for Jason and the brethien
whom they were leaving behind made both Silas and himself loath
to depart. Certainly their departure was followed by a persecutioa
of the Christians at the hands of their fellow-citizens^ a persecutioiL
as severe as that which had be&llen the Jewish Ghnstians at
Jerusalem'. This caused S. Paul the greatest anxiety during the
following months. He longed to return and strengthen them. Bat
Satan hindered him once and twice^ Prof. Bamsay thinks that
Jason had given security that the apostle would not return to
the city. This would indeed have been a * device of Satan';
but such security we can hardly suppose that Jason would have
given. S. Paul's language rather suggests definite obstacles which
prevented his starting on a visit to them, and nothing seems so
likely as visitations of his peculiar malady which he recognized a3
' the messenger of Satan^'

The ncbilUy of the Beroeans and exptddon of 8. Paul

from Macedonia

Beroea was fort^ miles from Thessalonica, in another district of
Macedonia. The city was beautifully situated at the edge of t^^
mountains where they rose from the plain which stretched away (of
25 miles to the sea. Beyond the mountains lay lUyricum, and vhe0
S. Paul writes to the Bromans (xv 19) of his having preached 'as bx

^ At first sight the Greek expression for had taken tecurity seems to stand for
the Latin satis accipientes or satis dato. This however was the term for depositing
security that the sentence of the court would be obeyed, and not for giving bail in
oar sense. Bat the Thessalonians being * free ' woald not be nnder Boman Isw,
and the interpretation of the security given above is supported by an inteiest>
ing paraUel in a letter published among the Oxyrhynchus Papyri (n. no. 294)
by Messrs OrenfeU and Hunt. The letter is dated from Alexandria a.i>. 22. In
his absence from home Sarapion*s house had been * searched,' and he was going to
appeal to the Prefect. Meantime two of the officials implicated were in pnaoa ^
the session — 'unless indeed they persuade the chief usher to give Mecurity for
them until the session.* * As in ix 25, 30 and see below vr. 14-5.

» I ThcBs u 14, iii 1-5, n i 6. * I U 18. ' Cp. U Oor U 11, xii 7.

2VII 10 TO BEROEA 299

as niyricuin/ Beroea may have been in his mind. Beroea was a city
of some importance. It was a meeting-place of ' the confederation of
the Macedonians ' ; like Thessalonica it was honoured with the title of
Kbokobos ; and it had a colony of Jews with a synagogue. It is still
a flourishing town and retains its ancient name — Vema. Livy calls
Pellay Edessa, and Beroea a trio of 'noble towns^' Now it is to be
noticed tiiat the characteristic of the Beroean Jews which struck
S. Ijnke was their nobility\ He is speaking indeed of the Jews, but
ihsy would have caught the spirit of the city in which they lived.
Moreover several of the women converts were qf honourable estate^ i.e.
of aristocratic families. It is also remarkable that the one Beroean
coa^ert whose name we know is the only disciple distinguished by his
btber's name> — ^an addition which was, so to speak, the mark of a
fl^tleman : he was Sqpater (son) of Pwrhus (xx 4). As an ancient
Macedonian citv, Beroea no douot prided itself on the pure blood of
its citizens, and S. Luke contrasts the jgentlemanly behaviour of the
letter sort with the noisy democracy of Tliessalonica.

10 And the brethren immediately sent away Paul and Silas
by night unto Beroea: who when they were come thither

11 went into the synagogue of the Jews. Now these were more
noble than those in Thessalonica, in that they received the
word with all readiness of mind^ examining the scriptures

^3 daily, whether these things were so'. Many of them therefore
believed^; also of the Greek women of honourable estate,
and of men, not a few.

But when the Jews of Thessalonica had knowledge that
the word of God was proclaimed of Paul at Beroea also, they
came thither likewise, stirring up and troubling the multi-

^ -4 tudes'. And then immediately the brethren sent forth Paul
to go *as far as to the sea : and Silas and Timothy abode

^ 5 there still. But they that conducted Paul brought him as
&r as Athens': and receiving a commandment unto Silas and
Timoihy that they should come to him with all speed, they
departed.

10 At Beroea again without delay Paul and Silas went away^ into
tie synagoffue. Here they were surprised by a unique reception.

1 Hifl. TLY 30. ' It is the saxne word as in Lk xix 12, I Cor i 26.

' Btsan Adds a$ Paul announce$, ^ Bezan adds but mme dUhelieved. ' Besan
adds without eeating (viii 24)» and has other variations in the passage. * AY

with later uss reads at it were to the tea. ' Bezan adds but he patted bu (xri 8)

ThetBtUf, for he wot prevented from proclaiming the word to them. * The form

of th« tense in Greek (which appears again in departed in verse 16) is onusual. Can
il be an echo of Beroean refinement?

300 PAUL DRIVEN OUT OF MACEDONIA xvn ii-i5

11 The Jews received S. Paul's message with readiness and zeaL
Instead of refusing to listen out of pride and prejudice, daily in
the synagogue they eaxwiined his arguments and the passages he

12 quoted out of the scriptures. Consequently mctny qf them hdieod
and several also of the notables of the town, both men and women

13 Even those who disbelieved did not manifest any opposition. This
was left for the Jews qf Thessalanica. Like the Jews of Iconiom
and the Pisidian Antioch (xiv 19), they too followed up S. Pad
and practised the same tactics as at Thessalonica. They excited
the common people, the crowds^ and by so doing they caused quite

14 *an earthquake*' in the quiet and *noble' country town. The wisest
policy for the Christians was to remove the cause of irritation for
the time, and they sent forth Paul to go as far as to (or towards)
the sea. This expression is somewhat obscure. It (1) seems to
mean that they sent him forth to journey on foot untu he reached
the sea-coast, where at Methone or Pydna he would find a ship
bound for Athens : the word send forth was used in ix 30, where the
brethren took Paul down firom Jerusalem to Gaesarea and there,
putting him on board ship, sent him forth to Tarsus. (2) If we
press me words to or towards (the sea), perhaps a large body of
disciples, for the sake of protection or of compliment, escorted him
a certain distance until he was on the direct road for the sea^ and
then left him to a smaller escort. (3) Geographical consideratioDS
will probably solve the difficulty. Between Macedonia and Thessaly
lay a great barrier in the huge mass of Mt Olympus ; and the
mountain forced the road from one country into the other to nw
along the coast. Hence, even if S. Paul had intended to go to
Greece on foot, he would have been obliged to go as far as to-tki-tftfi
i.e. the sea-coast, before he could join the road. And this is
probably what happened. A large party of Beroean Christians
accompanied the apostle as far as the coast : then instead of taking
ship, as might have been expected by his adversaries, he turned to .
the right into Thessaly with a smaller escort, while the rest of tto
brethren returned to Beroea. This view is borne out by the A'
readingo* it were, which suggests the idea of giving pursuers the
sUp. The Bezan text also definitely implies that S. Paul traversed
Thessaly on foot ; but he jxissed it by^ i.e. he did not preach tiieie,
being prevented by some hindrance or divine intimation (as in xvi

15 6-10). In any case, whether they took ship at Methone or after
crossmg Thessaly, or did the whole distance on foot^ his escort did
not leave the apostle till they had reached Athens.

The whole narrative points to great depression or weakness on
S. Paul's part Silas and Timothy remainea at Beroea to ^uide the
church through the crisis, but Paul was not able or not allowed to
travel alone : some of the brethren conducted him. Very likely this
was one of the moments when he desired to return to Thessalonioa

1 Stirring up is literally shaking as by an earthquake.

XVII 15 ENTERS ACHAIA 301

(mstead of ^oing on to a strange place), but Satan hindered him.
Then, according to the Bezan text^ he was prefoented from preaching in
Thessaly. Lastly, at Athens he could not endure to be left alone, but
sent a command to Silas and Timothy to join him o^ soon as possible.
All this points to some extreme depression, such as that portrayed in
II Cor i 8-9 or ii 12-13, which was the result of similar violence at
Ephesus, or to a visitation of his 'stake in the flesh,' the 'messenger of
Satan.'

So S. Paul was driven out of Macedonia, but he had done his work.
He had founded the churches of Macedonia\

SECTION II ( = Ch. 17. 16—18. 11)

ACHAIA

When S. Paul crossed the border into Thessaly, or (if he went by
sea) when he landed at the Piraeus, the port of Athens, he set foot
upK)n a new province, that of Aohaia. This province very nearly
coincided with the present kingdom of Greece. Greece had been made
Roman territory in B.O. 146; and &om the Achaean League, the
strongest power among its rival and struggling confederations and
cities, it received the name of Achaia. Achaia however was not made
a province by itself. It was added to Macedonia, and so the close
connexion between those two countries was kept up, as we find indi-
cated by the language of I Thess i 7-8'. In b.o. 27, when the
provinces were divided between Augustus and the Senate, Achaia was
separated from Macedonia and given to the latter body, who therefore
appointed the proconsul. Corinth was selected as the seat of govern-
ment and became the capital of the province. In a.d. 15, however,
in consequence of complaints of over-taxation Tiberius again united
Achaia to Macedonia ; and this r^me lasted till a.d. 44, when
Claudius restored it to the Senate and the rule of a proconsul of its
own. It was five years after this date, in the autumn of A.D. 49, when
S. Paul entered Athens.

§ I Paul at Athens

Paul at Athens, Paul the Jew of Tarsus in the city of Pericles and
Demosthenes, of Sophocles and Euripides, of Socrates and Plato— that
is a situation to which our pen cannot attempt to do justice. Nor is
it less difficult adequately to estimate the place of Athens in the
Homan Empire. For at tnis date Athens was still the intellectual and
artistic capital of the world. It was also a religious capital, for it was
the stronghold of the Greek mjrthology, which was generally accepted
as the most authentic account of the gods and their history.

^ For a fall and interesting account of these churches, see Lightfoot's Biblical
Esiayt no. vi. > Cp. also Acts xix 21, Bom xy 26.

302 ATHENS xvn i6

The fetmous history of the democracy of the Athenians will never
be forgotten; but their political importance had now long been a thing
of the past. When the Komans be^an to interfere in die affidrs of tho
east, Athens had the misfortune of invariably being on the wrong sida
Nevertheless, out of respect for her past glories, the Romans left to lier
citizens their freedom. Athens, then, was 'a free city'; though at this
time its Demos or People, unlike those of the busy cities of
Thessalonica and Ephesus, had lost even the semblance of authnritf,
and the municipal administration had reverted to the ancient siid
aristocratic court of the Areopagus. Jt was to its art and literatim
and philosophy that the cit^ owed its greatness. Athens had been
the nome of tne greatest artists and poets, writers and orators, of the
world ; and itpossessed the masterpieces of the ^eatest sculptors and
architects. Tne city itself was still clothed in its mantle ot external
glory and beauty ; its streets and buildings were crowded with statues
and exquisite works of art ; and the greedy hands of the Komans
which had spoiled so many cities of their treasures had as yet refrained
from touching Athens. The philosophy of Athens was even more
celebrated than its art In Athens, Socrates, Plato and Aristotle had
lived and taught : in Athens their successors had elaborated the
different systems which now divided the thinking world. So Athena
was at once the chief birthplace and the natural nome of philosopbj'
Every one of the schools had its head-quarters there ; ana among its
sacred spots pilgrims visited the Academy of Plato and the Ljc&m
of Aristotle, the Porch of Zeno the Stoic and the Garden of Eipicums.
Once more, and in the main through her art» Athens had become tho
rehgious centre of Hellenism. Her citizens indeed had alwa}[s been
noted for their 'religious * character and the solemnity and mulnplici<7
of their festivals. But it was her poets diat had given to the local
sanctuaries a world-wide reputation, and the hands of her artists that
had filled her streets and temples with images of the gods. To judge |
from the reports of antiquity, Athens must have been 'friU of idob j
and altars and temples to an extent which it is difficult for ns to i
realize ^ An ancient writer' could speak of the city as being 'the whob ^
of it one altar, one sacrifice and votive offering to the gods.' Thi>
' religious * reputation, together with the antiquarian spirit that anO"
ceeded to the epoch of originality, made the Athenians zealous in
maintaining their observances. And this would be a frkctor in 1^^
revival of the Areopagus, a sacrosanct tribunal which had its origin in
the days of gods and heroes and which from its iurisdiction in matters
of religion served as a kind of ' sanhedrin,' or religious court of appeal,
for Hellenism.

As Hellenic civilization spread, it carried with it the frime and
attraction of Athens. The Macedonian conquests brought the east
under her spell; and when the Romans came firom the west^ they

^ For references see Wetstein on tin's passage; also Paasanias* AtHea^
* Quoted by Wetstein from Xenopbon; but I bave been unable io verify tbe
quotation.

XVII 18 AND THILOSOPHY 303

were themselves conquered by the art and literature of the Greeks,
and Athens led her captors captive. After this the education of the
Roman aristocrat coula not be considered complete without a course
of study at Athens. Accordingly Athens became the university
of the empire, and her streets were crowded with students and young
men who lived and amused themselves, studied or did not study, very
much as do the undergraduates of Oxford to-day. The city became
also a place of pilgrimage ; and the princes and royal families of Asia
Minor. Syria, and Egypt, vied with the Roman aristocracjr in adding
new ornaments to the city or in bestowing favours upon its citizens.
Even the Jews were not proof against the universal attraction. Herod
the Great shewed his phu-hellenic sympathies in numerous dedications
or offerings ; and the Jewish philosopher Philo was full of enthusiasm
for the birthplace of Platonism*. At an earlier date also we are sur-
prised to fina the Athenians honouring John Hyrcanus ' high-priest and
ethnarch of the Jews ' with a golden crown and a brazen statue in the
theatre*.

The chief interest of our Athens however lay in its philosophy ; for
philosophy supplied the place of serious religion for the educated
citizens of the empire. It had been growing more and more im-
possible for a cultivated man to have any serious faith in the popular
stories of the gods or in the efficacy of the old ritual forms, in their
place the true Greek had found satisfaction in the love of beauty and
the pursuit after knowledge for their own sakes. But the genuine
Hellenic spirit was dying out under the pressure of Roman and
oriental influences. The religious easterns wanted something spiritual
— food for their souls; the serious westerns wanted something prac-
tical— help and guidance in facing the practical difficulties of life.
To meet these new demands there nad b^n on the one hand a great
development of mysteries and the mystic worships of the east, on the
other a change in the character and aims of philosophy itself. The
philosophers had turned their attention away from the investigation of
truth in itself, and from metaphysical discussions as to the meaning
of existence, to the practical application of moral philosophy. The
primary interest of the Stoics and Epicureans was practical and ethical,
and their aim the attainment of the 'end' of man — ^the blessed life.
These two were the only philosophies which at tliis time possessed
any vitality. They offered men a guide of life and a moral creed, and
so they were a hving force in the world. The other schools, who
maintained their devotion to theoretical speculation — the Academics,
Peripatetics, and Sceptics, — ^had no practical influence and were purely
'academic'

It was the Epicurean and Stoic philosophers who encountered
S. PauL This is not the place to summarize their doctrines : it is
sufficient to point out that they represented two great types of
thought and character which always will divide men. Thus (1) in

^ See art. Athkns in Hastings Diet, of the Bible. ^ See Josephus B. J.

I 21. 11, Ant. XIV 8. 5. This Hyroanus was high-priest from C3 to 40 b.o.

304 EPICXJREANS xvn 18

ethics the Stoics were on the side of the ideal. Daty, law, and yirtnc^
were their favoarite conceptions; virtue for its own sake thdr
doctrine ; and tiieir ' end ' tihe condition of the wise man who, haying
risen superior to all the circumstances of life and to human passions^
is 'self-sufficient' — 'a king/ or rather 'a god,' in himself. The Epi-
cureans on the other hand adopted the common-sense standard of toe
world ; an enlightened prudence with practical experience of life ms
their guide; and their 'end' was pleasure. Such a theory was of course
open to great perversion and misunderstanding. But it would be a
CTOSS injustice to Epicurus to say that he aim^ simply at the grati-
fication of sensual desires. His ideal was not so mucn pleasure as
happiness, which he found in freedom firom the distractions of Ufe and
in which the enlightened pleasures of the mind and of social inter-
course form the cnief ingr^ents. In fact Epicureanism is most fiiirly
described as the ancient representative of modem utilitarianism.

(2^ In regard to religion, the Epicureans believed in the gods ; bat
to satisfy tlieir own conception of blessedness, the gods were banished
to a distant celestial sphere of bliss altogether removed from the
disturbances of this life and the cares of providence. So this world
was left to itself; and their view of it was very much that of modem
materialism. In fact they held the atomic theory of modem science^
although of course in a crude form. Their theory carried with it the
denial of life after death. Like everything else, the human soul was
composed of material atoms which, in themselves indestractible, were
dissipated at death, so that personal existence came to an end. But
neither theories of the universe nor physical science were in themsdves
attractive to the Epicureans. They only studied these subjects as
weapons of criticism for the sake of deliverance from popular super-
stitions and the fear of death. Tantum rdigio potuU suaden
malorum — that was the guise in which religion presented itself to the
eyes of the great Epicurean poet Lucretius^ ; ana the attitude of these
philosophers towards worship was simply that of emancipated men rf
culture. The Stoics on the contrary had a strong beliei in God and
in spirit. But even their faith will not stand a thorough examinataon.
They believed that throughout the universe there was a pervading
spirit, a universal reason, a creative word of Gk>d — the anima ffrnH*
And of this spirit the humsoi spirit was a part. Our souls therein®
share its immortality, although at intervals cosmic conflagrations wiE
occur, when all the universe, including all human spirits, will be
reabsorbed into the fire of the divine spirit. Such a creed is pui«
pantheism ; and the Stoics were no less materialists than the Epicureans,
for after all their 'spirit' was itself but refined matter, or as S. Chrysostom
bluntly puts it 'their god is a body*.' Still, apart firom their logical
and scientific theories, the Stoics were possessed by a real religious
fervour. To this Deity they addressed the language of personal
worship and fervent devotion ; and by their doctrine of predestinatiiA
they made up for the absence of the divine intervention in daily

^ de lUr, Nat, i 101. ' Horn, on the Acts xxzviii. 1.

XVII 18 AND STOICS 306

human life. For all things proceeded according to the law and will of
this universal reason, and therefore man could have faith that he was
under the protection of the divine providence.

(3) Once more, the same difference underlay their respective
doctrines of human society. The Epicureans attached a neat value to
friendship, but as one of the greatest pleasures of life and as an
essential factor in man's highest happiness. The Stoics treated it
dogmatically and on a priori groun(&. As each human soul was a
fragment of the pervading spirit, — the anima mundi, which was God, —
all men were brothers. And so from the side of philosophy they were
breaking down the barriers between city and city, and race and race,
which so hopelessly divided the ancient world. Jn £a.ct they had an-
ticipated Christianity in rising to the conception of the world as one
great *city of God.'

To sum up — the Stoic was the idealist ; the Epicurean the utili-
tarian. The Stoic was the stem dogmatist, the unflinching man of
duty ; the Epicurean the practical common-sense man of me world,
the philosopher who could make the best out of circumstances. The
Stoic was deeply interested in the doctrine of God and the soul : the
Epicurean indulged in the dilettante scepticism of the man of culture.
To stretch a comparison — the Epicureans were the Sadducees, the
Stoics the Pharisees of Hellenism. The Stoic held fest to the law;
the ideal of the Epicurean was lawlessness, in the sense, that is to
say, of freedom from arbitrary restrictions.

It is obvious on which side Christian sympathy would lie. For
Stoicism — and only Stoicism — could make any claim to be a reli^on,
and as such it served the nobler Romans. In the dying repubhc it
was the religion of Cato, the noblest Roman of them all, and under
the empire it was the creed which inspired those who ventured to
make any open stand for righteousness — Seneca and Barea Soranus
and Thrasea Paetus and Helvidius Priscus. This strong religious
element really came from the east. It was drawn from the Semitic
blood in the veins of its founders, for Zeno was a native of Cyprus and
Chrysippus came from Cilicia. There was then a slight kinship of
blood. Stoicism and Christianity were distant cousins, many times
removed. This relationship was also seconded by some striking resem-
blances to Christianity in Stoic doctrine and phraseology. Christian
teachers could lay hold, for example, of the doctrines of the universal
presence of God and the divine predestination, of the city of God and
brotherhood of man, and of the ideal of the wise man ; and so it was
easy for S. Paul to use its language and become * a Stoic to Stoics *.'
Stoic philosophy, then, was an element in the divine preparation for

^ The oomparison between Christianity and Stoicism has been drawn out most
completely by Bp Lightioot in the essay on Paul and Seneca in his Philippiant.
Here we need only add that the Stoics had also a doctrine of * joy ' following upon
virtuous activity which resembles S. Luke's joy after conversion. An account of
Stoicism and Epicureanism is contained in aU histories of philosophy: perhaps
that in Prof. J. B. Mayor's Sketch of Ancient Philosophy will suffice the ordinary
reader.

R. A. 20

#

3(>t> S. PAUL xvni8

the gospel. It had been preparing a moral ground for Christianity.
Yet there was a great deal wanting. If the Stoics resembled the
Pharisees, they also fell into the sins of Pharisaism. Stoicism was the
nurse of pride and rigidity. It was not a religion for the vulgar;
from them the philosopher stood apart in se&-sufficin^ and con-
temptuous exclusiveness. But even the philosopher found the * wise
man' an impracticable ideal. For after aU they had not found God.
Their God was but Nature, and what they needed was the gospel
of a human personality.

And now Paul stands &ce to &ce with philosophy. The contrast
between the Christian Jew and the Greek philosophers is striking, but
not so sharp as we have been in the habit of thinking. S. Paul was by
no means unfitted for the encounter. He was famiuar with the life of
Greek cities, and must have frequently met with philosophers before.
He himself was a native of Tarsus, which ranked as a university-town
next after Athens and Alexandria. Cilicia was also a great nursery
ground for Stoics ; besides Chrysippus other heads of the school, and
the poet Aratus, were Cilicians by oirth. S. Paul's own writings shew
that he had studied Stoicism ; he was at least acquainted with its
leading doctrines and had read some of its authors*. Above all
he had the S3rmpathy of kindred character, for in his stem Pharisaism,
his eager pursuit after righteousness and a life according to law, he
had been a Jewish Stoic.

Now however S. Paul faces philosophy in its own home. He had
been brought up in the religious capital of the world : he was to end
his days in its political capital : ana now in the midst of his life's work
he proclaims the gospel in its intellectual capital. But to the brilliant
exterior of that capital, there was but little correspondence in the
reality within. The real greatness of Athens had long since departed,
and the city was a body vdthout a soul. Even in regard to race, the
blood of the old Athenians must have been sadly diluted by the fluc-
tuations of its history and the invasions of foreigners. The Athenians
of S. Paul's day were a degenerate people who lived upon the glories
of their past and by flattering their masters. In a few bitter words
S. Luke gave us his opinion of the mob of Thessalonians : in a sentence
no less severe he expresses the contempt of a serious Christian for the
frivolous populace of Athens. They spent their time in nothing dse
than heeding or saj/ing something * neiver ' : i.e. their one aim in life
was to satisfy their vanity by the display of originality, and their
curiosity by the hearing of some novelty. Athens indeed, as the place
of resort for students and the jeunesse dor^e, still stood first in the
empire, but the real progress of thought was beinc carried on elsewhere
— ^at Alexandria and Tarsus and Rome. Of the philosophers at Athens
at this moment not one is known to us by name. Similarly in the world
of art, while Athens continued to find her boast in the masterpieces of
the past, the living force of art was occupied in clothing the cities of

^ Cp. Lighifoot'8 essay, and the quotation from Aratus in S. Paul's speech.

XVII 16 AT ATHENS 307

the east with a robe of Grecian beauty, and in civilizing the wild and
distant north with the more rugged arts and architecture of Rome. Nor
was there any more reality in Athenian religion : the outward forms
of worship were diligently maintained but out of an antiquarian and
conservative spirit, not wholly disinterested, and the religious cravings
of the soul had to find solace elsewhere. Even at Athens the foreign
mysteries of Thrace and Phrygia, the gods of Egypt and Tyre, had
obtained a firm footing ; and among them the Lord of the Jews had his
synagogue. When S. Paul called the Athenians very religious, he was
using a word with a double meaning — and not unintentionally. We
cannot find a better summary of the real condition of Athens than in
the severe sentence of Dr Hort*: 'the professed study of truth had
withered into the idlest of all imaginable frivoUties.'

Paul in the Agora of Athens

16 Now while Paul waited for them at Athens, his spirit was

17 provoked within him, as he beheld the city full of idols. So
he reasoned in the synagogue with the Jews and the devout
persons, and in the 'marketplace every day with them that

18 met with him. And certain also of the Epicurean and Stoic
philosophers encountered him. And some said. What would
this babbler say? other some, He seemeth to be a setter forth
of strange gods : because he 'preached Jesus and the ^resur-
rection.

19 And^ they took hold of him, and brought him 'unto ^the
Areopagus, saying. May we know what this new teaching is,

20 which is spoken by thee ? For thou bringest certain strange
things to our ears : we would know therefore what these things

21 mean. (Now all the Athenians and the strangera sojourning
there ^spent their time in nothing else, but either to tell or to
hear some 'new thing.)

16 When the Beroean escort left Paul alone at Athens^ being in a
state of depression, he intended to tcait for Silas and Timothy
before commencing work (p. 301). Silas, it would appear firom
xviii 5, did not arrive firom Macedonia until S. Paul had gone on
to Corinth. Timothy however, as we learn firom I Thess iii 1-2, did
rejoin him at Athens ; but the news he brought about Thessalonica
made S. Paul so anxious that he sent Timothy back again in order
to be reassured as to their faith, and perhaps was oiuy prevented
from going himself by the 'hindrance of Satan (ii 18).'

^ HuUean Lectures, p. 63. ^ Gk agora. > Gk evangelized, * Gk

atuuUuii. * Bezan adds after some days, ' Marg before, ^ Marg

the hill of Man. AV lias Areopagut, and in marg Or Man* hill: It wat the highest
eowrt in Athens. ^ Marg had leisure for nothing else, * Gk more new.

20—2

308 S. PAUL IN xvn22-ss

Meanwhile, like many another visitor, Paul wandered about the
city and looM (xt^ the sights. The sights which S. Paul would
want to see, and which he would observe carefiilly, we conld tdl
beforehand : they were the objects qftiie city's tfforship — ^its temples,
altars, and statued. But these beautiful works of art ovljprovMP
or embittered his spirit : he was filled with a divine lealousy or
indignation, for the city was full qf idok. And ihe dhaiact^ of
the people corresponded. He soon discovered that the Atheniaofl

22 were very religious. Very likely he was a spectator of some of the
solenm religious ceremonies for which the Athenians were notonoos.
But wherever he went, in everything he found the stamp of thdr
superstition. The epithet in which S. Paul sums up the Athenian
cliaracter, religious or superstitious, means literally god-fearing*.
So it may be applied to any 'religion,' as e.g. to Judaism itself
(xxv 19\ and in itself it is ambiguous. That is to say, whether it is
to be taken as a compliment, very religious, or the reverse, somewiat
superstitious, whether it expresses devotion or superstition, depends
on the fear of God according as it is either a filial awe or an
unreasoning dread. S. Paul no doubt left it to the Athenian
conscience to decide his meaning. But of this character of their

23 worship he had come across a signal instance. On his arrival, aa he
went up the road from the Piraeus to Athens, his eye feU on on oAor
by the road-side on which was cut the dedication TO {THS)
UNKNO WN GOD\ Other ancient authorities* testify to the
existence at Athens of 'altars of the unknown gods': and this
expression may cover an altar with the dedication in the singolar
' to an unknown god.' Such altars had been no doubt erected mnn
time to time on the occasion of some calamity when the pious
Athenians were unable to discover the deity whose hand was
afflicting them^. But whatever their origin or the exact form of
their inscriptions, these altars afibrded an excellent parable of pagan
religion. To the pagans every action of life, every spot of gronnd
was under the control of some supernatural agency ; and in accoid-
ance vdth these ideas they admitted into their pantheon not only
such strange divinities as diseases, but also mental conceptioos,
virtues, ana emotions. In this process of deifying as it were ^
whole of nature, the Athenians had outstripped all competitors,
and by this dedication they added the completing touch to thrir
religion : for fear lest any deity had been left out they at once

^ The verb translated behold^ perceive^ in w. 16, 22 (observe in yer. 93 n >
oompoand of the same verb) is that used of a sightseer, and also of a rdi^oBi
ambassador, one sent to consult an oraole or to represent Uie state at some religioQi
festival. * The verb corresponding to the sabstantive iharp-eoKlewtion in rr 39

(p. 266). ' The Greek words used here for god and ftar are different ffooa

those tor the God-fearing Oentiles, and bear a less favourable sense: the QnA
for god (the same as for gods ver. 18) has become our demon. For the oompsiatite
see Blase Grammar of NT Gk § 44. 8. * There is no article in the Qissk and

we can supply either AN or THE. ' e.g. Pausanias, Philostratns, Loetan, uA

8. Jerome. * So the story told of Epimenides at Athens by Diogenes Lantna

suggests.

XVII 17 THE AGORA 309

took in the whole of heaven by worshipping the * unknown ' god or
^ods. It was indeed a ' cathohc ' paganism. Besides S. Paul there
18 another witness to this all-embracing piety of the Athenians.
Pausanias, who was the Greek 'Murray' or *feaeaeker/ visited Athens
a hundred years after this, and he tells us : * The Atiienians have in
the agora. . .an altar of Meboy. To this deity, of all the gods the most
useful to the life of man and its vicissitudes, the Athenians alone
of all the Greeks assign honours. For as they pay more regard to
philanthropy than other men, so they exhibit more piety to the
gods. For they have also altars to Shame and Rumoub and Enerqt'.'
This extreme 'religiousness' however only stirred up S. Paul to
17 utterance. In the bitterness of his spirit (Ezek iii 14), he could no
longer keep silence, and he began to reason both in the synagogue
and in the agora.

Marketplace conveys a very inadequate idea of the Greek agord^.
The agora was an open space in the centre of the city which served as
the focus of the civic life. Around it were grouped the public buildings
of the city — ^the temples of its natron gods, its senate-nouse, town- hail
and law-courts. Besides these there were stoas or porticoes, i.e. porches
or colonnades, which were used for exchanges or places of concourse ;
and the rest of the circuit would be filled up with shops. Within this
square beat the heart of the city. All the morning the agora was the
scene of market, and crowded with country-people, buyers and sellers,
merchants and business men. Hither also repaired all who had civic
business, the magistrates and civic functionaries. Business over, it
became the resort of the idle, the gossips and the newsmongers, whether
loungers of fashionable society or lazy * fellows of the rabble.' Being
the resort of the citizens, we should also find in the agora those who
wanted an audience, whether philosophers and travelling rhetoricians, or
charlatans and quacks. Such teachers or declaimers, if they came to stay,
would take up their station in some porch and there gather round them
a body of disciples. Of the agoras of Greece most famous was that of
Athens. At tms time among its sights were to be counted the Senate-
house, the Temple of Zeus Eleutherius (the god of freedom), the Stoa
Basilica (royal porch), where the Archon Basileus held his sessions and
where the court of tlie Areopagus frequently met, a gymnasium built
by Ptolemy Philadelphus king of Egypt, a porch built by an Attains
king of Pergamum, and, more £a.mous than all, the ancient Painted
Porch', so called because it was adorned with frescoes by Polygnotus.
This celebrated porch had been the scene of the labours of Zeno of
CStium, and from it his disciples received the name of Stoics.

In this agora Socrates used to practise his dialectic. He would
arrest the passers-by and by a ngorous cross-examination try to
destroy their superficial self-confidence and to arouse in them
some desire for better things. And now, 450 years later, a second
Socrates is seen daily to Weason in the marketplace' This was

1 AttUa 17. 3 Cp. the agora at rhilippi xvi 19, and the agoraioi at Thes-

■alonioa zvii 5 f . ' btoa Poikild.

310 S. PAUL BEFORE xvn 17-18

S. Paul. He would not lack hearers, for his teaching would My
18 satisfy the Athenian desire for something new or strange. Among
others some qf the philosqpherSy both Stoics and EkncureanSy ermn
swords with him; they had some argument together. S. Panltnu
preaching the gospel qf Jesus and the resurrection : the gospel of
Jesus sent by Goo, of Jesus crucified and risen, and by his resmreo
tion giving the pledge of salvation, offering to man the forgiyeness
of sins and the gift of the Spirit. But such a gospel was qoite
unintellidble to the Athenians : in their self-complacent ciutaie
and wisdom of this world they did not wsoit any gospel Somii
and among them the Epicureans, thought it sinidie 'folly' (I Cor
i 23) and put down S. Paul for a seedpicker. j^iis was current
Attic slang for the idler in the agora, who like a bird picldiig up
seeds made his living on what scraps and droppings he could pick
up. Such a man was a fitting type for a babolery the literary idler
who picked up scraps of knowleo^e firom others and tried to win
a reputation by parading his pickings without having been aUe
to digest them himself. Others^ and more especially the Stoics,
took it more seriously. S. Paul was obviously a religions en-
thusiast, and they toot him for the * slave' of some ovxb whose
cult he was trying to propagate (xvi 17, p. 287). T'heir names
seemed to be Jesus and Anastasis (the Mesurrectiany ; and
certainly strange and outlandish was S. Paul's contributim* to
the pantheon of Athens. This view of his teaching put matters
on another footing. The gods and religions of antiquity wese
extraordinarily tolerant to one another except in one place, viz-
in their respective homes. Each city had its own tuteluy deities
and their worship was intimately bound up with the wel&ie d
the state. To omit their sacred rites, or to introduce strange and
foreign worships, might imperil the state; for this was treason to its
gods. Hence the introduction of a new cult or deity was a puUie
matter, and fell under the cognizance of the most august authoriiy
in the state, without whose consent it was not allow^ At Rome
this body was the Senate, at Athens the Areopagus. Somtes
himself had been condemned to death on this very charge, vix. that
* he deemed the gods of the city to be no gods and introduced new
deities.' Since Socrates' days indeed all manner of mysteries and
strange ^ods had found a footing in Athens. Because they were
tolerant m their turn, they did not interfere with the city's worship
or steal away her citizens firom attendance at her ceremonies. But
it was just this which made the difference in the case of ChristiaDity'
The God whom S. Paul * set forth ' was a j^bJous Gfod, and the
apostle was trying with intense zeal to turn away his hearers firom the

^ The qaotation from Pansanias above, and the oondition of the pagan mind
therein indicated, would shew how possible the mistake would be. There wu %
famous temple to Victory on the Acropolis ; why should not Returreetum be a
goddest likewise? We notice it was AnastoM — the reiurrection, not Staurdtu-^ki
erucifixiaiu * or what he brought to Athens (verse 20).

XVII 18-19 THE AREOPAGUS 311

other * vain gods.' Such proselytism called for investigation by the
19 aat^orities. Accordingly one day, when ' the agora was full, they
laid hands upon Paul, i.a quietly arrested him, and led him
into the Stoa basilica where the Areopagus was sitting, to cive a
formal account of his new teaching. The court of refined and
polished Athenians was very difierent from the rough provincial
magistrates of Philippi, and the philosophers who presented Paul
to their cognizance very diflferent from tiie mob of Thessalonians ;
this we can see at once in the very polite and civil phrases in which
the demand was couched.

A diflferent conception of the scene has prevailed in England. It is
supposed that the crowd in the agora in its eagerness to hear S. Paul's
doctrine, and prompted by some sudden suggestion, carried him up to
the top of the hill of Areopa^s — which lay to the south of the agora.
This would be a more convenient place for a public exposition, which
S. Paul then gave in answer to their request. Certainly Uiis is the
popular view in England, which has been greatly encouraged by the AV
rendering of Mars^ hill in verse 22 — the corrective in the margin, or
court qfths Areopagites, having escaped notice. To this view however
there is one great objection, viz. that though the hill was the ancient
meeting-place of the court of the Areopagus, there is no evidence that
it was used for such a public and popular address as this view supposes.
Indeed there was not room on the summit for a large gatnering.
Accordingly, if S. Paul's speech was delivered there, it would have
been as a legal defence before the court of the Areopagus. That this
was its character (whatever was the scene of its dehvery) seems clear
from the language of S. Luke. There is tlie bringing of S. Paul
into court, or his presentation, as in xvi 19, (xvii 6), xviii 12^: the
opening of the case as in vii 1 : the defence : the adjournment (verse 32)
as in zziv 22 : and S. Paul's departure from the court, literally /rom the

of them (iv 7, xxiii 10). It is true tliat the language on both
sides, of the Athenians and of S. Paul, does not read like that of
accasation and defence. But apart from the politeness of the Greek
mode of expression, the doctrine of S. Paul was too novel for a definite
charge to be laid against him. The Athenians were in fact in the same

be ' committed for trial.' If this was the case, it is more natural to
suppose that the examination took place in the Stoa Basilica, when the
Arcnon Basileus was holding a court The Basilica would be filled vrith
a crowd of spectators and philosophers, and S. Paul, as in the audience
chamber at Caesarea, seized the opportunity of making his defence a
public declaration of the gospel, which left the Atiienians more puzzled
than before^.

* Drtmght'Unto in yer. 19 is used of the presentation of the Lord before Pilate
(Lk xxiii 1). * There is a paraUel in tlie examination before the Sanhedrin

in zxii 30-xxiii 1, and a stiU more remarkable one in that before Festus and
Agrippa. See zxt 28-xivi 2.

312 a PAUL^ SPEECH xvn 22-81

S. Paul, then, stood in the midst of the Areopagus and be^ his
reply. The word stood arrests our attention, and makes us realize the
dramatic situation. As Peter stood and proclaimed the gospel to the
bewildered Jews (ii 14), so Paul stands and preaches to t£e astonished
Greeks. There is no exact parallel in the OT : but there we have the
contrast between Moses ana the wisdom of Egypt, between Daniel and
the wisdom of the Chaldeans^

8. PaviPs gospel for the Oreeks

This defence is thoroughly Pauline in manner and method. S. Paul
shews his usual tact by conciliating his audience with as great a com-
pliment as he can truthfully pay^ He seizes some local circumstance
for a text, and lays himself open to the influence of his surroundings'.
He makes himself all things to all men, speaking to Greeks as a Greek
and as a philosopher to philosophers. Where he can, he employs the
doctrines now of the Stoics, now of the Epicureans. Similarly m regard
to method, — ou the native side, when criticizing popular idolatry, he
uses arguments that had been common-places m philosophic Gre^
thought since the days of Xenophanes in the sixth century B.C. In
more recent times such criticism had been largely employed by Hellen-
istic Jews on behalf of the Jewish faith in the one God ; and so we find
S. Paul clearly echoing the Hellenistic teaching of S. Stephen in vii 48-50.
On the positive side, he does not advance doctrines that were dis-
tinctively Jewish, such as that of the Messiah, nor again such as might
Srove a stumbling-block, as that of the crucifixion \ but he first lays
own the fundamental principles of natural theology: the doctrines
of God as (a) the Creator of the world and (b) its Ruler and Preserrer,
(c) omnipresent and immanent. And for each of these doctrines he
could find support in some one or other of the schools of philosophy.
This foundation laid, he passes on to the doctrine of judgement, which
also is almost a part of natural religion, for the natural conscience of
man speaks to him of judgement And only then, when he has stirred
the conscience and aroused a sense of danger, does he introduce *
specially Christian message.

The speech has an interest apart from the personality of its author.
It is a typical sermon to the Gentiles. In the Acts the gospel for the
Gentiles is contained in S. Peter's sermon to Cornelius, the practical
Roman centurion, and in S. Paul's words to the * barbarians' of Lycao-
nia and his defence here to the cultivated Greeks*. The message to the
individual is ^believe on the Lord Jesus and thou shalt be saved'
(^feith) : with warnings about * righteousness and temperance and
judgement to come' (repentance)*. Prom these we see that to
Gentiles the announcement of judgement was the starting-point of

1 Exod vii 11-2, 22, viu 7, ia-9 : Dan i 20, ii 27-« etc. « Cp. xxiv 10, xxn

2-3. ' e.g. in touching upon the origin of man (see on ver. 26), the tribanal of

God (in contrast to the tribunal of the Areopagns, ver. 81) etc. * I Oor i 3^

" z 84-48; xiv 15-7; zvii 22-31. The defence before Fegtns and Agrippa iru
addressed to all the world, Jews as well as Gentiles. ' xvi 81 (the jailor ol

Fhilippi): xxiv 25 (Felix).

XVII 22-31 AT ATHENS 313

the apostles' gospel, but only when they had first won their hearts
by shewing the goodness and love of God whether in nature (Paul) or
in the gift of his Son (Peter)*. In this speech however we are, most
nnmistakeably, listening to the voice of S. Paul. The lesson of the
judgement is what he preached to both Jews and Greeks' — repentance
and faith. He cannot restrain himself &om speaking oi faith^ though
the word is used in a general sense (assurance KV). The righteousness
of the judgement brings up the problem of the times of msoi's imorance,
which was in his mind at Lystra and when writing to the Komans'.
Lastly, as in Rom i 4 the resurrection of Jesus declares his divine
sonsliip, so here it declares his appointment to be judge. Peter had left
judgement simply to God's will : raul associates it with the resurrection*.
The offspring of God in verse 29 is the prelude to the doctrine of our
'adoption' into the sonship of God'.

The speech is also important as a vindication of Christian philo-
sophy. The lesson of S. Paul at Athens is not — as it mignt be
superficially interpreted — the refutation of the claim of learning or
philosophy to have any part or lot in the gospel. It is the refutation
not of wisdom but of the wisdom of this world. We have seen how
poor a wisdom was to be found at Athens : there was no Socrates to
be found there then, no Plato, no Aristotle, but in their place degene-
rate philosophers, whose eyes were blinded by their own self-conceit so
that they could not see the wisdom of Grod. but there is a true wisdom,
a 'wisdom among the perfect '—strong meat for grown-up men, which,
when his disciples are able to bear it, S. Paul will set before them in
his Epistles to the Ephesians and Golossians. Here he answers false
philosophy not by obscurantism but by declaring the true philosophy
of God and the world. To quote Dr Hort, * it was the solemn unfola-
ing of the gospel as the sanction and the fulfilment of knowledge in
the metropolis of the human search after truth'.' And in so doing
Paul shares with S. John the glory of being an ancestor of the long
line of Christian philosophers and theologians.

The analysis of the speech is quite simple. I. Introductory.
S. Paul answers the enquiry of the Areopagus and declares himself
a messenger of God. 11. The main subject. He unfolds the Divine
Nature : there is one God — the Creator, and Ruler of the world ; he is
everywhere present, and he is the Parent of men. This doctrine convicts
paganism of error (and therefore of sin). III. The practical appeal.
God has now sent a message to men to repent of sin and so to escape
the punishment of sin in the day of judgement which he has appointed.

22 And Paul stood in the midst of ^ the Areopagus, and said,
Ye men of Athens, in all things I perceive that ye are

^ Cp. xiv 17 (the bounty of God), xvii 25-9 (the parentage of Ood) ; x 86-8 (good
tidings, doing good). ^ zz 21. The same dootrine had been deolared by S. Peter
in another form in z 43. ' ziv 16» Bom i 18-ii 16. ^ Both nse the same

word appoint (z 42, xvii 31, Bom i 4). » Bom viii 14-6, Gal iv 6. « HuUean

Lecturet p. 63. ' AY Man' hUl, and in marg Or, court of the Areopagita,

314 a PAUL'S SPEECH xvn 22-«s

23 ^somewhat superstitiouB. For as I passed along, and observed
the objects of your worship, I found also an altar with this
inscription, to "an unknown god. 'What therefore ye
worship in ignorance, 'this set I forth unto you.

24 The God that made the world and all things therein, he,
being Lord of heaven and earth, dwelleth not in ^temples

25 made with hands ; neither is he '^served by men's hands, as
though he needed anything, seeing he hhnself giveth to aU

26 life, and breath, and all things ; and he made of one* every
nation of men for to dwell on all the face of the earth, having
determined their 'appointed seasons, and the ^bounds of their

27 habitation ; that they should seek God, if haply they might
feel after him, and find him, though he is not far from each

28 one of us: for in him we live, and move, and 'have our being ;
as certain even of your own poets have said, For we are aho

29 his ofispring. Being then the ofispring of God, we ought not
to tliink that *Hhe Godhead is like unto gold, or silver, or
stone, graven by art and device of man.

30 The times of ignorance therefore God overlooked ; but
now he "commandeth men that they should all everywhere

31 repent: inasmuch as he hath appointed a day, in the which
he will judge "the world in righteousness "by the man whom
he hath ordained ; whereof he hath given "assurance unto all
men, in that he hath raised him from the dead.

22 I. S. Paul opens his lips with the classical words Te men of
Athens so familiar to readers of Thucvdides and Demosthenes ; and
then according to both AV and R V begins with a rebuke. This
is indeed gently administered (RV), but it would still be quite
contrary to the custom of orators and the tact of S. PauL Hence
it is better to translate very reUaious, This was perfectly true, for
the word can well be applied to the maintenance of external religious
forms. The Athenians would accept it as a compliment, though as
the orator proceeded they would perceive that in his eyes it was a

23 very doubtful compliment. The text which S. Paul makes use of

^ Or very religiotu (marg tomewhat religiotu) : AV too tupentitioua. ' Ifarg

THE. ■ AV and later mss read W?iom...him. * Marg sanettuirie*, • AV

worshipped. ' AV, later mss and Bezan add blood, ' AV and Beian read

hefore-appoitUed, ^ LiteraUy setting-of-bounds. * have our being] Gk are:

Bezan adds every day, ^^ Marg that which is divine, ^ Marg with KB

reads declareth to men, " Gk the inhabited [earth). " Gk in the (or a)

man : Bezan adds Jesus, ^* Gk faith : AV marg he hath offered faith.

VII 23-25 AT ATHENS 316

likewise bore au ambiguous meaning. The inscription to the un-
known GOD may be taken as expressing the very essence of super-
stition. To a stem Christian philosopher it is the 'confession at
once of a bastard philosophy and of a bastard religion \' But
S. Paul took it in a Kindlier sense. It shewed that the Athenians,
with all the complacent self-conceit and self-confidence of their
philosophy and religiousness, did recognize the possibility of some
depths in heaven which their knowledge had not fathomed, some
divine power to which worship was due. Of such a Divine Power
or Nature, i.e. Godhead (verse 29) hitherto unrevealed, S. Paul now
professes himself to be tne messenger or setter-forth (verse 18).

4 II. This Divine Power is a personal God; and the apostle
proceeds to unfold his relation (1^ to the universe and (2) to men.
(1) God made the world. The definite doctrine of creation was
cbaracteristic of Judaism ; S. Paul, in fact, is using words of Isaiah'.
By its assertion, to which the Stoics would have assented in a sense,
he quietly sets aside the Epicurean theory of the universe. They
denied creation, holding that matter was eternal, — for *out of
nothing nothing can come,' — and that our world was the result
of a chance coUision of atoms. The doctrine of creation by (3od,
however, leads to logica.1 conclusions affecting paganism generally :
it is fatal to two pagan ideas respecting divine worship, viz. (a) that

Ih God dweUeth in temples^ and (b) that he is served or worshipped
(AV) by human ofi*ering8, i.e. fed by the fat of sacrifices and pleased
by tne smell of incense For, being Lord or master* and owner of
all things, (a) how can he be confined within four walls ? (6) how
can he ruted anything more ? Such ideas had been clearly refuted
in the OT— (a) in Isai Ixvi 1-2, and (6) in Ps 1 8-12. S. Stephen
abo had addressed the first argument to the Jews' : for even to them
the doctrine was a matter of diflicuHy — *what then (they would ask)
about the temple at Jerusalem?' Tne answer is best given in the
words of S. Uhrysostom — 'did not God dwell in the temple at
Jerusalem? Nay verily; but he worked therein*.' Walls built by
hands cannot confine the deity, but they can be the scene of special
manifestations of his presence : so likewise the service offered by
human hands can be acceptable if accompanied by the service of the
heart. Such an answer, indeed, might nave been given by an en-
lightened Gentile, and as he s|>oke S. Paul would carry with him
the cordial agreement of the philosophers. In pressing the second
argument, he is almost using the language of the Epicureans, who
taught that the divine nature is self-sufficing and 'needs nothing
from us ' {nihU indiga no8tri)\ But then at once he gives a turn to
his sentence which converts it into a rebuke. Because it is self-

^ Dr Hort, HuUean Lectures p. 64. * Isai xlii 5 : op. also Acts iv 24, xiv 16.

^ . Paul uses, very correotly, the word for the ioner temple or shrine. '* So

«* word is translated in xvi 16. * vii 47-50. * Horn, on Acts xxxviii 2.

^ word dwell in ver. 24 implies a fixed and permanent habitation : cp. vii 2, 4, 48.
Lucretius ii 650.

316 & PAUL'S SPEECH zvii 25Hi7

sufficing, the divine nature is not therefore separate from and
indififerent to us. On the contrary Qod is the continual source <f
life and breath to all; he gives (nay more, he is^) all tUnge to att.
In saying this, S. Paul decWes th&t Ood is not only (a) Creator,
but also ?A) Preserver, of the world.

26 (2) The universe includes man, and to the human race S. Paul
now passes. As (a) Creator, God made man. This statement tacitly
rebukes Athenian pride. Unlike the rest of Greece, the population of
Athens had been stationary from time immemorial, so tne Athenians
prided tiiemselves on bein^ 'autochtiionous' (i.e. indigenous), and the
common people believed that tiieir first fathers had uterally 'sprung
from the soil.' The further assertion however that Grod mads qfone
(man or blood) every race of man was a serious blow at Greek pride
in general. Verv much like the Jews in this respect, the Greeks
divided the world into two kinds of men — Greeks and Barbarians, —
and the latter were of no account. Hence it was necessary for S. Paul
to preach to Greeks as well as to Jews the doctrine of catholicity,
and this is marked by the characteristic recurrence of the word <mIP,
For this teaching, indeed, the way had been prepared by the Stoics,
who had taught the brotherhood of man and that all men alike are
citizens of the one great city of Zeus. Again, as the Stoics agreed
with S. Paul in the doctrine of creation, so they would also accept
the further doctrine of (b) the divine providence and predestination.
This doctrine also S. Paul now proceeds to apply to man. As God
is the Preserver of the world, so is he the Governor of maa. Having
made man, he did not leave him alone. The successive stages or
seasons of the development of mankind had followed one anomer in
accordance with his command^ or will : the present distribution
of the different races, Greek and Roman, Jew and Barbarian, with
the balance of power and variety of privilege, was also in accordance
with his appointment^ And both together, i.e. the whole history of
mankind, nad been ordainsd by God for an end. The end of man's
creation was that he should 'replenish the whole earth* (Qea i 28):

27 the end of his education in history, that men should seek (ifter God in
the hope that possibly they might feel after him and find him. Here
S. Paul himself adopts the refinement of the Greek style of speech.
For by using a form of the hypothetical sentence which indicates a
somewhat dubious hope, he avoids the direct and unpleasant asser-
tion that men — the Athenians included — ^had si^niedly fisdled in
their search after God. Instead of consciously realizing his presence,
as by touch of hand^ they had groped about, like men in the dark,
without success; and yet tiiere was no excuse for their fisdlure,
because God was close to man, even to every single individuoU^
whether Greek or Barbarian.

^ Cp. e.g. I Oor XV 28, Bph iv 6. ' It ooonn 9 timeB in the Greek, in vr. S3I,
24, 25 (2), 26 (2), 80 (2), 81. * Cp. xiu 48. The word was need of Ood in

X 38 (commanded), ^ For the divine appointment or tettiiig op. i 7. * Cp.

Lk xxiv 89, IJu i 1 {handU).

28-29 AT ATHENS 317

This conclnsion follows from the divine nature — God as God is
ommpresent: and so tJie apostle is led on to tJie doctrine of (c) our
dwemng in God with aU that it involves. If (xod is the giver of life
and breath and aU things, in him we literally live and move and are.
The continued existence of our physical me, the exercise of our
faculties, and — what is alone true being or life — our self-conscious
existence with all its intellectual and spiritual activiW, all these
so depend upon God that we can be said to be in him. /Hiis doctrine
was cuso that of the Stoics, though they would have rather spoken
of God being in us : it represents the truth contained in their
pantheism, however crudely and materiallv it was conceived.
Accordingly, to support his argument S. Paul quotes same of their
won authonties, e.g. the Gilician Stoic, Aratus. But as he had rebuked
^ Uie Epicureans, so now he shews the defects of Stoicism. Out of their
own mouth he shews that pantheism is only one half of tJie truth :
God universally immanent in nature is not identical with nature,
but a Being independent of nature and the source of all its life.
The very words of the poet*, we are his offyning, declare the true
relation of God to man. As giver of our life, he is the Parent of
man'. The parentage of God-— that is the conclusion of natural
theology. Further, this belief has a practical effect ; it destroys a
third error — ^which is the fundamental error— of pagan religion.
The doctrine of creation, as the apostle has already shewn, uproots
the pagan ideas concerning temples and sacrifices ; the doctrme of
the divine parentage uproots idolatry itself That we are, in our
human nature, the offspring of God, declares the true anthropo-
morphism, viz. that we are made in the image of God : and the
philosophers again would have heartily concurred with the speaker
as he convicted the feJse anthropomorphism of idolatry. It is
derogatory to our dignity, nay contrarjr to filial duty, to imagine
that the Jbivine Nature or Godhead, which is the source of aU our
life, spiritual as well as bodily, could have any resemblance to
material images, which can bear nothing beyond the impress* qf
man's thouaht and hand.

III. Hitherto the Areopagus had heard nothing exactly startling
or strange (verse 20). But now S. Paul is come to the difficult

^ Very similar words oocar in the Hymn of Gleanthes, a kind of Stoio creed, or

•oafeasion of fsith, in Terse. Another line out of Aratns would haye iUastrated

weU 8. Paul's tftaohing of the divine omnipresence: 'FaU of Zens are i^ the

streets, and exchanges of men : f uU of him the sea and aU its havens.' * The

woid parent is the correlative of ojtpring, and denotes the natural relation of God

to man. Christianity makes a farther offer to man of an adoption into a closer

relationship— that of son to fUther. This relationship springs oat of the presence

of the Spirit of God in oar hearts ; and the gift of the Spirit is conveyed to as in

Holy Baptism, which is therefore oar adoption into sonship (Gal iv 5-6). The Jews

woe the natural offtping of Abraham (xiii 26) : aU men are the natural of spring of

Godj as 8. Luke shews in tracing the genealogy of our Lord back to Qod (Lk iii 88).

' The Greek word (transUted graven hy) is that used for * the mark of the beast ' m

Bar ziv 16, 17 etc. It was the form stamped by man upon the gold etc. to which

ike Godhead was likened.

318 & PAULAS SPEECH xvn 30-51

part of his task, to the introdnction of the gospel; and for the
reception of the gospel a conviction of sin is the necessary pre-
liminary. He has to tell his audience that the ideas and forms of
pagan worship are not harmless matters of speculation or usefiil
errors of the common people, to be tolerated and condoned by the
educated, but actually culpable and involving guilt in the eyes of
Gk>d. But he still proceeds with all delicacy and gentleness.

30 As S. Peter had excused the Jews, so S. raul excuses the
Athenians on the ground of ignorance : they had been worshipping
in ignorance (verse 23). But this ignorance itself suggests a
difficulty, which the Greeks could raise at once. If Gk>d is creator
and parent, how is it that he left man in ignorance of himself?
how can he have ordained such countiess ages of almost universal
ignorance ? and what of the past generations ? This problem had
vexed the apostle himself ; and he now finds an answer m three lines
of thought. (1) The first anticipates the modem idea of evolution.
There were definite times of ignorance which had their place in the
appointed seasons of the divine education of the world, just as in
the life of man there is a ' time of iterance ' in childhood. God,
then, 'permitted^' them; and man, if unable to read the whole plan
of God, must be content to know that it is his will. (2) Where God
had not revealed himself in the law, there guilt was not impjuted; and
so the apostie conceives of God as overlooking or 'passing over'*
the times of ignorance. (3) But this does not relieve man of aU
responsibility; for Grod had not left himself 'without witness*,'
whether in nature or in the heart of man — the law written in hw
conscience. Man is responsible for reading this witness ; and for
failure he incurs ^ilt and is liable to judgement, as his own
conscience bears witness\ The question of the times past is a
matter of speculation : S. Paul's concern and ours is with the
present and ourselves. And now God has taken awav from men
the plea of ignorance by a definite revelation of himself^ a message
or even command^

This deUvery of a message proves that God is a living
Person, as against the impersonal, pantheistic conceptions of the
philosophers; and also that all men stand in a personal relation
to him. To Grod all men owe faith and obedience; and therefore
the message is that all men — for ' all have sinned and fail short of
the glory of Grod'* — should repent of their idolatry. And the

31 aposue adds an imperative reason for repentance. God has ajh
pointed a day in which he is about to judge the world. There is
another aspect of the divine character involved in the former
revelations, (a) Creation itself, as it is, involves a day of judge-
ment, when God's purpose shall be fulfilled and order restored to
the universe. This day was eternally appointed in the divine will,
and has its place in the appointed seasons. S. Paul's words indeed,

» xiv 16. 2 Rom iii 25. '* Acts xiv 16. « Bom ii 15. •Seethe

variant reading. * Bom iii 23.

vt:isi-S2 at ATHENS 319

also bis contemporary letters to the Thessalonians, shew that at
"t^hat time he was eiq)ecting it to be imminent, (b) But it is the
^^^orld of man, ths inhabited earth, which most cam for a day of
j udgement If God is Parent of man, he is also Judge. His right-
eousness must be vindicated, and the standard of the judgement is
righteousness. This again raises difficulties : (a) How can the Gk)d
^wuo ' dwelleth not in temples ' reveal himself as Judge and appear
\ipon the tribunal ? (b) How can God who must be untouched by
liaman ignorance and weakness judge man in righteousness^ ? The
cuLSwer is — he will judge in (the person of) a man whom he ordained^
and whose appearance therefore is the true end of the appointed
seasons and the world's history f verse 26). So (a) God will be
Tevealed in one who is the Son oi God ; (b) and me judge, being
Skt the same time Son of Man, will be able justly to measure the
allowance for human infirmity'. The mention of the man, as of the
cbzy, brings the fact of judgement within the conditions of time and
space, and therefore makes it subject to the demand for evidence.
ifow proof of tibe judgement and of the appointment of the Judge
God DBA given — and tnat in the resurrection of Jesus Christ from
the dead ; which being a fact of a catholic character — ^he rose as
•man' — affects all men alike, as men. In it God has riven
(1) assurance of his office; by his resurrection Jesus was 'declared
to be the Son of God' ' and merefore to possess the authority and
power for judgement: (2) assurance of the general resurrection of
tfte dead, so timt all men can be judged in their bodies^ ; for Gluist
\& the Son of Man and the firstrruits of our race : (3) by it also,
if they could have understood, God afforded to all men faith in
Jesus which is the assurance of salvation.

Thus S. Paul preached unto the Athenians 'Jesus and the
Hesurrection.' But at the mention of the resurrection qf the dead
(verse 32) they would hear no more.

The judgement qf the Athenia/ns

^2 Now when they heard of the resurrection of the dead,
some mocked ; but others said, We will hear thee concerning

^ this yet again. Thus Paul went out from among thenu
34 Bat certain men clave imto him, and believed : among whom
also was Dionysius the Areopagite, *and a woman named
Damaris, and others with thenL

32 There was a division of opinion. Some saw in the affair only a
matter of ridicule and began to mock (ii 13). There were indeed

' Op. Job ix 82-8 For he is not a matit as I anit that I slumld answer him, that we
thauld come together in judgement. There is no daysman betwixt us. * Cp. Jn

? 97. ' Bom i 4, where iho Gk for declare is the luime as for ordain here.

* n Cor ▼ 10. * Instead of and a woman named Damaris Bezan has of honour^

§bU estate (Terse 12).

320 PAUL GOES FROM ATHENS xvn 32-34

marvellons stories in pagan mythology; but to speak in sober earnest
of a dead man rising a^ain to life was a sign ot madness (zxvi 24),
of some mental delosion. Others however were in favour of an
adjournment, and this apparently was the formal decision of the

33 courts Paid then left the Areopa^s thus — that is, having caused
a division. Wherever the message is delivered, it divides for life or
for death : and if S. Paul stooaat the bar, his presence there in

34 itself brought a judgement upon his judges'. As usual his earnest-
ness had made a deep impression on some, who attached themselves
to him and became believers. One of them was indeed a member of
the court^ an AreopaaitCf named Dionysius. There was also an
aristocratic lady named Damaris, and others of a humbler station
together with them, perhaps their households and other dependants.
Tradition calls Dionysius the first bishop of Athens, and no doubt
his name was well known in the churches of Achaia. But a greater
fame was in store for him. As an AtJienian and an Areopagite, his
name seemed to an Egyptian^ author of the 5th or 6th century to
be a very suitable one to be put at the head of a number of writings
on mystic theology. These writings exercised a great influence on
the cnurch ; and when they reached France in the ninth century, it
was probably their popularity which led to a further confusion of
the Areopagite with another Dionysius, a martyr of Paris and
patron samt of France, familiarly Imown as S. Denys.

To return to the first century, the result of S. Paul's work at
Athens was but small. Intellectual pride and the superficial culture
of a spoilt population could not make a good ground for the seed of the
^pel. At AtJiens S. Paul tried the wisdom of the world and found
it wanting ; and when he went on to Corinth, he determined not to try
excellency of speech or the persuasive words of wisdom, but to preach —
what he had not proclaimed in the Areopagus — Christ crucified*. His
disappointment at the failure of the former method to touch the
frivolous AtJienians no doubt kindled the fire with which he denounces
the wisdom of the world in his first epistle to the Corinthians'.

Whether further proceedings took place we are not told, but with a
careful writer like S. Luke the words yet again (verse 32) must have
some meaning. In any case S. Paul shortly afterwards went on to
Corinth. The word for departed in xviii 1 is rare in the Acts and is
used in the following verse for a forcible expulsion of the Jews from
Rome'. Accordingly, we have some grounds for the conjecture that
Paul iefparted from Athens in obedience to an order of the Areopagus.

1 The difference in the tenses suggests this. ' Gp. zxviii 24, zvii 12 (Be3»n) :
II Cor ii 16-6. Cp. the result of his appearance before the Sanhedrin in zziii 7.
' Like Joseph of ioimathea who was a member of the Sanhedrin, he was a eowKiUor
(Lk zziii 60). * Or Syrian (?). On him see Inge ChrUtian Mystieitm p. 101 f.

B I Cor ii 1-6. " I Cor i 17-iii : op. viii 1-2. ^ It is in the passive Toice.

The Bezan text reads withdrew which contains the idea of retreat or retirement.

1 TO CORINTH 321

§ 2 The church aJt Corinth

Jh>m Athens Paul naturally passed on to Corinthy only fifty miles

di»^4uit and the capital of Achaia. But great was the change, not

to be measured by the number of miles. It was like passing from

Oxifbrd to London. For Corinth was a flourishing commercial city

with a cosmopolitan population, where S. Paul would feel more at

home, 80 much so indeed that at Corinth for the first time since a.d. 44

he 9(U down (verse 11) for a period of settled work. The note of

time, a year and six months^ is a sign that he had made the city his

head-onarters^ The vision of the Cord shews that, as the entry into

Macedonia, so the settlement at Corinth was undertaken in accordance

with the divine direction. And the summary, with which S. Luke

concludes the paragraph, marks the close of a period in the history.

Corinth had perhaps the largest population of any city which

8. Paul had as yet visited, with the exception of the Syrian Antioch.

The old Corinth of Greek history had been entirely destroyed by the

Koman general Mummius in b.g. 146. But a hundred years later

Julias Caesar founded the city anew as a Roman colony and gave it

the name of Colonia Laus Jull\ Cobinthus. It became the seat of

the proconsul, and was thoroughly Roman in constitution and loyalty.

The geographical position of the city soon restored it to more than its

old prospenty. By its citadel on tne lofty summit of Acrocorinthus,

1800 feet high, Corinth had in old days commanded the land entrance

Hito the Peloponnese, while its ports of Cenchreae on the gulf of Aegina

*nd Lechaeum on the gulf of Lepanto gave it complete control over the

^frfSc across the isthmus of Corinth. It was this traffic which now

Proved the source of the new colony's prosperity. For this was the

^08t direct and quickest route to Rome from Asia, viz. to cross the

A^ean from Ephesus to Cenchreae and then crossing the isthmus take

*hip for Brindisi. Besides, by hauling their ships over the isthmus'

""^Anors escaped the dangers of rounding Cape Malea. This proximity

^ Italy would in itself have been an attraction for S. Paul ; and, as

Jj shall see, Corinth marks a definite stage in his course to Rome.

£Wher, the population of Corinth presented a very favourable soil

^ Christianity : not only from its cosmopolitan character, but from

^he consequent spiritual need. In antiquity Corinth enjoyed an evil

*^otoriety. As the traveller approached the city, one of the sights

^kich met his eye by the road-side was the tomb of a celebrated cour-

^^san, Lais ; and the very name of the city had added another word to

^e vocabulary of immorality. The immorality was even consecrated

hy reUgion : for the temple of Aphrodite Pandemos on Acrocorinthus

ponessed, after the oriental fashion, a thousand 'hieroduli' or con-

lecrated prostitutes. Great then was the need for a purif3ring gospel ;

And by the grace of the Lord through the ministry of the apostle many

were to be delivered out of the corruption which is in the world through

' Tbe last note of time wan in xi 26. ^ It was reserved to modern times to

est A canal through the isthmus. Nero began the wprk wfthput finishing it.

&. A. 21

322 CX)RINTH xvra i

lust : 'and such were some of you/ S. Paul writes in I Cor vi 11, 'butrs
ye were washed, but ye were sanctified, but ye were justified.' Indee(^.
that epistle throughout bears marks of the moral atmosphere with whict^
the converts had to contends

This quotation reminds us of the abundance of our authorities for
this period. We have two important Epistles to the Corinthians, tike
first of which throws more light than any other epistle on the oigaaf-
zation and daily life of an early Christian church. Besides this, the ]
Epistles to the Thessalonians and to the Romans were written at
Corinth. Yet to the record of the active life into which these letters
give us a glimpse S. Luke assigns but seventeen verses; and of eighteen
names connected with Corinth, he mentions but three. This is a usefal
warning against the unreasonableness of drawing arguments fix)m silence
on S. Luke's part. He seems to have been less interested in Corinth than
in Macedonia and Ephesus: possibly, because tJie Corinthian church, hke
the churches of Galatia, did not prove very faithful to S. Paul The
brief account he does give clearly illustrates his principles of selection.
He (1) mentions the meeting with Aquila and Pnscilla — evidently
because of the connexion with Rome : the word JRame occurs here
for the first time'. (2) The decided breach with the Jews and * going
to the Gentiles,' as at Antioch in Pisidia (xiii 45-47), shews that lie
Corinthian church was distinctly a (Jentile church. (3) The vision of
the Lord gives divine sanction to the founding of the church — one of the
greatest fruits of S. PauFs apostolate. This vision closes the period of
work in Macedonia and Achaia, which the vision at Troas had inaugu-
rated. But at the end of the sojourn at Corinth S. Luke adds (4) tb^
aflFair before Gallio which is the second occasion on which S. raid '^
brought into contact with the Roman government in the person of *
proconsul.

18 'After these things he departed from Athens, and cats^

2 to Corinth. And he found a certain Jew named Aquila, ^
man of Pontus by race, lately come from Italy, with his wif^
Priscilla^ because Claudius had conunanded all the Jews to

3 depart from Rome : and he came unto them ; and becati^
he was of the same trade, he abode with them, and 'tbej

4 wrought ; for by their trade they were tentmakenu And B«
reasoned in the synagogue every sabbath, and 'persuaded
Jews and Greeks.

1 Ch. V, vi 9-20, vU 2, 6, 9, x 8, xv 33-4. « But Romans in u 10. » Beitt
has And he withdrew [from, * The Bezan text, as restored by Blass, oontinoM

and taluUd them. Now they had come from Rome hecaiue Claudius had eommoM
all the Jews to depart (from Rome): and they dwelt {settled^ in Achaia. Now Paul
was hiown to Aquila, (? and) because he was of the same race and trade^ and he atoit
with them and wrought. And entering into the synagogue he reasoned every loMotk
day, inserting the name of the Lord Jesus; and he was persuading not only Je»$ but
also Greeks. > So KB : AV with majority of Ksa reads he wrought, * Ok

y>as persuading or sought-to-persuade (BY marg).

^>nii 1-2 AQUILA AND PRISCILLA 323

5 But when Silas and Timothy came down from Macedonia,
Paul was constrained ^by the word, testifying to the Jews

6 that Jesus was the Christ And when' they opposed them-
selves, and blasphemed, he shook out his raiment, and said
unto them, Tour blood be upon your own heads ; I am clean :

7 from henceforth I will go unto the Gentiles. And he 'departed
thence, and went into the house of a certain man named
^Titos Justus, one that worshipped God, whose house joined

8 hard to the synagogue. And Crispus, the ruler of the syna-
gogue, believed in the Lord with all his house ; and many
of the Corinthians hearing believed, and were baptized^

9 And the Lord said unto Paul in the night by a vision,
10 Be not afraid, but speak, and hold not thy peace : for I am

with thee, and no man shall set on thee to harm thee : for
11 1 have much people in this city. And he * dwelt there a year
and six months, teaching the word of God among them.

1 When Paul left Athens, Silas and Timothy had not yet arrived :
the cessation of navigation for the winter probably delayed them.

2 So Paul entered Cormth alone. There he turned to the Jewish

?uarter and had the good fortune to find Aquila with his wife
^riscilla, who had just come from Italy. The apostle may have
had some previous acquaintance with Aquila, but here at any rate
begins that close intimacy with Priscilla and Aquila which has left
its mark on the NT. They were his hosts at Corinth and shared
his work at Ephesus, where they also * laid down their necks ' for
him. Aquila illustrates the migratory character of much of the life
under the empire. He was a native of Pontus''^ but had settled at
Borne, Banisned from Rome, we meet him at Corinth. From
Corinth Aquila and Priscilla pass on to Ephesus; later, we find them
at Rome ; our latest notice leaves them at Ephesus*. It may have
been at Rome that Aquila won his wife Prisca or (in the more familiar
diminutive form) Priscilla*. Both names indeed are Roman ; and
both have been found in the cemetery of the Acilian gens, so tliat
they may have been freedmen of that fiamily. Of the two Priscilla
was the predominant personality : in four places out of the six

1 AY with later iiss reads tixu pressed] in spirit ^ Bezan inserts there was

much speaking and interpretation of the scriptures^ and : one text oontinnes some of
the Jews opposed themselves and blasphemed: then Paul [shook out, ' Gk

ensued aver : Bezan adds from Aquila, ^ AV and some earlj authorities omit

Titsu : BD read Titius. ' Bezan adds believing on Ood through the name of the

ho/rd JteuM Christ, ' Gk sat. ' In the second centnry there was another

lew of Pontns named Aquila who made a new Greek translation of the OT.
' See zviii 2, 18, 26; I Cor xvi 19; Rom zvi 3-^ : II Tim iv 19. • S. Paul

0160 the more fonnal, S. Luke the more familiar name.

21--2

324 CORINTH xvni 2-4

where the couple are mentioned her name comes first. She probably
took the leadii^ part in evangelistic work ; and therefore is to to
classed with Lydia and the other notable women who 'laboured for the
gospel.' It has indeed been suggested* — and the suggestion is most
interesting and probable — that Priscilla was a Romanlady, of higher
rank than Aquiia. But whether Roman or Jewess, c^e shared her
husband's exue. For they had that additional bond of sympathy
with S. Paul; they too were exiles from their home. Ever since
Pompey had brought a contingent of Jewish prisoners to Borne in _
B.C. 61, the Jewish settlement, which had rapidly grown in numbei
and importance, had formed a turbulent element in the city, vei
distasteful to the authorities. Tiberius had deported 4000 Romaj
Jews to Sardinia in the hope that the malaria might destroy them
And now, about a.d. 49, Claudius had issued an edict banishing th(
Jews from the city altogether. Suetonius' tells us the reason ; i
was because * the Jews were in a state of constant tumult at tL
instigation of one Chrestus.' These words no doubt refer to di»^—
turbances which ensued upon the preaching of the Christ at Rom. ^
similar to those in other Jewisli quarters, in Oalatia and i
Macedonia. A ready inference to be drawn is that Aquiia an
Priscilla were Christians already*. This would greatly have ir
creased the joy of S. Paul's greetmg : he would have not only fomu
a Christian home but established a link with the church in Romfl

3 Aquila's business was tentmaking, which would afford an additioDc
reason for living together. For this was the trade which S. Pai
himself had been taught (p. 126) ; and as at Thessalonica (p. 296
80 at Corinth, to avoid any appe^irance of interested motives,
worked for his living with his own hands\

4 While thus occupied in the week, every sabbath day he went

the synagogue and began to reason — trying to persuade both elemenl
of the congregation, Jews and * God-fearing Greeks. The margim
rendering of the Greek imperfect tense is made almost certain l^^^^J
the next verse. For the apostle does not seem to have made muc* ^^

impression: he had indeed inserted the name qf the Lord

(Bezan), — he could hardly have done otherwise, — ^but we know th^^^
he was hardlv himself. His anxiety about the Macedonians, h^^-^j
failure at Athens, and the continued separation from Silas an "
Timothy, depressed his spirits. His bodily strength too was ovec
wrought : if he had recently had a visitation of his * stake in tit
flesh, it would have left him weak. In any case his first appearanc^^
in the congregation was * with bodily weakness and fear and mu(^^
trembling*. Some converts however were made, and in the absenc0^

^ by Dr PInmptre, who is supported by Dr Hort in his lectures on the BomanM cmd
Ephesiam pp. 12-4. ' in his life of Claudiug c. 25 : for Chre$tut see pp. 169-70.

* Certainly there is no mention in the Acts of their believing and b€'~ " - • -
we should otherwise have expected. ^ I Cor iz 12, 15, IIpAl^li

ii 8. See also below. He writes to the Corinthians as if they were
his stake in the flesh.

J

-WTn4-6 BREACH WITH THE JEWS 326

of Timothy Paul baptized them with his own hands. Among these
were Gains and the household of Stephanas, the latter being the first
converts of all — * the firstfruits of Achaia'/ The name of Stephanas
is a shortened form — most likely of Stephan^phoros (croum-bearer),
and it must have reminded S. Paul of Stephen the firstfruits of
the martyrs.

An entirely new complexion however was to be given to the
work at Corinth by the arrival of Silas and Timothy from Macedonia
as soon as the aavent of spring had reopened navigation. Their
presence was a personal comfort to the apostle. Tne good news
Timothv brought firom the Thessalonians filled him with joy and
induced him to write them a reply at once (I Thessalonians). They
also brought with them an offering of money from Philippi, which
set the apostle free for the moment from the necessity of manual
labour, and enabled him to give all his time to the work**. Con-
sequently Paul was constrained by the word : he surrendered
himself to the constraint of the word, i.e. the necessity to preach
the gospel. The AV gives (though probably not the right reading^
the right sense — he was pi-essed in spirit. Like the Lord himseli,
he felt a pressure on his spirit, either (1) from without, as of the
Miand of the Lord* strong upon him driving him to preach (Ezek
iii 14); or (2) from within, of the word pressing against the walls of
his heart in a struggle for utterance. Tne force which was exerting
tlie pressure, or constraining him, was really the love of Christ* ;
and its effect was seen in a change of method. Instead of
reasoning, he now testified*; he once more made proof of his
apostolate, in testifying to his own personal experience in his vision
of the risen Lord, which had proved that the Messiah was none
other than tliis Jesus (xvii 3). This brought matters to a crisis.
6 The Jews now definitely ranged themselves in hostile array against
S. Paul'. They denied his witness. They blasphemed Christ, and
exclaimed Anathema Iesus". Out of this deadlock there was only
one issue — separation, as at the Pisidian Antioch. Only here the
scene was more startling. S. Paul as it were excommunicated
them : he shook out his lav, as if he were shaking out their lot from
the kingdom of God'. What that meant his words shew. They
were rejecting Christ like the Jews who crucified him at Jerusalem,

* I Cor i 14-6 ; zvi 16. Qaim is probably the same as 8. Paurs host on his
noond visit (Bom xvi 23). As it was the AotMe(hoId) of Stephanas which was the
firttfindu of Aehaia and oaptized by B. Paul, it woola seem that Stephanas was a
Chzisiiaii ahready : his case may have been like that of Aqoila and ^iscilla. But
the mention of converts made at Athens (Acts xvii 84) still makes a difficolty.

Probably, as a free city, Athens was not reckoned in Aehaia. ' Cp. (a) II Oor

i 19, I, n These i l:Jb) I Thess iii 6-10: (c) U Oor zi 9, Phil iv 15. * Cp. ICor

iz 16: Lk zii 50: ll Cor v 14 (Phil i 23). The word is rather a favoarite one
with 8. Luke, cp. Lk iv 88 (Acts xzviu 8), viii 87, 45, ziz 43, zzU 63. « A special

word for the apostolic witness: cp. ii 40, viii 25, zz 21, 24, zziii 11, xxviii 28.
• Cp. zui 48 (p. 221). « Cp. I Cor zii 8 (and zvi 22), and Acts ziii 45 p. 220.

' Cp. Neh y 13. In xiii 51 the shaking off the dast of the city was a symbol of
separation; but that was from the city as a whole.

326 CORINTH xvill 6-9

and t/ieir blood — their consequent exclusion from the eternal life
(xiii 46) — tvas upon their oum heacls^, Paul's conscience was clear ;
he was innocent ; his hands were clean from the stain of their blood.
This excommunication on S. Paul's part was no doubt his answer to
the sentence of excommunication which they had already passed
upon him. Thus, once more, he goes to the Gentiles*; and among
them his work at Corinth henceforth lay.

7 The apostle now assembled his * ecclesia ' in the house of a ' God-
fearing* Gentile, named Titus Justus. The surname Justus was
common among the Jews^ but in the case of a Gentile it points to
a Latin origin. His house tvas next to the synagogue, perhaps ou
the opposite side of the street, for Paul crossed over thither*. His
action was stamped with the divine approval®. (1) There was the

8 sanction of success. Even the ruler of the synagoguBy Crispus, threw
in his lot with S. Paul, and to mark the occasion the ajposUe made
an exception to his usual custom and baptized him with his own
hands'. The Gentile Corinthians attended in large numbers, and
many heard, believed, and were baptized''.

9 (2) There was the sanction of the divine presence working
with him and so confirming his apostolate. The knowledge of thiit
was vouchsafed in an especial manner. S. Paul was stifl 'in fear
and trembling.' For, on the one hand, the defection of Crispus
must have exasperated the Jews, and the contiguity of Justus'
house was a continual aggravation^ S. Paul was even in danger
of his life from their menaces and plots, and he asks for the prayers
of the Thessalonians that ' he may be delivered from unreasonable
and evil men'.' On the other hand, the Greek congregation in the
house of Justus were another source of depression. They wanted
wisdom and eloquence. But as they were 'babes,' the apostle
could not feed them with the strong meat of the Christian wisdom ;
nor — after his experience at Athens — would he try to satisfy them
with the rhetorical displays with which the contemporary rhetoricians
tickled the ears of their audiences ^°. Besides this, the Greeks laid
great stress on a good presence and personal beauty ; and S. Paul
had to realize that in their eyes ' his bodily presence was wesii and
his speech of no account,' that he was *rude in speech".' At this
crisis then, when the erection of the church was at stake, for the

1 Mt xxvii 25, Josh ii 19, U Sam i 16. > For the disiinotion between Qod-

fearing Oreek$ (ver. 4) and Oentiles pure and simple (ver. 6) see p. 166. * Cp.

Joseph Justus (i 28), Jesus Justus (Col iv 11). ^ Joined hard, taken strictiy,

implies a party wall, in which case the expression eraued over is hardly applicahle.
So perhaps the Bezan text is right in suggesting that he changed his residence Irom
Aquila's nouse to that of Titus Justus. ^ Qn zi 21. * I Cor i 14.

' They * were washed from their sins, sanctified, and justified in the name of the
Lord Jesus Christ and in the Spirit of our God ' — this implies baptism and laying
on of hands (I Cor yi 11). The Greek tenses here shew that it was a process con-
tinually going on. For the attendance of outsiders see I Cor xiv 28. * We are
surprised at &e use of Justus' house, considering S. Paul's usual tact. Perhaps be
had no choice in the matter. ^ U Thess iii 2 ; op. I ii 14-6. >* Cp. I Cor
u 1-6. " II Cor X 10, xi 6.

■in 9-11 VISION OF THE LORD 327

master builder^ was giving way, ths Lord Jesus himself intervened.
In a vision he took away S. Paul's /ear and assured him of his own
presence — to protect him, like Jeremiah, against his own country-
men ; to encourage him, like Joshua, in his attack on the citadels of
paganism*. But the significance of the vision reached beyond the
personal encouragement of the apostle, (i) The divine presence
was the sanction of S. Paul's apostolate. At no place hardly was
this more called in (]^uestion in after years than at Corinth : and
the record of the vision is S. Luke's answer to all attacks. The
Lord shewed by his words that the divine presence was with S. Paul
as with Joseph and Moses' : God had sanctioned this work as that
of the evangelists at Antioch and that of S. Paul and S. Barnabas
in their first journey*, (ii) The church at Corinth enjoyed an
unusual immunity from persecution : ths Lord was their shield, so
that none could do them evil^, (iii) The church also flourished ex-
ceedinglv in numbers. Again the reason is contained in the Lord's
words : ne had much people belonging to him in the city*. This
confirms S. Luke's emphasis upon the prevenient choice of Grod' ;
but it did not do away with the need of human cooperation.
The sheep must be gathered by a shepherd, and the harvest by
reapers. So becatise the Lord had much people, therefore the
aposde was not to be silent, but to speak all the more, (iv) The
Cbrinthian church is vindicated as a true *ecclesia' or people of
the Lord. The Greek word is not that for a mere crowd or
numbers ; it is the title of Israel the People of Grod. The Lord
had in tins city a numerous or great People, a new Israeli

This divine consolation gave new life to S. Paul*. His preaching
was now *with demonstration,' not of rhetoric, but 'of the Spirit and
of power.' It was accompanied with *the signs and wonders'
which were *the credentials of an apostle".' In obedience to the
divine vision and in order to gather in the abundant harvest S. Paul
determined to sit, i.e. settle, at Corinth and make it his head-
quarters, in fact a new Antioch or metropolis for the church in the
west. His stay was indeed cut short by the attacks of his enemies,
but not until he had spent eiahteen months at Corinth. And his
work there was very much like what it had been at Antioch".
Instead of having to seek out converts and proclaim iJie gospel
abroad, his main occupation was rather to teach or instruct the great
number of somewhat undisciplined and unruly Corinthians who
were flocking into the church. This sentence of S. Luke, which

» I Cor iii 10. « Jer i 8. Josh i 6-6. » yii 9, 38 : cp. also x 38.

* zi 21, xiv 27, zv 4. ^ A word for persecution, vii 6 : op. ziy 2. * Cp.

Jo z 16 other sheep I have which are not of this fold : cp. also Jn iv 36, Mt iz 37-8.

' Cp. ziii 48, zvi 14, xru 4. > Gal vi 16, op. II Cor Ti 16, Acts xr 14.

BzoBpt in qootaiions and Tit ii 14 (and Bom zi 1 of the Jews), 8. Paul does not use
this word people in his epistles. In his speeches in the Acts he uses it (of the Jews)
xiii 17, 24, 81, zix 4, zzvi 17, 23, zzviii 17 : in quotations, zxiii 6, zzviii 26, 27.
* We mnst not forget that Silas and Timothy took part in the preaching (II Cor i 19).
» I Cor u 4: U zu 12, Bom zv 1^9. ^^ Cp. xi 26, zv 86.

328 THE CORINTHIAN CHURCH xviii ii

ends with the word of God^, evidently marks the close of a chapter

in the history, viz. the foundation of the churches of Macedonia

and Achaia^

According to his wont S. Luke passes over this period of steady
organization m silence. But the Epistles to the Corinthians afford so
much information that here we can only summarize a few pohits. As in
Macedonia, the church spread all over the province : there were saints
' in the whole of Achaia ' : a church was established at Cenchreae in
which a deaconess — Phoebe — ministered*. In Corinth itself the gospel
met with an exceptionally ready response. The number of converts
was very large and they received the word with extraordinary en-
thusiasm. There was a great displav, or we might say outburat, of
spiritual gifts, of prophecy and speaking with tongues. The church
was an organism whose intense vitality found expression in a variety of
hijjhly diversified ministries : there were apostles, prophets, teachers,
miracle-workers, healers, helps, 'governments,* speaxers wititi tongues.
The excess of enthusiasm gave rise to actual (usorder in the assem-
blies of the brethren*. This almost too exuberant growth of the vine
of the church was partly due no doubt to immunity from the pruning
and chastening haiid of persecution. The attitude of the Roman
governor helped to secure this freedom ; but the unusual experience
was in the main, as S. Luke has shewn us, the fruit of the protecting
I>resence of the Lord. In part also the disorder may have been due
to the democratic spirit of the Corinthians and the want of a more
formal and definitely organized ministry. In the long list of ministries
we hear nothing of a college of presbyters or *episcopi' at Corinth,
as at Ephesus and Philippi. In his first epistle to the Corinthians
the apostle associates Sosthenes with himself. Sosthenes then must
have been preeminent in some respects'. Perhaps he held a place
analogous to that of 'Crispus the ruler of the synagogue' among
the Jews, and of S. Luke in the church at Philippi : he may have been
the leading overseer or president or presbyter of the church. The
mass of converts came from the middle or lower classes, but there were
some * wise ' and * noble after the flesh * : e.g. Crispus the ruler of the
synagogue, and Erastus the treasurer of the city. Amonff the well-to-do
we must also class Stephanas and Gains, who were able to exercise
hospitality on a large scale, and a lady, Chloe, who had a 'household' of
servants. Besides these we know the names of Fortunatus, Achaicus,
Tertius (who acted as S. Paul's amanuensis in writing the Epistle to the
Romans) and Quartus. From these names we see tliat the Latin
element was strong in the church*.

^ The word of Ood (or the Lord) formB a similar dose in iv 31, xy 85. The word
was the aeed Bown (Lk viii 11); for its growth op. Acts vi 7, xii 24, six SO.
' See p. 301 for the close connexion between these two provinces. * II Oor i 1 :

Bom xvi 1. '* I Cor xii-xiv. * The apostle, we notice, associates prith

himself neither Aquila and Priscilla (xvi 19) uur Apuilos (xvi 12), < Cp. I Cor

i i:C : i 11. 14, xvi 15-7, Rom xvi 22-3.

XVIII 12 THE PROCONSUL OF ACHAIA 329

§3 Fr(mi Achala to Asia ( = Ch. 18. 12—23)

After the eighteen months' interval S. Luke narrates the incident
which practically concluded S. Paul's work at Corinth. Hence though
it occurred at Corinth, it falls logically under the next chapter of work,
viz. that in the province of Asia, which will occupy us till xix 20 \
This overlapping corresponds to the actual conditions of life. For
the usual voyage across the Aegean was from Corinth to Ephesus ;
and there was the closest intercourse between the two cities, as the
history of their churches will shew, llie event now to be related
concerned the proconsul of Achaia, and so both at the beginning and
at the end of his sojourn at Corinth the apostle is brought into contact
with Rome.

Paul and Gallio

S. Luke marks a new period by giving a chronological note Now
Gallio being 2>rocmisul of Achaia, It is his first and almost his
only reference to secular chronology I But it does not help us much.
We can only say that Gallio could hardly have been proconsul before
49, for previously to that year his brother Seneca liad been out of favour
at the imperial court. Incidentally, however, it affords an illustration
of S. Luke's accuracy. In a.d. 15, Achaia, which (as we have seen on
p. 301) had previously been a senatorial province under a proconsul,
was united by Tiberius to the imperial province of Macedonia, which
was under a legate or propraetor. But in a.d. 44 Claudius restored
it to the senate, and therefore S. Luke is right in calling its governor
a proconsul^,

Gallioy the second proconsul before whom S. Paul stood^ was a
remarkable man. He came of a Spanish family which had won for
itself a distinguished place in Roman letters and society. M. Annaeus
Seneca, his father, was a well-known rhetorician ; Seneca the Stoic and
tutor of Nero was liis brother, and the poet Lucan his nephew. His
own name was originally M. Annaeus Novatus, but having been adopted
by Lucius Junius Gallio he became Lucius Junius Annaeus Gallio.
He had attained the highest office in the state, the consulship. But
he was best known for his amiable character, — * sweet Gallio' Statins
calls him, and Seneca speaks of him as one who could not be loved
enough'. Such was the governor before whom the Jews indicted
S. Paul. In their hatred of Rome and their repudiation of Gentile
jurisdiction (in theory! a Roman governor was the last person to
whom the Jews should have appealed for a decision concerning the
things of God. But hatred knows no logic, and other methods having
failed, they appeal unto the power of Caesar.

^ The Gallio incident immediately preceded, or led np to, S. Paul's first visit to
Ephesns fyer. 19). In the same way the conclnsion of his work at Ephesus (xix
20-41) falls into the following division. ' Cp. xxiy 27. There is notiiing corre-

sponding to Lk iii 1 in the Acts. ^ Cp. the similar case of Cyprus xiii 7 Q>* 200).
* The first was Sergius Paulus (xiii 7). Festus and FeUx (xxiv-v) were procurators.
^ Statins Silv. zi ?ii 82; Seneca Nat. Quaest, iv praef. 10.

330 S. PAUL XVin 12-18

12 But when Gallio was proconsul of Achaia, the Jews vdih
one accord rose up^ agamst Paul, and brought him before

13 the ^judgement-seat, saymg, This man persuaddli men to

14 worship God contrary to the law* But when F^ul was about
to open his mouth, Gallio said unto the Jews, If indeed it
were a matter of wrong or of wicked villany, O ye JewB^

15 reason would that I should bear with you : but if they are
questions about 'words and names and your own law, look
to it yourselves ; I am not minded to be a judge of these

16 matters. And he drave them from the judgement-seat

17 And Hhey all laid hold on Sosthenes, the ruler of the
sjnagogue, and beat him before the ^judgement-seat 'And
Gallio cared for none of these things.

12 It would not be easy to convince the Roman governor of
S. FauFs guilt ; so the Jews devised a plan, viz. to impress or
overawe him by a sudden insurrection^ (A v ) or rising of the whole
Jewish quarter. Accordingly on some * court day,' whep the
proconsul was sitting on ms bema or seat of judgement in the
basilica in the forum or agora, and was there occupied in the
administration of justice, the Jews in a body tumultuoualy dragged

13 Paul before him and formally accused him o{ persuading vien to
worship God contrary to the law, A similar charoe had beeo
brought against liim at Philippi (xvi 21) but had £a3len through,
and it seems strange that the Jews did not adopt the more b^
charge of treason as at Thessalonica. S. Paul may have been more
careml in his preaching of * the kingdom ' at Corinth. Bat the
more likely explanation is that the Jews were dealing not with the
provincial magistrates of a * free city,' but with a Roman proconsul,
and their own relations with Rome were becoming so strained th^
charges of disloyalty might recoil on their own heads. So they fel
back upon the religious charge. To worship God appears (from ^
Acts^ to have been the technical phrase for being an adherent <^
Judaism. But Judaism was a 'lawful religion' and it was i^
forbidden them to win adherents. The legal sanction of th^
religion did not indeed directly cover proselytism among RoDtfJ^
citizens, and the government retained its general power of restraint;
but in practice there was little interference with the extension o(
Judaism^. Accordingly the Jews had to prove that S. Paul was a
heretic. He was not a true Jew and was making converts eoniroinj

^ Bezan oontinaes having spoken together amongst themselves [against P(ml a»i[
laying hands on him [they brought him before t?ic judgement seat] crying out tad
[saying, * Gk bema, * Gk a word, * AY reads all the Qreeks.

^ Some Bezan texts have Then Gallio feigned that he did not see. < The QnA

word for rose-up is very emphatic ' See note ^ on p. 288.

xvin 15-17 BEFORE GALLIO 331

to (their) law which was the form of their 'religion' recognized by the
state. This their spokesman SostheneSy who had succeeded Cnspus
as ruler of the synagogue, endeavoured to prove. But it was too

14 much for Galliots patience. Without waiting for Paul to make any
defence, he had settled the matter. * 0 ye Jews^, he exclaimed
with impatience, for he could not endure them any longer. ITie
matters of which his court was cognizant were either cases of wrong
i.e. injury done to others, or of wicked villany^ i.e. such vicious

Practices as were a public scandal or caused danger to the state
y their violation of the elementary laws of morality. Concerning
such matters it would have been reasonable^ nay his plain duty, to

15 give them a patient hearing. But this was a miestion concerning
oriental religions and heresies about which a lloman knew little
and cared less. For such matters Rome had left to the Jews
a jurisdiction of their own, and it was their business. ^See to
it yourselves^, I have no intention of being a judge of these

16 matters,^ With these words Gallio ordered the lictors to cleax
the court of the mob of Jews. The rebuff of the hated Jews was

17 too good an opportunity for the Gentiles to lose. And all the
Greek bystanders seized Sosthenes and gave him a beating on the spot.
Gallio, thinking that the Jews richly deserved it for their unjustifiable
accusation, connived at this violence, affecting not to perceive it.

The result was at once encouraging and disappointing. It was
encouraging ; because the supreme tribunal had practicaUy given a
decision in favour of Christianity, and Paul could now rely on the
solid justice of Rome for protection from the Jews and immunity in
his work. But it was also disappointing. The refusal of GalUo to
interfere may seem at first sight to be a model for the attitude of
the secular government towards religious q^uestions. But there
is a distinction between impartiality and mdiflference, between
judging and caring. Hence the disappointment. On the judgement-
seat sat Gallio, a noble specimen of the Roman aristocracy ; at the
bar stood Paul, one of the greatest religious teachers of the world,
— and nothing happened. For Gallio cared nothing for these
matters. These words may indeed have their proper application to
Gallio's connivance at the beating of Sosthenes*, but they also read
very much like S. Luke's sober judgement on the judge. And
whether we consider his attitude as the outcome of impartiality
or indifference, it caused him to lose a great opportunity.

The journey to Asia vid Jerusalem and GrcUatia

S. Paul vindicated his freedom by remaining at Corinth some time
longer, but the affair before the proconsul was as usual the signal for
departure to a new field of work. First, however, as if to recover

1 A different address from the polite Men of Atheru etc. ^ Cp. xiii 10.

> This was a Boman phrase. Cp. Mt xzvii 4, 24. ^ As is suggested by the

Bezan reading.

332 S. PAUL'S VOW xviu 18

strength for a new advance and to maintain the unity of the churches
in the east and the west, he pays a visit to Jerusalem and AntiocL
When at Corinth Rome was already in S. Paul's thoughts (Rom i 13).
But there was an important position behind him, which a good general
and strategist could not aSord to neglect. This was the province of
Asia. The divine prohibition to preach there (xvi 6) was now appa-
rently removed ; and when S. Paul landed, for the first time, at l^heguSy
its capital, his favourable reception confinned the previous longings of
his own heart. So now we pass from Achaia to Asia ; and aU me time
and travelling which intervened between the first landing at Ephesus
and the apostle's return thither is summed up by S. Luke in one of his
long and characteristic sentences*.

Brief as this section is, it contains a detail which cannot be
altogether without significance. At Cenchreae Pmd cut his hair, far
he had a vow'. (1) This fact shews that in ordinary life S. Paul
conformed to the law as a Jew. In place of * the law ' we might indeed
have written *the customary observancas of contemporary religion.'
For cutting the hair was a primitive ceremony of widespread observance.
Sailors shaved their heads after deliverance from shipwreck, mourners
shaved after a death, pilgrims did not cut their hair tin their pilgrima^
was over. But there was a special connexion between the cutting of the
hair and the taking of vows. Vows were constantly being taken to
obtain, or to express gratitude for, deliverance from danger and trouble;
and the beginnmg and the end of the period of a vow were marked by
the shaving of tne head. The custom of taking vows found a place
in the Jewish law, where the vow of the Nazirite is expressly l^islated
for. And now S. Paul takes a vow, and this quite spontaneously. His
motive herein was not, we presume, to avoid giving scandal to his fellow-
countrymen or for the sake of charity, because the ceremony was en-
tirely voluntary. With this action we may join the other hints in the
Acts of compliance with the law, e.g. the visits to Jerusalem to keep
the feast of Pentecost, the mention of the Passover at Philippi and of
the Fast, i.e. the Day of Atonement, at Fair Havens, and the Nazirite
vow at Jerusalem ; and hence we may conclude that S. Paul normally
observed the law*. Accordingly we must remember to balance his
vehement assertion of the principle of liberty in the Epistles to the
Galatians and Romans with his own practice of obedience to the law,
when no principle was at stake. To the Jews he * was a Jew and under
the law*.'

(2) This notice will also afford us a clue to S. Paul's journey, e.g.
it ^lU explain his refusal to stay at Ephesus. When a Jew took w^n
himself the vow of a Nazirite, at the end of the time of his sepiyration

^ i.e. in the Greek : cp. xvi 6-7. Acoording to the Bezan text of ziz 1 S. Paol
is driven to Ephesas the second time by the Holy Spirit almost against his wilL
2 Grammatically the words Jiaving shorn... a vow may apply to Aqnila. Bat the
mention of this detail woald then be so purposeless that this alternative cannot be
Rorionsly entertained. ' Cp. xx 10 ; xx G ; xxvii 9 ; xxi 2C. * Cp. I Cor

viii 9-13, ix 19-28, x 23-33.

xvra 18-19 FROM CORINTH TO EPHESUS 333

— usually thirty days — he offered a certain sacrifice at the temple,
shaved his head, and burnt the hair in the fire of the sacrifice*. If
he was in a foreign land at the expiration of the vow the head might
still be shaved and the hair kept till he reached Jerusalem. This may
have been the condition of S. raul; but we notice that the Greek word
is cutting (not shaving^), and this may denote the cutting short of the
jiair at the beginning of the period of the vow, preparatory to letting
it grow for 30 days. In either case a visit to Jerusalem would have
been necessary. Now S. Paul was anxious to make such a visit. He
had however reason already to apprehend danger at Jerusalem', and
E^hesus mi^ht be a tomptation to turn aside. Therefore, to place
himself under a necessity, he took this vow. The ceremony at
Jerusalem which attended the completion of the vow may well account
for the suggestion made to him by James and the presbyters on the
occasion oi his next and last visit

18 And Paul, having tarried after this yet many days, took
his leave of the brethren, and sailed thence for Syria, and
with him Priscilla and Aquila; having shorn his head in

WCenchrese : for he had a vow. And Hhey came to Ephesus,
and 'he left them there : but he himself entered into the

20 synagogue, and reasoned with the Jews. And when they

21 asked him to abide a longer time, he consented not; 'but
taking his leave of them, and saying, I will return again unto

22 you, if God wUl, he set sail from Ephesus. And when he had
landed at Caesarea, he went up and saluted the church, and

23 went down to Antioch. And having spent some time thercy
he departed, and went through the region of Qalatia and
Phrygia in order, stablishing all the disciples.

18 S. Paul probably took a jwissagc in a pilgrim ship bound for
Syria, taking pilgrims for the feast of Peirtecost. He had no doubt
companions, out only Priscilla and Aquila are mentioned — to explain
their appearance at Ephesus in the next section. From Cenchreae,

^9 the port of Corinth, the vessel crossed the Aegean to Ephesus.
There it stopped to enable the pilgrims to join in the worship of the
synagogue on the sabbath day ; and so S. raul was at last enabled to
carry out the original intention with which he and Silas had started
upon their journey from the Pisidiau Antioch in a.d. 49 (xvi 6).

^ Nombers vi. ' As in xzi 24 ; for the distinction cp. I Cor xi 6. * Op.

ff God will in verse 21, and xxi 14. * AV and Bezan read ?t€ came,

* Besan inserts on the follnicing sahhath, some texts omitting he left them there, hut.

* AV and Bezan read but] bade them farewell, tajfing I mtut by all means keep this
ffut that Cometh in Jerunalem hut [I will return attain to you if God will] : some
Bexan texts continue but Aquila he left in Ephesus and he himself set sail and
erne to [Caesarea,

334 JERUSALEM, ANTIOCH, GALATIA xvni 19-2S

In the synagogue he reasoned with the Jews, The Jews at Ephesns
formed an important body. Josephus gives us several decrees of
Roman governors and of the Ephesian People guaranteeing to them
the free observance of their national customs. They had close in-
tercourse not only with the Jews at Corinth (verses 27-8) but with
Jerusalem itself fxxi 27). For at Ephesus were put on board the
contributions of the Asian Jews towards the temple, which formed
no small element in its revenue, and indeed proved too tempting a
prey for many a governor of Asia. Hence it was impossible for the
l^hesian Jews not to have heard of Christianity, and having now in
their midst 'a ringleader of the sect,' they were, like the Jews at

20 Rome (xxviii 22), anxious for further information. S. Paul how-
ever, as we have seen, was under a necessity to visit Jerusalem;

21 so after a courteous fwrewdl with a promise to rebiym he sidled

22 to Gaesarea, went up to Jerusalem \ paid his respects to the ckurck
in an official call upon its rulers, fulfilled his vow', and went dawn

23 to Antioch. After some interval he went forth from Antioch — ^for
the third and the last time'. Antioch is not mentioned again. He
was anxious to visit the churches of Galatia^ so he took the land
route for Asia as on the previous occasion. He passed throu^
Tarsus and the Cilician ^ates, and once more visited the churches
of Galatia in order — Derbe, Lystra, Iconium, and Antioch. And as
he went he stahlished all the disciples. Under that simple phrase
a world of meaning may lie hid which we should never liave con-
jectured but for the Epistle to the Galatians.

TJie Epistle to the Galaliaiis

The word stahlishing^ as was pointed out on a former occasion
(xiv 22, p. 236), implies a need of being confirmed or established ; and
o. Luke's brevity may have a deeper motive than mere conciseness ot
narration, viz. the desire to pass over what could only arouse painful
recollections. For this brings us to the question — when was the Episde
to the Galatians written ? It must have been written within a few
years of this time — but when? There seem to be two possibilities.
(A) It was written from Antioch or some other place just before the
visit to Galatia here mentioned. This view was neld by Renan, and
has been very powerfully advocated by Prof. Bamsay. (B) It may

^ Jerusalem is not mentioned in the text. Bnt going up is the regular pilgrim
word, cp. Lk ii 42, Jn vii 8 ; and in this neighbourhood tJie ehtavh oonld only be
that of Jerusalem. This phrase then and iSiB omission of ' Jemsalem,' together
with came to Caesarea and went up to Jerusalem and down to Antioch, may afford
a slight indication that this sentence was penned at Gaeearea. > A similar

ceremony is recorded in xxi 18-9 ; and a detailed picture of this journey can be
restored from the account of the next visit, just as yerse 23 is a summazy of a
journey through S. Galatia, such as has already been described more fully in zr 41-
xvi 5. ' This is usually marked as the beginning of the 'third missiaDaiy

journey.' But it is obvious that there is no new beginning here. The new work
begins with Paul's arrival at Ephesus, whether we reckon it from xix I or xviii 19.
This time S. Paul starts alone — at least we are not told of any fdlow misdonaiy
on a level with Barnabas or Silas. The last mention of Silas was in xviii 6.

^

mn2S THE EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS 335

lave been written towards the end of, or shortly after, the stay at
Rhesus to which we are coming. Either supposition ¥dll fall in
aceUently with the course of the history, and we cannot profess to
kcide between them. The case for each must be fairly stated and
ihd choice left to the judgement of the reader.

(A) In the former case, the reconstruction of the history will be
wmething of this sort. We must return to the council at Jerusalem in
LD. 48, three years ago^ Though the council had come to an unanimous
iedsion, the Pharisaic or Judaizing party was by no means satisfied,
nd diey started a propaganda to teach the necessity of circumcision in
tfce new Gentile churcnes. This meant undoing the work of S. Paul,
ud dieir chief weapon was an attack upon his apostolate. The Lord,
they declared, had appointed the Twelve as his apostles, and with them
resfced the apostolic authority. S. Paul was a newcomer, who had not
pie in and out with the other disciples', had not seen the risen Lord
[except in an ecstatic vision which depended solely on his own
MBertion), and finally had received no apostolic commission from the
Twelve: his gospel therefore was without authority. On the other
hand the Jndaizmg emissaries took care to fortify themselves with
wmmendatory letters from Jerusalem, and then invaded S. Paul's
churches. They would reach Galatia first, soon after S. Paul and Silas
had started on the long journey which led them to Macedonia and
Achaia. Amongst these emissaries there seems to have been a leader
^ho stood out above the rest in a very preeminent position, whether
this was owing to the power of his personal influence or to some high
office in the church'. This * false apostle' had complete success m
Watia. First he caused alarm and consternation*. Then he con-
^ced them of the truth of his teaching. The gospel of S. Paul,
rf justification by faith and of liberty in the Spirit, was a lofty one
fwi hard to grasp ; and the simple Galatians found it easier to believe
^ a gospel of salvation by works, by circumcision and the law, by the
i^rvance of days and months, seasons and years. And so *very
Ijickly' after his departure they 'deserted' S. Paul and went over to
■jU rival evangelist*, and S. Paul could only account for it by a kind of
•itchcraft — *0 foolish Galatians,' he exclaims, 'who hath bewitched you'?'

Meanwhile S. Paul had returned from Achaia to Jerusalem, where
10 made but a short stay. The increasing noise made by his work,
»ith the consequent hostility of the Jews, was already making Jerusalem
^ place of danger for him. Of his intercourse with the church we can
lowever restore one detail. The apostles spoke to him of his promise
o' remember the poor' (pp. 246-7). In his extreme desire to avoid
D appearance of mterestea motives, he had, on his first visit to the
ties of Macedonia and Achaia, not only worked with his own hands
it refused to ask for a penny for any purpose at all. Therefore he
id returned to Jerusalem without an offering for the poor. It was

» See p. 258. « Cp. i 21-2. » Gal v 10, i 8-9. His position may have

aended upon a close relation of kinship to the Lord, op. U Cor x 7, xi 23.
7. ▼ 10 {trouble). MO. « iii 1.

d

336 THE EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS XYin£8

now time for him to redeem fais promise. It would indeed be difficult
for him to ask ; yet on the other hand a contribution from the Gentile
churches to the Christian poor of Jerusalem would form a great bond
of love and would cement the unity of the Jewish and Gentile churches.
Hence the collection of alms for Jerusalem formed an important featoie
in the * third journey.*

From Jerusalem S. Paul went down to Antioch, and then (if not
before) news of the (jalatian defection reached him. He was stung to
the quick by their infidelity to himself and his apostolate : but he abo
realized the seriousness of the crisis and the need of confuting this
Christian Pharisaism. At once he wrote off a fiery letter (our present
epistle) to the Galatians ; and then followed up the letter by a vint in
person. He crossed Cilicia and the Taurus ana once more appeared in
Galatia. That was enough. The force of his personality agam proved
irresistible, and the presence of their first feither in Christ won back die
alliance of the Galatians. According to S. Luke he cof^firmed—^
upnght and made firm in their origin^ faith— off the disciples. The
Judaizing emissaries had however the start of him. They hald ffone on,
and were soon to sow seeds of faction and discord in other cnarebeB,
notably that of Corinth. If we are justified in following the Beian
text of xix 1, the state of affairs in Galatia was so serious that S. Pad
for the moment thought of giving up liis journey to Ephesus and wished
to return to Jerusalem to have me matter authoritatively settied. But
his own private plan was again overruled, and the Holy Spirit who
before had prevented his preaching in Asia now bade him go on thither.

(B) On the other hand there is much to make us think the ew&e
of a later date. In style and matter it is very closely associated with
the Second Epistle to tne Corinthians and the Ep. to the Romans. In
particular the same teacher who had troubled tne Galatians seems to
nave caused similar confusion at Corinth ; but he could not have
arrived there till the end of S. Paul's stay at Ephesus or later. Witl
that epoch the Ep. to the Galatians will fit in very well. But we W
better wait till we reach that time for a fuller exposition of this view**
and for the present content ourselves with pointing out a serioos
objection to the earlier date. There is no allusion t» an impending
visit to Galatia in the epistle. And yet the apostle must surely ha^c
warned them of his intention, if we may judge firom his other epistles .
As it stands, he seems to be taking a final farewell of them.

According to this second view, what has been said above about A^ j
collection for the ipoor still holds good, and also the account of ^
general attitude of the Judaizers. But we must suppose that wto
S. Paul visited Galatia at this time, the emissaries had not yet arriTed
and the defection of the churches had not taken place. S. raul, then,
when he had confirmed the disciples and traversed the region of Galatia
and Phryria, would have been brought once more to the frontier of
Asia ; ana here we may pause to survey the new province.

1 See p. 360. « Op. I Cor jy l^-gl, H xii 14, Rom i 10 : contrast Gal vi 17.

XVIII 24-xix ASIA 337

SECTION III ( = Ch. 18. 24—19. 20)
ASIA and Ephesiis

Ephesus was a more populous, wealthy and important city than
Corinth ; and similarly its province * Asia ' far surpassed in these
respects the provinces of Galatia, Macedonia, and Achaia. This
province rougnly coincided with the western part of Asia Minor. It
was the first part of the continent of Asia with which the Romans had
come in contact, and they knew it as 'Asia ' ; as their knowledge and
dominion extended further east and new provinces were added to the
empire, the original province still retained the name of 'Asia,' and
hence arose a double and confusing use of the term for both province
and continent. Here, as in the text of the Acts, Asia is used in the
former sense. This western coastland of Asia Minor is so favoured by
nature in its climate, soil, and position, that it can hardly help being
wealthy and prosperous even under oppressive governments and in
time of war, — from which drawbacks it nas seldom been free. In very
early times the Greeks discovered its value and studded the coast witn
colonies. Then it was conquered by the Persians and became subject
to an oriental despotism, but subsequently most of the cities on the
coasti with the aid of Athens, secured their independence. When
Greece was entirely freed from the Persian yoke by Alexander the
Great, 'Asia' became the theatre of continual wars among his successors,
until it fell into the hands of the Romans who made it into a province
about 130 B.C. It then had to suffer frx)m the exactions of Roman
governors and from the invasion of Mithridates : but now it had
enjoyed for a full century the * peace of Rome ' ; the strong hand of the
emperor checked the oppression and greed of the proconsuls; and under
the imperial government the province had reacted the climax of its
prospenty. It was covered with flourishing and opulent cities, whose
ruins testify to a vigorous life and are mines oi information about
the Roman empire. Such were Ephesus, Smyrna, Pergamum, Thyatira,
Sardis, Philadelphia, Laodicea f the seven churches of Asia), with
Colossae, Hierapolis, Apamea, ana many others. No wonder then that
Asia was one of the richest jewels of the empire. * Asia ' and * Africa '
ranked together as the two most important and wealthy of the senatorial
provinces. The civilization of the province was thoroughly Greek. The
coast had for so long been colonized and possessed by the Greeks that
there the native races had lost all significance, while the interior also
was dominated by Greek influence and ideas. When poverty and
desolation fell on Greece proper, the centre of Hellenic life and civili-
zation was shifted across the Aegean to the Hellas of Asia Minor ; and
thence — through the political influence first of the Macedonians, then
of the Romans, — Hellenism had been extending its sway over the
distant countries of the east.

B. A. 22

y

338 EPHESUS xvni 2i-xii

Of this province Ephesus was the not unworthy capital. The city
indeed had not had a very brilliant history. It was onginally a colony
of Athens, bat in the flourishing times of Qreek history it had held
quite a second place. In the later Macedonian and Roman times, how-
ever, it came to the front and was now at the height of its prosperity.
This advance was mainly due to natural and physical causes. Ephesus
was situated near the entrance to the valley of the Maeander and tiiis
valley was the easiest and most frequented trade route into the interior.
The point of departure had formerly been Miletus, the port at the
mouth of the river, which accordingly stood first among the Greek
cities. But the alluvial deposits of the river had gradually blocked up
the harbour of Miletus, and the traffic had to find another outlet This
it did by leaving the Maeander and crossing over a spur of Mt Pactyas
to Rhesus, which city had accordingly risen to wealth and prosperi^.

Smyrna however occupied an equally &vourable position at the
mouth of the Hermus valley, and the wealth of Asia is chiefly shewn
bv the number of cities which ran Ephesus close in an eager riyaliy.
The competition was decided in favour of Ephesus by the Romans,
who made it the capital of the province and the centre of their admini-
stration. They had indeed left the Ephesians their freedom, and
Ephesus was a ' free city.' But it was selected for the residence of the
proconsul, and in his court the majesty of Rome was amnlj displayed.
For the proconsul of Asia was a very great personage ; nis office was
confined to magistrates of the highest rs^ik, viz. those who had held the
consulship at Rome ; and, like the proconsul of Africa, he enjoyed the
privilege of being attended by twelve lictors instead of the usual six.
There was then a close political connexion between Rome and Ephesus;
and a slight hint of this may be found in our narrative in the occurrence
of the Latin words sudaria, semictnctia^ and the name of Scaeva (xiz
12 and 14).

A preponderating local attraction combined with the Roman con-
nexion to ^ve Ephesus the supremacy. This was a religious attraction.
Within a short distance of the city stood the £a,mous Temple of Arkmi^
ITie worship of Artemis must be considered more in detail below. It is
enough now to notice that here the native aboriginal element avenged
itself on the domination of Greek ideas. For the temple was on the
site of a primitive sanctuary and the worship was a survival of '^
primitive worship of nature. Adopted by the Greeks, and identified with
the Greek goddess Artemis (as she in turn witii the Latin Diana), the
aboriginal goddess had acquired a world-wide reputation ; and her mag-
nificent temple, raised by Greek art, had become not only a most poputtf
Elace of pilgrimage but one of the wonders of the world. The goddesB
ad an enormous establishment of hundreds or thousands of priests
and other ministers, who constituted a powerful hierarchy. And the
Ephesians, conscious of the wealth which the goddess brought to
their city, added their grateful and official support to her worihin.
Thus at Ephesus we have an instance of an estaolished religion, sim
flourishing and possessing a real power and vitality, — we noij^t almost

xvni24r-xix AND GREAT-NESS 339

say a pagan 'established church.' Unfortunately Artemis exercised
other influences over the city which were the reverse of blessings.
We do not know whether, like some oriental goddesses and like Aphro-
dite at Paphos and Corinth, she gave public and religious sanction to
immorality and prostitution. But it is certain that she gave counten-
ance to the growth of superstition and the cultivation of magic. The
curious arts of all kinos so flourished at Ephesus, that 'magic'
became one of the 'specialities' of the city: certain forms of incan-
tation were known as ' Ephesian letters.' Thus at Ephesus Hellenic
culture and philosophy haa made a most disastrous union with oriental
superstition.

We can now understand the important position which Asia and
Ephesus held in the progress of the gospel. In itself Ephesus was a
field most attractive to o. Paul and mil of promise for the gospeL It
was a busy and populous city ; and like such places of concourse, great
was its need of salvation. It was also thoroughly cosmopolitan ; the
might of Rome and Oreek civilization, barbarian superstition and
the Jewish faith, here dwelt side by side:^ and being a commercial,
administrative, and religious centre, the city was also an admirable
centre for the propagation of the gospel. Travellers between east and
west, the mercnants and pilgrims from all parts, the Koman officials,
and the inhabitants of the province who flocked to the capital for their
annual festivals or for judicial and other business, made the city a
microcosm.

Bevond these general advantages of a creat centre, there was one
special characteristic of Ephesus which strucK the observer, and that was
power and magnificence (or greatness). There was the power of Rome
fully represented in the proconsular court; the power of the 'great'
goddess in her temple and its hierarchy; the power of Greek aH and
civilization in the splendour of the temple which was a wonder of the
world : and, lastly, the power of the spiritual 'powers of darkness' in
all the ' curious arts ' of Ephesian science^ In this respect, almost more
than its cosmopolitan character, Ephesus was a copy of Rome : and we
see why it echpsed not only Corinth but even Antioch in the progress
of the gospel. It was the stepping-stone to Rome ; because it reflected
in itseu the ' power of darkness,' me kingdom or ' course of this world,*
which had its capital in Rome^ That this was the main impression
which Ephesus made on S. Luke can be seen in the very words of the
narrative'. But more than in the words we can see it in his thoughts.
The underl)dng idea of this chapter is the establishment of 'the church'
(xx 17) in power. Over against all these powers is raised up another

g)wer, which prevails over them, that is the power of the kingdom of
od Tverse 8). And the development of that power as recorded in the
Acts nere reaches its highest point.

1 Eph ii 2, vi 12. > Col i 13, Eph ii 2. * See xviii 24 mighty, 28 power-

fully confute, xix 8 with great power (Bezan), 11 no common powers, 16 mastered,
prevailed, 17 was magnified, 20 mightily,,. prevailed, 27 great goddess, magmficence
(or majesty), 28, 84, 85 great,

22—2

340 THE BAPTISM OF JOHN xvin25

The victory of the church is shewn: (1) In the person of her
champion, the apostle, who now is at the climax of his activity. He .
conveys the gift of the Holy Ghost ; and even from his body there
issues miraculous power. He is the friend of Asiarchs, and is matched
like a gladiator in the arena with the great goddess herself. (2) In her
own self-realization. In this chapter we feel the power of the church,
more than the personality of the apostle. The church appears once
more as the way^ i.e. the way of truth ; and the great contest with
Enhesus was to be fought in the arena of truth. Witn its Cedse reliffion,
false science, false spiritualism, Ephesus was to be the source oi the
greatest danger to the church, viz. of danger to the faith from witiiiD.
Warnings against false teachers are a prominent element in S. Paul's
charge to the Ephesian presbyters. The burden of the Epistles to
Timothy, which were written to him at Ephesus, is *Guajd tne &ith.'

Subsequently Ephesus became the home of S. John, and the
teaching which was threatening the church afforded the occasion for
the final and supreme vindication of the truth in his Gk)spel. We are
not then surprised to find tiiat this relation of the church to the truth
dominates S. Luke's narrative at this point. First we see the church
realizing itself both (1) against imperfect forms of the truth, e.g. the
baptism of John, and (2) in independence of the parent fisiith of Judaism.
Then it prevails over (3) false spiritualism without, and (4) felse pro-
fession within. Lastly (S) the wnole power of heathenism, sununedup
in the person of the great goddess, enters the lists against the chnicb's
apostle, but achieves nothing beyond present confusion and uproar.

§ 1 The chfwrch and the baptism of John

The next paragraph in the Acts (verses 24-28") at first sight seems
very isolated, a stray disconnected fragment, lite an erratic bloci
deposited in some valley by a dacier. ApoUos suddenly appears and
diaappears. It may be that S. Luke, being acquainted with the First
Epistle to the Corinthians, for the sake of its readers here explains the
source of ApoUos' Christianity. But when we look on to the following
paragraph (xix 1-7), the difficulty disappears. Here is evidently a
pair of companion pictures ^ They both deal witJi the relation of
Christianity to imperfect or immature forms of the faith, as exhibited
in (1) a teacher and (2) disciples ; and in each case the rudimeutary
stage of development which they have reached is tie same— <**
baptism of John. We are surprised to find disciples of S. John the
Baptist more than twenty years after he had been superseded by the
Messiah. But his preaching represented a great movement in Judaism,
besides being the preparation for the MessiaL The apostles indeed
had fully realized the close connexion between the two; to them the
gospel be^an with the baptism of John^. But this was by no means
recognized by the Jews or by the majority of John's disciples. To

^ like the piotnres of Barnabas and Ananias (iv S6-y 11), Peter and Herod
(xii 6-28), Thessalonioa and Beroea (xvii 1-15). > Cp. i 5, 22, x 37, ziii S4-&

xvra24 APOLLOS OF ALEXANDRIA 341

them he appeared as a prophet, preaching a revival of righteousness
His preachiiq^ had great success and, we might say, caused a widespread
religious revival among the people. Enormous numbers flocked to him
and testified their repentance and desire for righteousness by receiving
baptism. The Baptist himself was aware that his office was to point
out the Messiah. But even after the baptism of Jesus, he continued
to make disciples^; and at times his own mith wavered'. Of his more
immediate disciples, besides those who passed on to Jesus, some who
had come from distant lands may have returned home before his death
and before the ministry of the Christ had begun. Others may have
remained doubtful whether Jesus were really *ne that should come' or
no. Others again may have accepted Jesus as the Messiah, but from
lack of intercourse with the Twelve and the church at Jerusalem they
had remained in ignorance of Hhe baptism of the Spirit' at Pentecost
and the new life of the church : their spiritual status would have been
venr much that of the Samaritans in ch. viii before the coming of Peter
and John and the gift of the Holy Spirit. To this last class we may
aficribe both Apollos and the twelve disciples at Ephesus.

The ad:s of ApoUos

ApoUoSf or Apolhnius as his name should be in fall, is an interesting
figure for several reasons. (1) He was a Jew of Alexandria. Besides
the occurrence of the word Aleacandrian in vi 9, xxvii 6, xxviii 11 — and
the possibility that S. Stephen was an Alexandrine Hellenist, — this
is the sole reference in the Acts to Alexandria, whose church was
to become so famous as the head-quarters of Christian philosophy.
Philo the Alexandrine Jew introduced Platonism into Judaism: the
Alexandrine fathers introduced it into Christianity. And here we meet
with Apollos who was no doubt of Philo's school. (2) He had the
Alexandrian characteristics. On the one hand he was eloquent. The
word may mean teamed (RV), and indeed it includes learning and
study; for he was a philosopher and 'wisdom' his strong point. But
with the Greeks wisdom was usually understood to carry with it the
ability to set it forth with eloquence and grace. On the other hand he
was powerful* in the scriptures : as a loyal Jew he devoted his learning
and eloquence to the exposition of scripture.

(3) What is more interesting to us, Apollos illustrates the gradual
growtn of the Christian faith in the individual. He had (a) received
ike baptism of John, (6) been instructed in the way of the Lordy and
he (c) knew the things concerning Jesus, This represents the stage
reached either by those who themselves had been disciples of Jesus,
or brought very near to him, but had returned to a distant home
before rentecost or for some other reason had not maintained com-
munications with the apostolic church; or by those who had been
instructed by such disciples. Of these two classes there must have

1 Jn IT 1. * Lk yii 18-23. * or mighty : Moses in Tirtoe 61 his Egyptian
adoeation was mighty in hii wordt and toorki (vii 22). Gp. I Cor i 26.

342 APOLLOS LEARNS xvra24

been considerable numbers at centres like Alexandria, Ephesas, and
Home; for news of what had happened in Judaea must nave spread
far and wide. Put otherwise, they would represent those who had a
Gospel and a Gospel only. The baptism of John was the preparation
for the new kingdom : the way of the Lord was the new way of right-
eousness as set forth by the Lord in the Sermon on the Mount and
other discourses : the things concerning Jesvs were the main facts of
his life — ^baptism, ministry, crucifixion, resurrection. What was wanting
was the baptism of the Spirit (xix 6) and the things concerning ik
kingdom of God (xix 8), which together make up the more accunsk
way of God (xviii 26), — or in other words the 'Acts of the Apostles^'
ApoUos belonged to the second class of these disciples : he nod bm
instructed. His knowledge was accurate^ — a word which makes us
strongly suspect that he had come across some documents, a written
gospd or rather one of the original sources of our present Gospels.
This supposition would explain ms position exactly, and is maintained
by Professor Blass'. On the other hand it is asserted* that the word
instruction is only used of oral teaching". In this case we must suppose
him to have been instructed by some teacher of the first class. This
teacher must have been of ^eat authority, able to communicate
accurate Imowledge corresponding to the contents of one of onr
Gospels, but no farther. This seems to us surprising. But it may
well represent the condition of Christianity in Alexandria. News of
events in Judaea, and documents, when they began to be writfeeB.
would reach ^ypt as soon as anywhere ; and there must already ha^«
been there bodies of Christians in various stages. But there is not*^
single allusion in the Acte to a church at Alexandria, and probal>^5
no apostle or evangelist with apostolic authority had as yet visited i^
city and organized the various bodies into a church.

The perfecting, then, which ApoUos needed he was to find •*
Ephesus; and the part he played m the synagogue reminds us v"^
much of S. Stephen in the Alexandrian synagogue at Jerusalem (vi ^)
Like Stephen he was preparing the way for Paul.

24 Now a certain Jew named ^Apollos, an Alexandrian ^
race, a '"learned man^ came to Ephesus ; and he was migi^^

25 in the scriptures. This man had been ''instructed in the W^J
of the Lord ; and being fervent in spirit, he spake and taugb^

1 In the 'first principles' of Hebrews vi 2 we find another pietore of »&
elementary stage of Christianity. > or exactt vy. 25, 26. The word ooeors at tba
beginning of S. Lake's Gospel (i 4). It is to be noted that both in 8. Lake's ps^fioe
and here we find the same words exactly^ imtruct, begin. The ezperienoe of
Theophilas and that of Apollos were perhaps very similar. ' in his Philology ^
the Goipels pp. 29 foil. « by Mr Wright in Expository Timet, 1897-6, pp. 8 foil,
437 foU. B i.e. catechetis : the yerb occars in Lk i 4, Acts xxi 21, 24, Bom ii IB,

I Cor xiv 19, Gal vi 6. ' Cod Bezae has ApoWminu. ^ Marg and AV

eloquent, ^ Gk catechized : Bezan adds in hit country.

XVIII 24^27 THE WAY OF GOD 343

^carefully the things concerning Jesus, knowing only the

26 baptism of John : and he b^gan to speak boldly in the
synagogue. But when Priscilla and Aquila heard him, they
took him unto them, and expounded unto him the way of

27 Ood more ^carefully. 'And when he was minded to pass over
into Achaia, the brethren encouraged him, and wrote to the
disciples to receive him : and when he was come, he 'helped

28 them much which had believed through grace: for he
powerfully confuted the Jews, and that publicly, ^shewing by
the scriptures that Jesus was the Christ

24 ApoUoa came to Ephesus after 8. Paul had gone on to Jerusalem.

35 Being full of enthusiasm, or in the picturesque phrase of the
original boiling in (his) spirit^ and also a teacher or rabbi of

26 abuity, like S. Paul ne oegan to speak boldly in the synagogue. He
preached no doubt the need of righteousness and of repentGoice,
and also that Jesus was the Messiah. But here he stoppea short —
upon the further question of the bearing of the deeds and words of
Jesus upon our present life, he was silent. At Ephesus there had
as yet been no oivision between the s3magogue and ecclesia; and
Priscilla and Aquila, who were in the congre^tion, must have
heard him with joyful surprise. But they perceived at once what
was lacking — ^the aoctrine of the Spirit ana tne church; and inviting
ApoUos to their house, they put brfore him more eocactly the way of
Godj i.e. the new life of the Spirit in the church. ApoUos readily
accepted the fuller teaching, and to judge from the following section
(xix ^6) must have been baptiz^ into the name of Jesus and
received the Holy Spirit by the laying on of hands. If so, we have to
ask — of whose hands ? for ApoUos had left Ephesus before the return
of S. Paul. The apostle however may have, as it is not unreasonable
to suppose, provided for some apostolic delegate to act during his
absence, such as Silas or Timothy : in any case at Corinth, witn its
hieiarchv of spiritual gifts and ministries, there could hardly have
beesi lacking some representative of the first order of 'apostles*.'

^7 In the congr^tion of the synagogue there were present also
some other Qiristians. These were Corinthians on a visit to
Rhesus; and when they heard ApoUos' eloquence, they too were
ddichted. He was just the teacher thev wanted at Corinth — a man
*wiUi excellency of speech and of wisdom/ able to give a 'demon-
stration ' of oratory^. Besides this, they seem to have been in special

^ Ok accurately or exactly: AY diligently, perfectly, ' Bezan has And

there were certain Corinthians scjouming in Ephuut, ana when they heard him thev
haaitghl him to cross over with them to their country. And when he had consented,
the Epheaians wrote to the disciples in Corinth that they should receive the man,
Amd when he had journeyed to Achaia he helped them much in the churehest [for he
p4meffuU^, ' Marg helped much through [Oik the] grace them which had believed
I Beskn inflerti reasoning and, " Bom zii 11. * I Cor xii 28. ''I Cor ii 1-5.

344 THE DISCIPLES OF JOHN xvra 27-28

need of a champion in the controversy with the Jews. Accordingly
they invited him to return with them to Achaia. ApoUos ^vea
cordial assent; but being relnctant to take such a step on his owi
responsibility, the Ephesian Christians, chief among whom weie
Priscilla and Aquila, gave him the needed sanction by wrUing U)
the Corinthian cnurch a commendatory letter \ ApoUos' arrival A
Corinth brought the requisite aid to the believers, i.e. the Christiaw:
through the grace given unto him', manifest especially in 'the wcrd
28 of wisdom and the word of knowledge,' he brought them a gieat
addition of force. In some 'school (p. 351) or place of reaort
ApoUos gave public disputations or ' demonstrations,' in whid he
argued against the Jews that Jesus wa^ the Messiah, and his 'power
in the scriptures * gave him a decided victory. S. Luke uses rery
strong words, far stronger than those he uses of S. Paul's preadung.
ApoUos vehemently^ and utterly confuted the Jews. Accordingiy he
became a great power in the church, almost a second apostle: 'Paul
planted, ApoUos watered.' Unfortunately the difference becween
their respective gifts and methods lent a handle to the spirit of
party which was beginning to manifest itself in the church &t
Corinth. Some of the disciples formed themselves into a definite
section and styled themselves *of ApoUos.' When however his
popularity had become dangerous to tne cause of Christian unity,
ApoUos withdrew to Ephesus, where we find him two or three
years later, and unwilling to return to Corinth even at S. Panl's
request*.

The twelve disciiyles of John

ApoUos was a teacher ; the twelve men now to be considered were
disciples ; and as both parties knev) only the baptism of John, we might
suppose that the twelve were Apollos' disciples. But in that case
we should expect them as weU as Apollos to have received instruction
from Priscilla and Aquila. It is quite possible that in a large city
like Ephesus bodies of Jews — ^and (the church being yet unor^aiiied)
of Christians too — might exist apart and in isolation, meeting in the
great congregation in the synagogue on the sabbath day but otherwise
unknown to one another. Of such a character was this body of John
the Baptist's disciples, who had besides Uke ApoUos some connexions
with Cnristianity. How they were made perfect is best told by '^
narrative itself; and the proper commentary is to be found inthB
paraUel case of the Samaritans in ch. viii, which should be carefuUy

^ This account is mainly from the Bezan text, which says correctly the £p)l^
iiaru : as yet the Christians at Ephesus were not organized into a body. With bis
great gifts Apollos seems to have united that of modesty : cp. I Cor zvi 13. Tiui
enabM 8. Paul to speak of him so freely in I Cor iii 4-8, iv 6 etc * This

interpretation (of the margin) is supported by S. Paul's familiar phrase Vu gnu
given unto me (I Cor iii 10, xv 10, II i 12 etc.) : the believing through grace of tbs
text is supported by the similar expressions in xiii 48, xvi 14 etc. ' Lk xxiii 10.
* I Cor ZYi 12 and cp. generally I Cor ii-iy. Also cp. Clement ad Cor, oh. 54.

XIX 1-2 RECEIVE FROM S. PAUL 345

stadied, as also tlie other special descents of the Holy Ghost, in ii 1-4,
and X 44-8. This descent is, as it were, the Pentecost of the church
&t Ephesos.

19 *And it came to pass, that, while ApoIIos was at Corinth,
Paul having passed through the upper country came to

2 EphesuB, and found certain disciples : and he said unto them.
Did ye receive the Holy Ghost when ye believed ? And they
said unto him. Nay, we did not so much as hear 'whether

3 the Holy Ghost was given. And he said, Into what then
were ye baptized? And they said, Into John's baptism.

4 And Paul said, John baptized with the baptism of repentance,
saying unto the people, that they should believe on him

5 which should come after him, that is, on Jesus. And when
they heard this, they were baptized into the name of the

6 Lord Jesus'. And when Paul had laid his hands upon them,
the Holy Ghost ^came on them ; and they '^ spake with

7 tongues, and prophesied. And they were in all about twelve
men.

1 We left S. Paul on the borders of Galatia and Asia (p. 336\ As
in the former journey he had been forbidden to enter Asia oy the
Spirit, so now (accoraing to the Bezan text) the Spirit, again over-
ruling the apostle's own plans, bids him return to the province.
Accordingly ne came down to Ephesus through the upper country,
that is he took the direct route from Metropolis along the higlier
^und which has been discovered by Prof. Ramsay (p. 275). ITie
nigh road ran down the valley of the Lycus past Colossae and
Laodicea; but S. Paul writes to the Colossians tnat the Christians
of this valley had not seen liis face in the flesh*. He would have
arrived at Ephesus in the late summer of a.d. 51 and after the
departure of Apollos; and no doubt he took up his abode with
PnsciUa and Aquila. Shortly after his arrival he came across'
these twelve men who professed to be disciples. S. Paul took
their baptism for granted (verse 3), bat something aroused his

2 suspicions. The gift of the Holy Spirit has a double manifestation
in flie life of the Christian. His fruits — of love, jov, peace, etc. —
are seen in the character; and he is the- source of spiritual gifts,

^ Bezan has Now when Paul wcu wishing (or willing^ as in xviii 21) after his
swn {private) counsel to go to Jerusalem^ the Spirit bade him return into Asia.
And he [passed through. ' The Greek is simply whether {the) Holy Spirit is :

Beian reads whether any are receiving the Holy Spirit. ' Bezan adds /or the

f&rgUfeness of sins. * Bezan straightway fell. ' A Bezan authority has

wake with] other tongues and had knowledge in themselves so that they interpreted
iem to themselves: hut some also [prophesied, * Col ii 1. ' Cp. the finding

yf Aqaila in xviii 2.

346 THE BAPTISM OF THE SPIRIT xiX2-7

especially that of spiritnal understanding. Now in some of these
rira or fruits these twelve disciples must have been deficient,
rossibly after the example of the &iptist they were living the life
of rigid ascetics, severe and gloomy, without Christian joy* : or again
they may have failed to understand S. Paul's spiritual teaching. In
any case S. Paul was induced to ask Did ye receive the Holy ^irU
when ye believed? The AV Ham ye received... since ye believea! is
very misleading. The meaning of the Greek tenses is unmistakeable.
They describe neither a gradual process nor a reception at some
interval after believing, but a demiite ^ft at a definite moment:
* Did ye receive... when ye believed (that is, when ye professed your
belief in baptism)?' That S. Paul did refer to the moment of
baptism is proved by Ids next question. But the twelve discipla
dia not even hear — they were not informed at the time of tneir
baptism — that the Holy Ghost is given. The meaning of the Greek
is IS fixed by S. John's phrase'— ^br the Holy Ghost was not yet (le.
given) ; and it is rightly paraphrased in the Bezan text whether any
are receiving the Hdv Spirit. For the disciples must have known
that there was a Holy Spirit ; the Spirit of the Lord is frequently
spoken of in the OT', ana their master John had himself prophesied

3 of a baptism in the Spirit. Having received such an answer, S. Panl
goes on to enquire into their baptism, and finds that they had only
been baptized with John's baptism of water. This baptism if

4 repentance was a necessary preparation (xiii 24) ; but it was only&
preparation for, as also a profession of faith in^ the coming Messiah
whose baptism was to be with water and the Spirit. The need of
supplementing the baptism of water with that of the Spirit had
been laid down by the Lord at the beginning of the Acts (i 5).

5 The twelve disciples were then baptized again with water, but ^

6 the name qf the Lord Jesus for the forgiveness of sins*, and Po^
laid on his hands and the Holy Spirit came upon them. Their
baptism with the Spirit was manifested by visible phenomena, vii.

7 ^miking with tongues and prophesying — the same tiiat had h^
pened *at the beginning,' at the first Pentecost (pp. 19-21).
This descent of the Holy Spirit, proved by external evidence ^c*^

could not be gainsaid, is S. Luke's final proof of the necessity of ^^
baptism of the Spirit for all Christians of whatever religious statos.
The disciples of Jesus (whose experience had been the same as that of
these twelve), the Samaritans who had been baptized into the name of
Jesus, the unbaptized Gentiles, and the disciples of John the Baptist,
all alike needed and received this completion of Christian life. Tto
completion is here given at a definite moment in a sacrament, viz. of
baptism accompanied with laying-on of hands ; and it is a coincidence

^ Cp. Lk vii 33. They may have been practising their asceticism on wrong
grounds, e.g. abstaining from flesh-meat as evil in itself; op. I Tim iv 1-S.
> Jn vii 39. * e.g. in Qen i 2, Ps U 11, Isai Izui 14. « This addition fom

the Bezan text wonld imply that John's baptism did not convey forgiyeneaa ; henoa
the repetition of the baptism of water.

XIX 8-20 THE EPHESIAN NARRATIVE 347

to be noted that in the Epistle to the Ephesians* the 'one baptism * is
enumerated among the foundations of the unity of the church.

§ 2 The establishment of the church in power

After this lone introduction, we may at last turn to S. PauFs
actual work at Epnesus, which now takes the place of Corinth as his
head-quarters. To this work are assigned but thirteen verses (8-20), but
these are richly supplemented by other authorities. We have — a vivid
account from an eye-witness of the riot which concluded S. Paul's
sojourn at Ephesus (verses 23-41) : S. Paul's farewell address to the
presbyters of the Epnesian church (xx 18-35) : the first Epistle to the
Corinthians which was written at Ephesus, and the Epistle addressed
a few years later to the Ephesians^ This last however, bein^ in all
probability a circular letter addressed to the churches of Asia, does
not give much detail about Ephesus in particular. Then we have to
ask who was S. Luke's authontjr for this account ? For this section
(and in it we now include xviii 24-xix 7) is strongly marked by a
return to the Hebraic character of the earlv chapters; and this
distinguishes it from the following narrative of the riot (verses 21-41),
which must therefore be ascribed to a different source*. The Hebraism
is seen in the style and phrases and idcas^: the way and the name
return into prominence", and we also notice the attention paid to
numbers'. S. John, who may have been one of S. Luke's authorities
for the early chapters^ did indeed spend the later years of his life at
Ephesus : but his residence there was subsequent to the composition of
the Acts. Besides we notice certain distinct features in the style^
which point to a source different from those for the early chapters;
and indeed who were so likely and able to have given information as
Priscilla and Aquila the Jew ? We recoipize however Lucan character-
istics, including for instance the use of uncommon words'; and there

* !▼ 5 : cp. Col ii 12. * To these we may add, as anthorities for the history

of the Ephesian church, — the Epistles to Timothy; the Bevelation of S. John,
especiaUy ii 1-7, and the Epistles and (Gospel of S. John. Bat, dating from a later
period, tiiey faU out of oar reach. ' Possibly Aristarchas (ver. 29). ^ e.g.

verse 1 (and 10) it came to pasi, verses 10, 17 all the dwellen in (i 19, ii 9, 14, iz 82,
85 etc.), verse 4 the people, verse 11 through the handt of {y 12), verse 14 doing thie
(iv 7), verse 17 this became known (i 19, ii 14, iv 10, 16 Ao\ fear fell upon (Lk i 12,
Acts V 11 and x 44), magnify (Lk i 46, 68, Acts ii 11, v 18, x 46), verse 19 count

ii 26 numbered i.e. counted among), verse 20 the word grew (vi 7, vii 17, xii 24).
Cp. xviii 25, 26, xix 9, 23 : xix 5, 18, 17. • e.g. verse 7 twelve, 14 eeven, 19

fifty thousand. The coincidence with the twelve (vi 2), seven (vi 8) and the five in
xiii 1 is carious. Add also verse 8 three months, 10 two years, ^ See p. xliii.

> e.g. the Holy Spirit here cctme, before he fell (z 44) or W€U poured out (ii 88) or
given (viii 18) : here we have evil spirits, before unclean (v 16, viii 7) and a different
word is used for their going out i powers is used for the signs and wonders of v 12 :
the perfect tense is used for believers (xviii 27, xix 18), before the aorist (iv 32, xi 17).
* Thus verse 9 be hardened, speak evil, verse 12 carry-away, handkerchiefs y aprons,
depart from, verse 13 exorcist, name, abjure, 16 master, 18 confess, deeds (i.e. proc-
tices), 19 curious, bring'together, oooar hsre only in the Acts.

348 THE CHURCH AT EPHESUS xiX8-«)

are coincidences with S. Paul and the ktcr chapters \ Therefore in
any case S. Luke has revised his authority, and perhaps the lapse into
a more Hebraic style may be intentional; he would call our attention
to the parallel between the history of the beginnings of the church at
Ephesus and of the church at Jerusalem.

Brief as the account is, S. Luke, with his usual skill, by a few
salient touches makes the si^ficant features of the work out before
us. Tliis work is the establishment of the church; just as tiie doctriDB
of the church is the main subiect both of S. Paul's chai^ to the pres-
byters and of his epistle to the Ephesians. The church is presented
to us (A) ideally, and (B) historically.

A. Viewed from without as a society, the church is the hng-
dom of God*. Over against the Roman empire, which is the kingdoia
of the world, and the proud ecclesia of the city of Ephesus, over
against God's old ecclesia of the Jewish synagogue and me imposing
ecclesiastical establishment which centred round the temple of Artenus^
S. Paul establishes the kingdom of God, the true ecclesia (xx 17>«
Viewed from witliin, the church is the way^. It is the way of iruttB.
and life, straight and narrow, as opposed to the crooked and manifolcS-
paths of superstition, of curious arts and Ephesian lore. The unity (pit
the church within is seen in its inclusion of both Jews and Greeks ani
this corresponds to its universal claim — over cM the world*.

B. The actual growth of the church at Ephesus affords us a typi
example, from wliicli we may draw a picture of the beginnings of tL
churen in other great cities, such as Rome and Alexandria. There i
the sowing of the seed in divers ways and maimers, and its growth lz3
various plots or groups. There are first the Jews generally, who ha^^
heard something of the new way and desire to hear more. Then PrifioH-ai
and A<iuila settle at Ephesus and gather disciples round them, forming
a church in their house. Then Apollos arrives knowing only tti.€
baptism of John, and among his audience we find Christians fioxn
Corinth. Lastly there is a band of twelve disciples of the Bei^tist.
The only common tie between all these is the Jewish synagogue
which they all frequent. And in that synagogue what a variety of
doctrines the congregation must have listen^ to ! First S. i^

^ Thus prophety oooan xxi 9 (in ii 17-8 only in a quotation from OT) : mm 7
is in form exactly like zxvii 37 : before is characteristio of the early ohapton and
before the multittide (verse 9) occurs vi 6, but before all (verse 19)' only in xivii 85;
no common {verse 11) occurs xxviii 2 ; another tense of the verb for stiroUmg (ww
18) in xxviii 18. Take in hand or attempt (verse 13) is Lucan (Lk i 1, Aois ix 39)<
Other words are also Pauline. Notice especially both Jew* and Qreeki (w. 10, 17)
which recurs in xx 21, also in xiv 1, xviii 4, and is characteristio of l^^wn^na lod
I Cor. Name (verse 13) which is Lucan (Lk vi 18-4) occurs 8 timee in Ephesisni,
twice in I Cor, elsewhere only in Kom xv 20 (II Tim ii 10) ; declare (verse 18) ii
characteristic of the later chapters and is Pauline. Deed occurs Lk zxiii 51, Col iii 9.
Cp. also for ieparate (verse 9) xiii 2 and Gal i 15. ' This title haa not oceoned

Fince xiv 22 and only returns at Borne at the end of the book (xxyiH 23, 31).
* This title is especially characteristic of the Ephesian section, occurring 4 times—
xviii 25, 26, xix 9, 23. Excluding xvi 17, it only occurs 4 times elsewhere— ix 2,
xxii 4, xxiv 14, 22. * See w. 10, 17 aU the dweUers in Asia and Epheaus.

XIX 8 S. PAUL IN THE SIT^AGOGUE 349

appears one sabbath day and reasons. Then an eloquent Alexandrian
preaclies boldly, but a somewhat different gospel. Lastly S. Paul
returns and argues with all his powers of personal persuasion.

This arrival of S. Paul is the climax : as an apostle he possesses the
due authority to build up the varied elements or isolated edifices into
one church or temple of God (Eph ii 19-22). But for such a building,
there must be an independent and self-supporting foundation. For this
reason a separation from the synagogue is indispensable. Therefore
the real work at Ephesus begins with such a separation, as at the
Pisidian Aiitioch (xiii 44-8), Corinth (xviii 6-7), and Rome (xxviii
23-8).

8 And he entered into the synagogue, and spake boldly^ for
the space of three months, reasoning and persuading as to

9 the things concerning the kingdom of God. But when some
were hardened and disobedient, speaking evil of the Way
before the multitude', he departed from them, and separated
the disciples, reasoning daily in the school of Tyrannus'.

10 And this continued for the space of two years ; so that all
they which dwelt in Asia heard the word of the Lord, both
Jews and Greeks.

In the synagogue, after Apollos' powerful demonstrations of the
Messiahship of Jesus, S. Paul was able to advance further and declare
what followed upon this, viz. the royal dignity and the kingdom of
Jesus or ths kingdom qf God, — in other words tke church of God
which he hod pu/rchased with his own blood*. From the Epistle we
can rather some of the ideas which were the ground-work of his
preaching. The church was — the body of tiie Messiah, drawing all its
me firom Christ its head : the bride, made one flesh with Christ the
bridegroom : the fulness of the Christ, viz. that in which his divine
fulness finds expression in the world of time : the new temple built upon
the foundations of the Old and the New Testaments. Of this temple
Jesus Christ was the chief comer-stone, and as such he bound both Jews
and Greeks into one. But the church was specially the promised
inheritance of the Jews which the apostle urged them to rise up and
occupy\ At the same time he did not shrink firom declaring to them
the whole counsel of God^ the truth — so unpalatable to the Jews — of
the catholicity of the church, that the Gentiles were fellow-heirs with
the Jews, fellow-members of the body, feUow-partakers of the promise
in Christ Jesus'; a doctrine which o. Paul illustrated in practice by
testifying to Jew and Greek alike^

^ Bezan adds vnih great power. ^ Bezan adds of the Gentiles. > Bezan

adds/rom the fifth to the tenth hour. * xz 28. » Eph i 22-3, iv 4-16:

V 23-32 : i 23, iv 10 : ii 19-22 and Acts xz S2. • zz 27 : Eph iii 1-12.
' zz 21, ziz 10, 17.

r

350 THE SEPARATION OF THE CHURCH xixg

S. PauFs reasoning had greater effect on the Ephesian Jews than on
any others of the Dispersion (except the Beroeans). For he preached
in the synagogue for three months^ and the opposition was confined
to a pfiu*ty (some) among them. Hitherto 8. Luke has given the reason
for belief; nere he gives that for unbelief. He traces it back not to
divine predestination, but to moral causes, to the heart ^ They stiffened
their necks and refused to enter through the low gate into the way of
truth ; they hardened their hearts ana refused to obeviiie dams of
the kingdom', and this disobedience is unbelief. J^ailing to cany
the whole synagogue with them, they were unable to procure S. Paul's
punishment or excommunication and had to confine themselves to the
weapons of controversy. The svnagogue at Ephesus would be a hup
one and S. PauFs preaching would attract large congregations from the
Gentiles as well as the Jews; at the Pisidian Antioch the whole city had
assembled. Before these CTcat audiences' S. Paul's opponents qfoke
evil of the way. The word is that used for the reoiling of the most
sacred relationships — of parents and of (Jod^ This evil-speaking was
therefore equivalent to uie blasphemy at Antioch and Ck)rinth*, and
S. Paul felt justified in making a separation. There does not seem
to have been a scene of violence as at Antioch or Corinth*; the apostle
simply withdrew and separated the disciplesy dividing them fix>m the
Jews as a shepherd separates the sheep firom the goats'.

This ' separation ' of the disciples, like that of Paul and Banabss',
was itself a divine call of the church to the work. And as in respond-
ing to the call Paul and Barnabas had realized their apostolate, so now
by a similar response the church at Ephesus realized its own self-
conscious existence as an independent ecclesia of Ood. S. Paul iras of
course the centre of unity in the church and with him were a hand
of ministers Sind fellow-travellers— 4hey thctt were with him\ AmoDg
these we find Timothy and Erastus, Oaius and Aristarchus (twoThes-
salonians), Titus also and two Ephesians, Tychicus and Trophimos*
Moreover PrisciUa and Aquila were at Ephesus, and Apollos was soon to
return". But the church would soon need a more definite and penna-
nent government; and accordingly S. Paul, under the guidance of the

^ At Antioch he left the sycagogne on the second sabbath, at Thessalonicftifls
8 weeks. > Cp. vii 51 : Hebr iii 8-15 (Ps zcv 8). The hardaiing may be of

heart or neck. S. Panl assigns the same cause for unbelief at Borne (zz^ SIV
* The multitude (xX^of) denotes neither a mere crowd (^x^^) ^^r the assembly «
the citizens of Ephesus (btjiun). Corresponding to its use for the body of the
church, it would weU denote the congregation of a church or BynagogDB<
« (a) Ezod zzi 17, Prov zz 20, Ezek zzU 7, Mt zv 4, Mk yii 10: (&) I SamiiiUi
cp. Ezod zzU 28. » ziii 45, zviii 6. • But zz 26, which reeaUa z?iii &»

may point to such a scene. ' Mt zzv 82. The idea of the shepherd is almoi^

coxifined to the Ephesian part of S. Paul's writings (Acts zz 28, Eph iv 11). To
the Jews the withdrawal was an apostaey (zzi 21). ^ ziii 2, op. QdX i 15.

» zz 84: Gal i 2. ^^ yy. 22, 29 : n Cor yii 6-15 etc.: Acts zz 4. u Cp.

I Cor ZTi 12, 19. Among the converts we can reckon Epaenetus the fintfrviu af
Atia, possibly like Aquila a Boman Jew (Bom zvi 5), and Onesiphorus (II Tim i 16).
Later on we have Hymenaeus and Alezander, Phyg^us and Hermogenes (I Tim 120,

II i 15) ; but these proved faithless to the church.

XIX 9 S. PAUL TEACHES PUBLICLY 351

Holy Ghost, appointed a body of presbyters, to whom he also gave the
Greek title of ois/ums (Gk episcopot), to oe the * pastors ' of the church*.

Besides rulers tne church also needed a home of its own. It would
find *an upper room ' for worship in the house of Priscilla and Aquila ;
but this would hardly suffice tor public preaching on a large scale.
Accordingly S. Paul took a step further, and taught publicly fxx 20),
reasoning daily in the school of Tyrannus. Such a school or lecture-
room we should expect to find in some gymnasium. In the out-of-door
life of the ancient world, among the most important features of a city
were its places of public resort. For this purpose western and Roman
cities h£ul their 'baths,' Greek and eastern cities their 'gymnasia.'
These gymnasia, whose original purpose had been simnly the exercise
of the body in athletic sports, had long since become places of general
recreation. Besides running and wrestling grounds, they included
gardens, walks, and colonnaaes, together with a number of halls and
semicircular *exedrae.' These buildings were made use of by gram-
marians, poets, and philosophers, for givmg lectures and recitations. To
listen to such ' displays ' was a favourite way of killing time, and so
the word for leisure, schoU (school), came to be applied to the lecture
itself, and fi-om the lecture it passed on to the place of delivery and to
the class who attended. Epnesus had no less than five gymnasia^
and possibly in one of these was the school which had been built by, or
was the scene of the labours of, Tyranntis\ Bjr some arrangement —
which in this case would have implied the permission of the 'gymna-
siarch*' — S. Paul obtained the use of it; and he reasoned there every
day from the fifth to the tenth hour, i.e. from just before midday till
the end of the afternoon. That would be the time when the serious
work of the day was over and the citizens would frequent the places
of recreation.

The early morning hours were thus left free to S. Paul for his own daily
task. For as at Thessalonica and Corinth, so at Ephesus he worked
with his hands, only in this case not so much to earn his living as to
set an example to the church, for by his labours he was able to help
others also". Then besides the public disputing in the school of T^nnus,
there was his private ministry — ^in the church and in pastoral visitation.
He taught firom house to house and admonished the disciples individually.
His main theme was repentance towards God and faith towards our
Lord Jesus Christ*, This he testified both to Jews and Greeks, But
in addition he had to teach the Gentiles the elements of monotheism
and of spiritual religion, e.g. the doctrine that they be no gods which are
made icith hands. Such a doctrine obviously would affect the worship
of Artemis, but the apostle was careful to avoid giving unnecessary
provocation by any blasphemy or evil speaking against the goddess'.

1 zx 28. > according to E. Falkener Ephenu (1862). ' The omission

of the AV one from our text shews that Tyrannos was some well-known person or
that the school was a public building known as the tchool of Tyravnut, ^ i.e. the
magistrate in charge of tlie gymnasia. We know tliat some of the Asiarchs were
friendly to S. Paul • zx 34-5. • zx 20-1. ' ziz 3C, S7 : cp. ziv 16, zyil 2'J.

\

362 THE CHURCH SPREADS OVER ASIA xixio

To this ministry Ephesus made a great response : crowds apparently
attended first the synagogue, then the school of Tymnnus. * A great
door was opened ^ ' : and S. Paul continued his work^br two years, or, if
we add the three months in the synagogue and the shorter time at tk
end, considerably over two years, — in Jewish reckoning a tk-ee^eari-
spaced As a result the news of the gospel spread not only throughoat
tne city but over the whole province. The provincials who flocked to
Ephesus for legal or commercial business, for the worship of Artemu
and the magnificent festivals and spectacles, carried the word of At
Lord home with them. On the part of the church also there was an
active propaganda'. It is very probable that S. Paul revisited Coriuth
in this period, and his words among whom I went about in xx 25 may
cover visits to cities in Asia. In any case there was no lack (h
evangelists like Epaphras, who carried the word into the valley of the
Lycus, where grew up the flourishing churches of Laodicea, urith its
'church in Nymphas house'; of Hierapolis; and of Colossae, with
Archippus for its minister and its ' churcn in the house of Philemon,'
himself a fiiend of the apostle^. At the end of the period we find a
church at Troas* ; and now no doubt were laid the foundations at least
of the remainder of the 'seven churches of Asia,' viz. Smyrna, Pergamam,
Thyatira, Sardis, Philadelphia. So great was the effect tJiat ahMi
throughout all Asia this JPatd turned away much people firom the
worsmp of idols and therefore of Artemis (verse 26). In Ephesus
itself a great number of the professors of the curious arts, like the
priests at Jerusalem (vi 7), became obedient to the fetith. The repute
of S. Paul reached the highest circles of society, and among his firiends
he counted some of the Asiarchs. His own disciples loved him with a
passionate devotion '•

ITiere was however another side to the picture. S. Paul's senrice
of the Lord was accompanied mth tears and with tricUs, For success
inevitably arouses opposition. Unpopular as they were, the Jews had
no opportunity of influencing either the government or the people, td
their nostility vented itself in plotsl But the progress of the fiiih
must have affected many vested interests, both religious and secuto
and so have roused up 'many adversaries.' S. Paul could speak of
himself as ' dying daily ' : on one occasion he * fought with wild beasts*':
and PrisciUa ana Aquila had an opportunity of laying down their necks
for his sake^. At last the pent-up hostility burst out in a sudden ex-
plosion which drove S. Paul from the city. But the success of the
preaching brought in its train temptations which were far more peribos
than open opposition, and with these the church has to deal b^orethe
final crisis.

1 I Cor xvi 9. s XX 31. 3^8 in Qalatia (xiv 6-7, p. 229), liaoedooii

(I Thess i 8), Achaia (II Cor i 1). « Cp. Col i 7, iv 12 ; 15-17, Philemon l-S, SS.
6 XX 5-12, n Cor ii 12. « xix 31 ; xx 37-8. ' xx 19. • Thiiii

probably a metaphor (as in n Tim iv 17). It is almost impossible to sappoM thit
S. Paul was literally exposed to the wild beasts in the amphitheatre. * I Col

xvi 9; XY 81, 82: Bom xvi 4.

XIX n -12 S. PAUL WORKS MIRACLES 353

§ 3 Jetv^ish and Christian ^ magic ^ and the church

Nothing has been said as yet of a most important clement in

S. Paul's success — viz. his miraculous power. Everywhere indeed he

has been attended by miracles, but at Ephesus we seem to reach a

11 climax in this matter also. For (1^ God wrought some eaxeptional
powers by his hands-, and these mdicated, in the eyes of the
Ephesians, (2) a permanent power residing in him\ This idea

12 gave rise to superstitious practices : cloths' which had touched his
skin were carried away and applied, with apparent efficacy, to the
sick. This feature forms a parallel to the similar outburst of
miraculous activity at Jerusalem described in v 12-16. There
S. Peter's shadow possesses the virtue now ascribed to S. Paul's
skin: we notice however that for the signs and wonders wrought
by the apostles in Jerusalem the writer here substitutes the stronger
word jpowers. In each case, both at Jerusalem and Ephesus, we

have an mstance of the divine condescension or accommodation : to a
superstitious people a superstitious appeal is allowed'. But there is a
further explanation, of special application to Ephesus. The manifesta-
tion of divine power was needed to convict the false power — * the power
and signs and lying wonders with all the deceit of unrighteousness*' —
which had kept the Ephesians in bondage. Powers had been wrought
at Samaria by Philip and evil spirits cast out, and for the same reason
— ^to deliver the Samaritans from the spiritual tyranny of Simon Magus,
who called himself Hhe Great Power of Ood.' In many respects there
is a noticeable parallelism between Ephesus and Samaria'.

But the manifestation of divine power precipitated the conflict with
eviL (1) Without the church, it roused up in competition the most
dangerous rival of Christianity — false spiritualism. Barjesus, the
' magus ' of Paphos, had resisted the word ; but Simon Magus had
desired to employ the power of the Spirit for his own purposes, and
now the spiritualists of Ephesus boldly made the same experiment.
In exorcisms and similar magic the virtue lay in the formula or in-
cantation used, and the 'Epnesian letters' were such incantations.
The success of these formulas depended upon the *name which was
named ' in them ; and now the Ephesian professors had discovered a
new and potent name, the name which S. Paul used with such eflFect
in his powers. But their use of it was taking the name in vain, and
its majesty as well as its superiority over all other names must be
vindicated*.

(2) Within the church, the power wielded by S. Paul proved too
attractive. The sun of prosperity draws up a plentiful crop of weeds

^ as in the Lord (Lk yiii 46). ' They were napkina, for wiping off sweat, and

half-cinetures or apron$, which were worn by working men. < See above pp. 68-9.

^ 11 Thes ii 9-10. <* Besides the great powen (viii 18) and unclean tpiriu (7),

we have proclaiming (6), the kingdom of Ood (12) and haptitm into the name of the
Lord JewM (16) — ^phrases which occur in xix 13, 8, 5. ^ Cp. Eph i 21. The

verb to name (yer. 13} occurs 8 times in Ephesians : elsewhere in NT only 6 times.
For the Name cp. Eph y 20, Col iii 17.

B. A. 23

364 THE JEWISH EXORCISTS xix 13-19

together with the ffood wheat. At Jerusalem disciples, like Ananias
and Sapphira, had been drawn to the church who had not put off their
covetousness, as later on Pharisees who had not put off their Phari-
saism : at Samaria Simon Ma^s had believed and been baptized, and
yet was hoping to purchase Sie right to give the Holy Spirit And
now at Ephesus numbers had join^ the church who liad not realized
the entire moral change demanded of them, viz. to ' put away the old
man of their former manner of life, and be renewed in the spirit of
their mind/ They had not ceased 'to have fellowship with uie nn-
fruitful works of darkness*,' but secretly retained their cwriow arts and
practices. To save the church from a definite lowering of the spiritual
me and moral standard, a reformation was needed, a real repentance
— ^to be exhibited in deed, like that preached by John the Baptist to
the Jews.

11 And God wrought 'special 'miracles by the hands of

12 Paul : insomuch that unto the sick were carried away from
his body ^handkerchiefs or aprons, and the diseases departed
from them, and the evil spirits went out.

13 But certain also of the strolling Jews, exorcists, *took
upon them to name over them which had the evil spirits the
name of the Lord Jesus, saying, I abjure you by Jesus whom

14 Paul preacheth. •And there were seven sons of one SceTa^

15 a Jew, a 'chief priest, which did this. And the evil spirit
answered and said unto them, Jesus I 'know, and Paul I

16 know ; but who are ye ? And the man in whom the evil
spirit was leaped on them, and mastered 'both of them, and
prevailed against them, so that they fled out of that boo^
naked and wounded.

17 And this became known to all, both Jews and Greeks,
that dwelt at Ephesus ; and fear fell upon them all, and the

18 name of the Lord Jesus was magnified. Many also of them
that had believed came, confessing, and declaring thdr deeds.

19 And not a few of them that practised ^^curious arts brouglit
their books together, and burned them in the sight of all:

1 Eph iv 22-4: v 11. ' or no common (xxviii 2). « Ok jwrfl*

^ Gk mdaria or semicincHa (Latin words). ^ Gk took in hand (Lk i 1), iA

attempt, ^ Bezan has Amongst whom alio the sons of one Seeva a priest wiM

to do the same^ {who) were accustomed to exorcise such persons. And entering into
(the house of) the possessed they began to invoke over him the name, saying We eJborfC
thee by Jesus whom Paul preacheth to come forth. Then [the evil spirit, ' Ok

high-priest. ^ Marg recognise, * AV reads simplj tJum, ^ le.

magical (marg).

1

XIX 13-18 AND CHRISTIAN REPENTANCE 355

and they counted the price of them, and found it fifty
thousand pieces of silver.
20 So mightily grew the word of the Lord and prevailed.

13 The Jews had become greatly addicted to the study of magic.
Around the name of Solomon clnstered great traditions of magical
powers, and the Jewish Eabbala was to become the type of this lore.
Barjesus of Paphos was a Jew, and Simon Magus a Samaritan.
Exorcism however or the casting out of spirits was a recognized
practice, much as the practice of medicine to-day. In Palestine
' the sons of the Pharisees ' cast out devils\ and ' exorcists ' came to

14 form a regular class in the Christian church. So now at Ephesus
we find some travelling^ Jewish exorcists. Among them were some
of high rank, the sons of a Jewish priest. Our text says a hi^h
priest^ which would denote a member of the high-priestly families
at Jerusalem; but perhaps there is some confusion, and Sceta may
have been a priest who was also a ruler of the synagogue*. The
distinction between the right and wrong exorcism lay in the faith
of the exorcist. The sons of Sceva, without any faith in the Lord*,
thought they would make trial of the formula which S. Paul used
*IN THE NAME OP JESUS.' Two of them' uttered it over a demoniac.

15 But their exorcism had an unexpected effect. Like the evil spirits
in the Gospel, this spirit knew^ i.e. reco^ized the power of, Jesus ;
he also knewPcml\ i.e. the demoniac haa probably met or heard the

16 apostle, and was quite aware that the sons of Sceva had no part with
him. As if infuriated at the deception practised on him, he leaped
upon theniy and overpowering them both, used such violence that they
mads their escape with difficulty.

17 This 'judgement* became notorious throughout the city, and it
had the same effect as the judgement of Ananias and Sapphira^. It
caused universal awe and reverence for the name of the LORD
JESUS. In the church it even brought about a reformation. The
evident presence of the Spirit of power convicted the conscience of

18 sin and Drought to repentance. (1) Many who had believed began
to come forward and confess openly^ to the church, or to the church
authorities, the evil practices which they had not abandoned.
(2) But the final test of repentance is amendment*, and of this

^ Lk xi 19, Mt xii 27. ' i.e. going round or ahouty from place to place, very

maoh like S. Paul himBelf. * Some Bezan anthorities have ruler instead of

^riett. ^ Cp. Mt xvii 16-20, Mk ix 28-9. ^ This we gather from the

better reading in verse 16 both of them. * Two different Greek words are here

used for know. The one (Paul I know) ia a general term, whidi does not suggest
the source or nature of the knowledge : the other {Jestu I know) implies that the
knowledge has been gained by personal experience. Similar combinations occur in
XV 7 and 8, xix 25 and 85, xx 18 and 34. ^ ^ H; cp. Lk i 65. o The word

denotes confession with the lips : for such confession see Mt iii 6, Jas v 16, IJn i 9.
* Cp. xxvi 20, Lk iii 8. The candidate for baptism in early days had to abjure
many professions and callings (such as these curious arts), which was in itself a
great test of repentance.

23—2

€

366 THE TRIUMPH OF THE CHURCH xix 19-20

19 there was a signal proof. Not a few of the professors qf curious
arts^ now collected the books (parchments, rolls etc.) which contained
their magical formulas and Ephesian letters, and burnt them publicly
{before eUl) in a great bonfire. It must have made a deep impression
on the citnr, like 'the bonfire of vanities' which resulted from
Savonarola s preaching at Florence. ^ It was equivalent to a public
recantation, for the custom of burning sacrilegious works was not
unknown in those days^ What was still more impressive was the
value of the sacrifice, which afforded a proof ot their sincerity.
These books, containing such efiicacious secrets, were very valuable;
and some who were interested added up their prices. The sum
came to 50000 drachmas* or about £1700, which firom the greater
purchasing power of money in those days really represents a much
greater value.

20 This bonfire was the crowning victory of the church over its
greatest enemy — evil within; and S. Luke concludes with one of his
summaries. The sentence is stamped with the characteristic of tiie
work at Ephesus, viz. might or power^. Thus^ in such decisive
victories ^ the kingdom of God was established in power ; and the
word of the Lord, manifested with mighty continued to grow and to
prevail over all adversaries — visible and invisible.

This victory also concludes the history of aggressive work in the
Acts : as the next verse tells us — these things {Le. this work) were
fulfilled. The fulfilment at Ephesus answers to the beginning of the
church at Jerusalem; and so is made manifest the unity whicE under-
lies the church's life and growtL The church is the same Way and
founded on the power of the same Name. A^ain we have, as at the
beginning, the baptism of John (i 6), followed by that of the Holy
Ghost (u 1-4) manifested in speaking with tongues and prophecy
(ii 5-13): an outburst of miraculous energy (ii 43, v 12-16): a de-
cisive judgement on hypocrites within (v 1-11) and without (viii
18-24) : a consequent exhibition of repentance (ii 37-43) and of self-
abnegation in the matter of money and possessions (ii 44, iv 32-35).
In its organization the church is built upon the foundation of ^e
apostles — at Jerusalem S. Peter and the Twelve, at Ephesus S. Pad.
In conveying the gift of the Spirit, in his miraculous power, and in
his victory over the church's adversaries, Paul is a second Peter; and
verse 20 represents the climax of his work also. The result is com-
mensurate. In the first centuries Ephesus, as a centre of the church,

1 Curious (from the Vulgate curiosa) exactly represents the Greek word. These
magioians were busied about, inquisitive into, the secrets of nature. They were,
like the alchemists, ancestors of our chemists and scientists. ' Dr Field in

his Notes on translation of NT gives instances. ' The (piece of) silver was the

drachma, which corresponded to the Latin denarius or permy and wa8=8(i. or 9(L
* The phrase translated mightily occurs here only in the Acts. The substantiTe is
used in Eph vi 10 together with two other ideas characteristic of this section : he
made powerful (xviii 24, zix 11) in the might (ver. 20) of his strength (corresponding
to prevail, w. 16, 20): so too in Eph i 19. ^ Very different from the manner

in which the apostle went out from the Areopagus, xyii 33 {Urns).

XIX 20 THE FATE OF EPHESUS 367

eclipses Antioch. At Ephesus S. John, the last of the Twelve, fixed
his abode, bequeathed nis Gospel to the church, and died. With
Ephesus and Asia are associated most of the great names of early
church history, S. Polycarp and S. Irenaeus, Papias of Hierapolis,
Polycrates of Ephesus, and Melito of Sardis. ' Asia ' was indeea the
heart of the church, the scene of its ^eatest activity. This is also
evident from the growth of heresies, which fully justified the apostolic
warnings and anticipations. The names of Oerinthus of Ephesus,
Marcion of Pontus, and Montanus of Phrygia, have ^ven Asia an
unliappy notoriety. But if the exuberance of error dims the glory,
it is the sign of the vitality, of a church. In later centuries poutical
and nature causes brought about a decline. The silting up of its
harbour destroyed the prosperity of Ephesus. Asia declined with the
decay of the empire, ana the invasion of Mohammedanism overwhelmed
its churches. To-day the port of Ephesus is a marsh, and its site is
marked by a few ruins : ' its candlestick has been removed out of its

Elace.' A small village still exists in the neighbourhood of the once
imous temple of Artemis; but the temple i^elf fell into ruins, was
covered with rubbish, and utterly lost, until its remains were discovered
and excavated in the year 1869 by an English arcliitect, Mr J. T. Woods*.

^ Sco his Diicoveries at EphetuSy iS77.

DIVISION III

(=Ch. 19. 21—28)

THE PASSING OF PAUL AND HIS DEFENCE

OF THE GOSPEL

From A.D. 54 to a.d. 60 — Nero being emperor qf Borne {from Oct. 54);
Antonius Felix (52-57) and Porcius Festtis (57-60) being pro-
curators of Jvdaea ; Ananias son o/Nedebaios and Ishmael son of
Phabi (c. 58) high-priests,

Now when these things were jfulfiUed — these solemn words* shew that
here we enter upon the last division of the Acts. After the riot at
Ephesus there follows the narrative of the final journey to Jerusalem,
and though there was an interval of a year between the two, there is no
break in the narrative. From the point of view of the Acts the
departure from Ephesus was the beginning of the journey, and therefore
the beginning of the end.

(n This division may be headed THE PASSING or PASSION
OF Pa UL, Not that it will actually contain his death, but it is the
record of all the steps which led up to it — the conclusion of his active
ministry : his farewells to the brethren : his apologia pro vita sua to
the church, the Jews, and the Romans : his arrest, trials, and despatch
to Home.

(2) This ending of the Acts forms a striking parallel to the ending
of tne Gospel There the passion of the Lord with all its immediate
preparation is related in great detail ; so here the 'passion' of Paul is on
a scale altogether disproportionate to the rest of the book. The Acts
however does not end in fact with S. Paul's death, but with a condition
of renewed life ; similarly at the end of Part I the 'passion' of S. Peter
had ended with a deliverance. Thus in each case tnere is a parallel to
the resurrection in the Gospel. Again the preparatonr stages are ahke
distinctly marked in the structure of each book. In the 6c«pel d
S. Luke (a) the first intimation of the end occurs in ix 51, just after
the transnguration which formed the climax in the Lord's ministry,—
now it came to pass when the days of his being received up were being
fulffiUed: (b) tne journey to Judaea berins in xvii 11 : and (c) in
xviii 31 the actual going up to Jerusalem. Similarly in the Acts

(a) the ^period of active work is fulfilled in the climax at Ephesus:

(b) the joumejT to Judaea begins in xx 6 : and (c) tiie going up to
the city in xxi 15. There is yet another beginning in tine Gospel,
viz. of the passion proper (Lk xxii 1), and to this we may find a panUlel
in Acts xxvii 1.

^ Cp. Mt xxvi 1 : Lk ix 51, Acts ii 1.

XIX 21 I CORINTHIANS 359

(3) The book ends at Rome, and this division begias with Borne.
That word is the keynote. Rome now takes the place of Ephesus and
henceforward is the real centre and subject of the narrative. It had
indeed long been S. Paul's goal (verse 21), and now we are to read
how he attained it. The purpose of S. Paul, which coincided with
the will of God, was achieved ; but, as in other cases, the means by
which he was brought to Rome were far different from what he had
wished or arranged. Thus we have presented to us a typical instance
of the divine overruling of human plans, but to the achievement of one
and the same end.

SECTION I (=Ch. 19. 21-21. 14)

The fulJUment of S. Paul's work and his
journey to Jerusalem

§ 1 The aposUe^s plcm

No small part of the 'tears and trials which befell' S. Paul at
Ephesus (xx 19) was due to his 'daily anxiety for all the churches'
(n Cor xi 28), and especially for the church at Corinth. The develop-
ment of that church had been almost too rapid ; and S. Paul soon heard
from visitors such as * those of Chloe's household,' and from Stephanas
and Apollos himself, of the growth of division and disorder amongst
the brethren'. This gave rise to much correspondence with the Corm-
thians both by messenger and by letter. It is possible that the apostle
himself paid a visit to Corinth during his two years' sojourn at Ephesus''.
But the difi&cult question of investigating the history of this corresijon-
dence belongs to a commentary on the epistles. For us it is sufficient
to know that about Easter' in this last year of S. Paul's residence
at Ephesus (a.d. 54) he sent to Corinth a letter which is our * I Corin-
thians.' At its conclusion (xvi 5-9) he tells them his plans : / wiU
come unto you when I shall have passed through Macedonia: for I do
pass through Macedonia : but with you it may be that I shall abide^ or
even winter^ that ye may set me forward on myjowmey whithersoever I
go. ..But I will tarry at Ephesus until Pentecost ; for a great door and
effectual is opened unto me and there are many adversaries. There was
a great deal of uncertainty as to S. Paul's tuans at this critical time,
and from a later epistle (II Corinthians) we learn that at one moment
he had intended to so straight from Ephesus to Corinth by sea\ But
whether that was the ori^mal or a subsequent plan, the first letter
exactly agrees with the situation and plans of the apostle as here
described in the Acts, although the letter was not actually sent till
after the departure of Timothy recorded in Acts xix 22.

1 I Cor i-iv, vi 7-8, xi 17-9, xii-xiv: see i 11, xvi 17, 12. ' as seems to be

implied in II Gor ii 1, xii 14, 21, xiii 1-2. Bat these passages are not decisive,
s ICk>rY8. * UGoril5foU.

r

360 THE EPISTLE TO THE GALATIANS xaii

There were also other churches which were causing S. Paul aniiety,
and this brings us back to the question of the Epistle to the Galatums.
For we have now arrived at the alternative date for that epistle. The
reconstruction according to the earlier date has been given above on
pages 334-6. If we accept the other theory, the history will be some-
wlmt as follows. When S. Paul passed through South Galatia in
A.i>. 51 (xviii 23, xix 1), the Galatians were still faithful to him. It
was only at the end oi his residence in Ephesus, when he was still
staying in Asia^ after writing I Corinthians (xix 22), that news reached
him of the defection of the Galatian churches. In reply, either while
still at Ephesus or after his departure, he wrote the r^istle to the
Galatians. Both the state of the controversy as represented in the
epistle and its style induce us to put it after I Corinthians, while in
both points it closely agrees with II Corinthians, es^iallv the con-
cluding chapters. On such grounds we should place it in tne interval
between the two ; and this would agree with S. Paul's own condition.
From II Corinthians we learn that when he left Ephesus the aposde
was suflFering from extreme spiritual depression*. The news ftom
Galatia would help to account for this, as also for 'the anxiety for the
churches which pressed upon him daily' (II Cor xi 28), and the anxiety
reacted in turn on the style of S. Paul's reply to the Galatians. Thm
there are coincidences in details. As S. Paul had only two years before
stahlished all the disciples of Galatia (xviii 23), their defection was
indeed 'quick' or sudden (Gal i 6). All the brethren who arewUkm
(i 2) exactly describes the company of ministers whom S. Paul had
round him at Ephesus*. The picture of the working of the Spirit in
Gal iii 5, where the verbs are in the present tense, exactly descrihes
the apostle's miraculous activity in Acts xix 11-12. We may find
other reminiscences of Ephesian life, e.g. in the reference to wittUMaaft
(iii 1)^ Lastly, there is no hint of a forthcoming visit to Galatia.
Rather the apostle seems to be taking farewell For indeed he is on
his way to Corinth and has further plans in view ; he is on the pointof
leaving Asia and going to the west^ so 'from henceforth let no man
trouble me^.' Such considerations as these incline us to place the
Epistle to the Galatians in this interval chronologically; uie theo-
logical situation in Galatia however would not be (ufferent from that
required for the earlier date.

In any case we have been anticipating, for both epistles (Galatuns
and II Corinthians) would only date from or after the stay an i^
which followed after S. Paul had formed the definite plan of verse SL

21 •Now after these things were ended, Paul ^purposed in the
•spirit, when he had passed through Macedonia and Acfaatt)

> Perhaps the state of the Galatian churches was one of the cauaes of the ddij.
> Cp. e.g. n Cor i 8>11, ii 12-^. s Op. ^ix 22, 29» zx 34 {they that wen viA

me), ^ Perhaps the mutilation of Gal v 12 was suggested by the eonueh prieito,

the Megabyzi, of Artemis. « Gal vi 17. ^ Gk Now when the$e ihingt wm

fulfilled. ' Gk tet (i 7). « or Spirit.

XIX 21 S. PAUL WOULD SEE ROME 361

to go to Jerusalem, Baying, After I have been there, I must
22 ^also see Rome. And having sent into Macedonia two of them
that ministered unto him, Timothy and Erastus, he himself
stayed in Asia for a while.

It seemed to S. Paul that these victories of the word (verses 15-20)
hB,di fulfilled his ministry at Ephesus. The idea of fulness or fulfilling
is characteristic of the fepistle to the Ephesians, and it implies a refer-
ence to the divine will. Bv this will a definite work there had been
assigned to S. Paul, which (like John the Baptist) he had so far
fulfilled'; and indeed the work was * fully done' (Rev iii 2). The
work of S. Paul was that of a missionary and evangelist, rather than
of a settled and abiding teacher. Now he had by this time evangelized
the provinces of Galatia, of Macedonia, Achaia, and Asia, so that *firom
Jerusalem and round about even to Illyricum ' — the province bordering
Macedonia on the west — *he had fulfilled the gospel of Christ,' and
therefore *had no more any place in these regions .' Accordingly he
looked westwards. His view extended even to Spain*. But first there
lay on the way the great city which had so long been the goal of all
his ambitions — Rome*. Now therefore at last Paid set finnly in his
spirit that he must see even Borne. Elsewhere S. Luke speaks of

* setting in the heart^^\ here he may be using spirit intentionally
because of the ambiguity of the word. * Spirit ' may denote either the
human or the divine spirit : but in the case of the true Christian we
need not be careful to distinguish, for his spirit is governed by the
Spirit of God which dwells in him. So with S. Paul, the Holy Spirit
had always prompted each advance in his career ; and now this critical
decision is not taken without his inspiration^. There was a necessity
laid upon him — ' / must see Rome.' The will of God was prospering
him (Kom i 10), blowing with a fair wind upon the sail of S. rauFs
desh-es: and it was his conviction of the divine guidance which now
kept the apostle so firm in his purpose. For first he had to visit Mace-
donia and Achaia f in order to confirm the disciples and to finish the
collection of alms for the church at Jerusalem. Then he must go to
Jerusalem to deliver the alms. Then at last, starting from the birth-
place of the church with the sympathy and prayers of the brethren, he
could embark on his new enterpnse.

We notice that the apostle says see Kome, and in his Epistle to the
Romans his modesty is most stnking. He hopes to bring them some
spiritual gift, but he apologizes for seeming to imply that they needed
any admonition. He speaKs of his visit as only a temporary sojourn
on his way to Spain*. His words do not at all convey the impression
that he is coming to found or organize a church. On the contrary the
church at Rome was already so important that he thought it best to

^ or even. > Cp. Eph i 10, 23» iii 19, iv 10, 13, v 18: n Tim iv 7, Acts

xiii 25, xiv 26. > Bom zy 19, 23. « Bom zv 24-8, op. I Ck>r zvi 6.

• Bom i 10, 13, ZY 22. « Lk i 66, Acts v 4: op. i 7. ' Cp. xiii 2, zri 6,
xiz 1 (Bezan): xz 22, zzi 13-4. « Bom i 11-2, zv 14, 24, 28.

/

362 S. PAUL STAYS IN ASIA xiX22

address ' to the Romans ' his greatest theological writing, the pnUic
exposition of his gospel. If wim these £Eu;ts we couple the stress ivfaich
he lays in the epistle upon his principle of not preaching the gospel on
other men's foundations^ we cannot help feeling that some apostle—
and he could he none other than S. Peter — had already visited and
worked in the city. If it was ahout this time that S. Peter paid sach
a visit to Rome, he would Brobably have passed tinrough Corinth on
his way and so unintentionallyhaye given nse to the party ' of Cephas'
in the Corinthian church. The trs^lition of that church, as well as
of those of Antioch and Rome, certainly claimed S. Peter as a co-
founder with S. Paul*.

To return to the latter apostle. To prepare his way, he now 9e9d ok
to Macedonia two of his ' deacons ' or ministers, Timothy and Erastus.
From Macedonia they were to go on to Corinth", of which city Erasfcns
was the treasurer^, o. Paul himself staved in Asia, either to seize some
opportunity for work (an *open door'j or to withstand some of *thc
many adversaries ' of the church.

§ 2 The riot at Ephesus

S. Paul's stay however was cut short by one of those * perils in
city' which chequered his career. The peril came neither from
government nor from the Jews, but from *the Gentiles.' It was a
popular riot, and on a scale which cast the riots at Thessalonica and
rhilippi into the shade. Ephesus was nominally a democracy; and the
city was swept by a sudden frenzy, which all but resulted in one of
those legal travesties of justice which so often blot the histoiy of
democracies. This frenzy was caused, not by the plotting of the Jews
as at Thessalonica, but as at Philippi by interference with the vested
interests of a class. It was not tne doctrines of CSiristianity which
aroused the hostility of the Gentiles. Criticism of idolatry they were
accustomed to from the lips of their own philosophers or of HeUeniatio
Jews'. Moreover their first attitude to S. Paul was generally fc▼oll^
able. It waa when his preaching aflfected personal gain or mterfered
with customs of trade that opposition began. The significant woid
aain or business marks both the nstrratives, at Philippi and at Ephesns*.
The ostensible cause of the riot was indeed religious zeal — ^though with
the insti^tors this was only a cloak — which served to increase the
danger. When devotion to religion coincides with self-interest» then
the fury of fanaticism is resistless.

Fully to appreciate the incident, a more detailed account of the
constitution of Ephesus is required. At Ephesus there met to^tktf
four authorities. (1) There was the supreme authority of &ome»
represented by the proconsid. For judicial purposes the provinces

_ ■ ■ _ ._ .M ■ —^^

1 XV 20-1, op. II Cor X 13-6. ^ gee pp. 179-80 for a possible visit of S. Petff

to Borne stiU earlier than this. ' I Cor iv 17, xvi 10. ^ i.e. if he is tbi

same Erastos as in Bom xvi 23 : cp. II Tim iv 20. " snoh as the Ephesian Jew

who about this time wrote the Letter* of HeracUittu. ' It is the same woid

in the Greek : xvi 16 {gain)^ xix 24, 26 (butifUM), Cp. with this section xvi 16-23.

XIX 23-41 THE EPHESIAN AUTHORITIES 363

were divided into shires (conventtis\ each with its assize town. In
the province of Asia Ephesus was the chief assize town; and accordingly
court-days were kept there (verse 38), when justice was administered
by the proconsul. (2) The city itself like Athens was 'free/ and
retained its Greek constitution which was democratic in form. There
was a Senate or Boul6, to which power gravitated in imperial times.
But nominally Ephesus was still governed by the Demos or People
(verse 30) assembled in their Ecclesia or Assembly, An ecclesia was
held three times a month, and these meetings were the regular or
ordinary assemblies (verse 32): but an 'extraordinary assembly' could
be convened as on the present occasion. Where, as in cities of the
empire, the powers of such an ecclesia were limited to purely domestic
ana formed matters, the substantial authority would £all into the
hands of its secretary — the official who summoned and dismissed the
assembly (verse 41), prepared the agenda, kept the minutes and acted
as chairman. Thus the secretary of the ecclesia or toumclerk (verse
35) would naturally be one of the magnates of the citv ; and this we
find to have been the case from the inscriptions, in whicih the secretary
often appears as holding also the highest offices, such as the Asiarchate.
(3) The Asiarchate was a provmcial office. There was a provincial
orgamzation, which was greatly fostered by the emperors. Each province
had a ' Common (Council),* composed of delegates from the chief cities,
for the management of common provincial business. In this business
the chief element was the supervision of the provincial worship of the
emperor, a cult which furnished, besides a test of loyalty, a bond of
unity for the empire. A temple and altar to Rome and the emperor
were erected in some city, which thereupon was designated Nbocoros
or Sacristan^ (literally, temple-sweeper'^, i.e. of the imperial temple;
and the common worship of the province was celebrated there with

fames and festivals. The president of the common council acted as
igh-priest and presided over the festivities and games, which were
given at his expense. In return he enjoyed the tide of * Ruler of the
province,' — Asiarch, Galatarch, Lvciarch etc., as the case might be —
and he would rank as first of all the provincials. The Asiarchs of
verse 31, then, were such high-priests and the chief representatives of
the aristocracy and plutocracy of Asia. There is a difficulty in the use
of the plural, for as a rule there was only one Ruler for a province.
It has oeen suggested that the Ruler retained the designation as an
honorary title after his period of office. But a better explanation is to
be found in the exceptional prosperity of Asia. It contained several
wealthy cities which were rivals of Epnesus and, like it, had temples of
the Augustus. Probably the high-priests of these temples also were
called Asiarchs, and all these togetner formed a kind of college. At
the present iuncture this college seems to have been assembled at
Ephesus, probably for the purpose of celebrating the great festival
of * the Common (Council) of Asia,' which occurred every fiffch year.

^ verse 35 : Thessalonica and Beroea were also NeScowi. Mr E. O. Hardy has
given an account of the 'ProTincial Ck)noilia' in the Eng, Hut, Beviewt April, 1890.

364 THE WORSHIP OF ARTEMIS xix 23-41

And we may make the further 8up})osition that its celebration was
made to comcide with the Artemisia, the chief annual festival of
Ephesus, which was kept in March or April.

(4) The festival of the Artemisia was celebrated in honour of
Artemis. She was, as we have seen, the (patron) goddess of the city';
and Ephesus was Sacristan not oidy of the temples of the emperan
but also of the temple qf Artemis*. Mr Woods excavations ol this
temple and the numerous inscriptions there discovered have given a
revelation of this worship which entirely corroborates tiie life-like pictare
in the Acts. The goddess, as has been said (p. 338), was really one of
the primitive nature deities. And though identified by the Gredn
with Artemis and by the Latins with Diana, she was no beautifal
huntress goddess. Her image in the upper part had been carved into
the shape of a woman covered with jxaps to represent the fertility of
nature ; but the lower part retained its originfiJl form. It was in fsict
nothing else than a block of wood, so ancient that tradition held it
for one of the sacred images reputed to have ^fallen from keavefi*
(verse 35). Her adoption by the Greeks however increased, if not the
beauty, yet tlve repute of the goddess. She became an object of
adoration throughout the whole Graeco-Roman world (verse 27): and
her festivals were styled * ecumenical.' Her distinctive attribute wm
greatness': 'Great Artemis' was her usual invocation and tide^: in
some inscriptions she is called the Most Great GoDDESS^ The month
in which her chief festival, the Artemisia, occurred was called after her
Artemisi6n, and later on by a decree of the city was entirely consecrated
to her*. Her temple, built in the beautiful Ionic style, was one of the
wonders of the world : it was one of the great cathedrals (so to speak)
of paganism. According to Mr Woods it was 418 feet long by 239 feet
broad, viz. the platform of the temple with its peristvle of 100 oolunun
each 56 feet high. The relics of the temple now in me British Mnsemn,
and in particular a sculptured drum which was the base of one of the
columns, testify to the size and moffnificence (verse 27) of the bailding-
The claim to magnificence was also warranted by the splendid woib of
art with which it was adorned ; while behind the cell of the eoddetf
was deposited a vast amount of treasure, for it was the safest oank is
Asia. This use to which the temples were generally put ezpl^ns the
charge of temph-rcbbing in verse 37. The temple was some distance
from the city; and it stood in an ample precinct which possessed the

^ Cp. Xenophon Ephes. EpK i 11 1 swear to thee by cur eoun:try*i goddeUt Gn^
Artemis of the Ephesians, ' This use of Neocorot (in relerenoe to Artemi^t

which used to puzzle soholara, has heen verified by insoriptions. ' GmeolM^

i.e. magnificence or majesty (verse 27), is a divine attribate. Simon Magns etOn
himself Great, Cp. Lk i 32 (A« shaU he great) : Lk ix 43, n Pet i 16, 17 : Heb i S.
viii 1, Jade 25: and fo magnify verse 17, Lk i 46, Phil i 20. « The sameii-

vocation is foand in other cities e.g. Gbsat Abtemis, Gbeat Apollo. Cp. Emcfd.
Biblica art. Diana, which sums up our information about the goddees. * 0^

the Most High God of xvi 17, also found in insoriptions. * This deeree, no*

in the Briti^ Museum, mentions the decline of the worship of Artemis, and lo
furnishes a paraUel to the Acts : see Hicks Ok Inscriptions in Brit, Mus, in no. 48i

XIX 23-27 AND TRADE OF EPHESUS 365

right of asylum or sanctuary. For her worship Artemis eiyoyed the
services of an army of priests, eunuch priests, vii^n priestesses,
temple-wardens, * theologians^' choristers, vergers, tire-women, and
'acrobats.' For the maintenance of this regal establishment the
goddess possessed a sufficient revenue from her ample estates. Within
the temple was stored her 'plate,' viz. her images, shrines, and sacred
utensils, of cold and silver, which on great festivals were carried to the
city and back in a magnificent procession.

It is obvious that the trade of the city would largely flourish upon
this worship of Artemis and the concourse of pil^ms which it
attracted. There would, for instance, be a demand among the pilgrims
for memorials of the goddess to carry home with them ; and grateful wor-
shippers would want thank-oflFerings to dedicate in her temple. The
form these took was that of shrines. The shrine was properly the
inner cell in which stood the image of the deity. Then it was applied
to technical representations of the same, figures of the goddess standing
in a niche. Such shrines, like reliquaries in the middle ages, were
carried in the festival processions and formed a conspicuous adorn-
ment'. Small copies of silver or potter's work were sola to the public ;
and specimens of them are to be seen in our museums'. The demand
for these gave rise to a flourishing manufacture of silver shrines at
Ephesus. At its head stood one Demetrius^ who organized the trade or
supplied the capital (verse 24). This industry was now seriously
affected by S. Paul's preaching; and the depreciation of trade brought
about a crisis, a great stir or uproar (xii is). Of this we have here a
most vivid account derived from an eye-witness. It is marked by
some difficulties in the Greek, which may be due to Ephesian usage.

23 And about that time there arose no small stir concerning

24 the Way. For a certain man named Demetrius, a silversmith,
which made silver shrines of ^ Diana, brought no little '^business

25 unto the craftsmen ; whom he gathered together, with the
workmen of like occupation, and said, 'Sirs, ye know that by

26 this business we have our wealth. And ye see and hear, that
not alone at Ephesus, but almost throughout all Asia, this
Paul hath persuaded and turned away much people, saying

27 that they be no gods, which are made with hands : and not
only is there danger that this our ^trade come into disrepute ;
but also that the temple of the great goddess Diana be made

^ For this title see Deissmann Neue Bibelitudien p. 58. ' S. Ignatius is

aUuding to these processions when he calls the Christian Ephesians god-bearers
and thrine-bearers (£ph i 9). ' No HIver specimen has been found, but that is

a fact which hardly calls for explanation. Silver is omitted from the text by Codex B.
^ Ok Artemis, and so throaghont. ^ or gain (AY). *^ Bezan has FelloW'

craftsmen, ' Qkpart, share*

366 THE RIOT xix 28-40

of no account^ and ^that she should even be deposed from
her 'magnificence^ whom all Asia and the world worshipped].

28 And when they heard this, they were filled with wrath '^ and
cried out^ saying, ^ Great is Diana of the Ephesians.

29 And the dty was filled with the confusion: and they
rushed with one accord into the theatre, having seized Gafau
and Aristarchus, men of Macedonia, Paul's companioDS in

30 traveL And when Paul was minded to enter in unto the

31 people, the disciples su£Pered him not And certain also of
the 'chief officers of Asia, being his fnends, sent unto him,
and besought him not to 'adventure himself into the theatre

32 Some therefore cried one thing, and some another : for tbe
^assembly was in confusion ; and the more part knew not

33 wherefore they were come together. 'And they brought
Alexander out of the multitude, the Jews putting hhn forwud.
And Alexander beckoned with the hand, and would have

34 made a defence unto the peopla But when they perceived
that he was a Jew, all with one voice about the space of two
hours cried out, 'Great is Diana of the Ephesians.

35 And when the townclerk had quieted the multitade^ he
saith. Ye men of Ephesus, what man is there who knoweth
not how that the city of the Ephesians is ^^temple-keeper of the
great ^^ Diana, and of the inuige which fell down from ^ Jupit^?

36 Seeing then that these things cannot be gainsaid, ye ought

37 to be quiet^ and to do nothing rash. For ye have brought
hither these men, which are neither robbers of temples nor

38 blasphemers of our goddess. If therefore Demetrius, and
the craftsmen that are with him, have a matter against any
man, "the courts are open, and there are proconsuls: let

39 them accuse one another. But if ye seek any (Mng ^aboat
other matters, it shall be settled in the "regular assembly.

40 For indeed we are in danger to be accused concerning tlus
day's riot, there being no cause .^ it : and as touching it vtt

^ AY and later mbs read Jier magnificence afiould be destroyed, * Properly,

* great *-ne$8, * Bezan adds and ran into the itreet. * Bezan reads Orut

Artemis of the Ephesians t and so in verse 34. * Gk Asiarchs. * Ok fvot

himself, ' Gk eccUsia and in w. 39, 41. ^ Marg And some of the muUitwk

instructed Alexander, * B repeats this clause. '^ Gk nedeorwi (sacrista»),

^^ AY inwitB godiiess, '^ Marg heaven {Qk Zeus). ^ Maxg court dAjn are kepL
14 B and Bezan retudi further for about other matters, ^^ AY marg ordinary.

XIX24-S0 AT EPHESUS 367

41 shall not be able to give account of this concourse. Aud
when he had thus spoken^ he dismissed the assembly.

24 Trades and handicrafts were as fully organized in the Greek
cities of * Asia ' as in medieval Europe, and Demetrius was no doubt

25 warden of the guild of the silver shrme makers. He now summoned
a meeting of his guild, together with the associated and dependent
workmen^, and put the situation before them. He had chosen his
time well, for the Artemisian festival, when the city was thronged
with visitors, was the great harvest for the shrine makers and any
fall in the demand would be felt at once. Demetrius cynically
avowed his true motive. The worship of Artemis was their wealthy

26 and the depression from which they were suffering was due to this
Paul with his doctrine that gods made with hands — these silver
images, not to speak of the heaven-fallen image itself — were no

27 gods^. This doctrine was a real danger to them and likely to bring
their part in the religion, i.e. their trade, to a disreputable end^
Having thus appealed to their self-interest, the orator provided a
decent pretext for action from the danger to their religion. For the
same logic must apply to Great Artemis herself ; her temple will be
reckoned for nothtngy and the goddess herself be stripped qf her

28 magnificence*. This skilful conu)ination of reli^ous devotion and
patriotism with their own interests filled the guddsmen with fwry^
and they ran out into the street^ vociferating the city's watchword

29 GREAT IS ARTEMIS OF THE EPHESIAN8\ Theappear-
ance of such a body in the crowded agora of an excitable Greek city
could have but one result — a riot, and the confusion spread throu^n
the whole city. The instigators passed round the word *to the
theatre.' The theatre of Ephesus was an immense excavation in
the hillside which could contain over 24000 persons and was
frequently used as a meeting-place for the ecclesia*. Thither
accordingly the citizens rushed as one man to hold an 'extraordinary
assembly.' The craftsmen would want some prey, as it were, for the
People; and fsilling in with two of PauTs company. Gains and
Aristarchus who were Macedonians, they dragged them to the

30 theatre^. They had not attacked S. Paul's own lodging, but news

^ The Ghneek distinguishes the higher craftsmen or artUaru from the inferior
workmen or labourers, ' Gp. xiv 15 and p. 233. ' The Greek word is only

fonnd here. It denotes refutation^ and what is refated or exposed falls into disrepute.

* The oonstmction of the Greek here in the best text is rather difficult. The verb
means to putdoum, thence destroy (xiii 19) ; and the literal translation will be either
be destroyed in respect of somewhat of her majesty ^ or be put down (from) her majesty.
But the word also means to diminish and is e.g. the medical term for reducing
enperflnous flesh. This seems the likeliest sense here — the goddess was in danger of
being smitten with leanness (Isai x 16) in the reduction of the pomp of her services.
A medical phrase would come naturally from S. Luke's pen. " The omission
of one of two consecutive Etas (E) in the text would give the Bezan reading : in
the one case we have a profession of faith» in the other the usual invocation.

* Another estimate puts the number at 56,000. The outline of the theatre can still
be traced. ' The words rushed with one accord oocorred in yii 57, and remind
as of S. Stephen's fate.

f

368 THE RIOT xaso^

soon reached him and his mind was at once made up to ajmeat
b^ore the people and make his defence to the ecclesia. He raiew
what it was to face a furious mob ; he had already 'foudit with
wild beasts ' at Ephesus : but he was always ready to fdbw the
example of the Lord in giving himself up\ However, as on fonner
occasions', the disciples intervened and stopped him. Further, t

31 message had come even firom same of the Asiarehs^ who had had
/fiendh intercourse with him. Well aware not only <rf the peril
from the mob but of S. Paul's courage, they begged him $kft to come
to the theatre,

32 There meanwhile the assembly was in a wild cat{fuaion: tk
majority knew not why an ecclesia had been convened, and there
was a babel of conflicting cries. In front of them, peihaps on the
stage, were Demetrius and his guildsmen with Gains ana Aristor-
chus^'in their hands, whom they apparently wished to prosecute;

33 but in the confusion no formed steps could be taken. At last
however an orator struggled out of the throng and got on to the
'pulpit' to address the people*. He had been put firward bgtk
Jews, For the tumult was as dangerous to tne Jews as to the
Christians. The Jews were notorious for their fsmatieism against
idolatry, and they might easily become the victims of the champioos
of Artemis. The scenes of Jew-baiting and pillaging which had
disgraced Alexandria in Caligula's reign might be repeated at Ephe-
sus. One of the prisoners, Aristarchus, was himself a Jew by laoe.
Their main hope lay in diverting the wrath of the assembly npoD
the Christians. Accordingly Alexander their spokesman got npi

34 and by waving his hand endeavoured to secure a hearing. Bnt as
soon as the people saw that he tvas a god-hating Jew, the soark
was as it were thrown into the gunpowder. One cry GREAT IS
ARTEMIS OF THE EPHE8IANS burst from their li^sand
for two hours the whole ecclesia did nothing else than vooferate

35 the same profession of faith. At last^ when they were somei^
exhausted, the secretary qf the ecclesia succeeded in quieting them
and made a speech. It was a thoroughly Greek speech, like that
of Demetrius, admirably suited for the occasion.

He first soothed their vanity by an appeal to the worid-wide
fame of Ephesus as sacristan of Artemis and of her heaverhf(ilt^

36 image. Tneir position was so unquestionable that it could not be

^ This is the literal meaning of the phrase translated adventure hinue^i 8. VvA
nses the expression of the Lord in Gal i 4, I Tim ii 6, Tit ii 14. > ix 25,90i

xrii 10, 14. ' The Greek again is difficult. The word in the BY text meua

literally put together and is ased in the Bible for imtruct (LXX), prove (Aots ix ^
or conclude (xvi 10). The margin adopts the first sense : tome of (i.e. a paitj in)
the throng inttructed Alexander, i.e. as to his action or argument. The nn^liik
interpretation is that given in the text» if the Greek can hear it. AiA->^n<Vff m^
have been the copper-smith who did S. Paul much evil (II Tim iv 14). From tilM
sudden way in which his name is introduced we should gather that he was a
weU known either in the city or to the church. Contrast the silence of the
crowd in xxi 40, xxii 2,

XIX 36-^1 AT EPHESUS 369

endangered by a few strangers, and the frenzied alarm or panic of
the Ephesians was uncalled for, not to say undignified. In fact
they had been betrayed into an exhibition of conduct the very
reverse of the standajrd of a Greek gentleman, viz. acting rashly or

37 precipitately, without dignity or deliberation. For these men, Gains
and Aristarchus, who had been dragged before the ecclesia, were
perfectly innocent — (so fuUy recognized was the good character of the
Christians^). It was true u\a,t^ temple-robbery* (which was extended
to include other acts of sacrilege) and 'impiety* (which covered
blasphemy or insulting language towards the goddess) were indictable
offences, and liable to public prosecution'; but these Christians had

38 been guilty of neither. If there was any charge against them, it was
a matter which concerned Demetrius and his guildsmen, and they

39 should sue them in the proconsuFs court. But if the citizens
demanded further enquiry into the matter^, it should be conducted,
and the difficulty solved, in the ordinary meetings of the ecclesia.

40 But in fact, he added, ice as citizens of Ephesus are in danger of
being called to account. The Romans were exceedingly jealous of
any gathering or association which might have a political bearing ;
and a tumultuous assembly like this, a concourse not of a few
guildsmen but of all the citizens, might arouse suspicion and bring
on the city a prosecution for sedition ; and if accusea, the Ephesians
had no defence to offer, for there was no reason for this tumultuous
concourse, which in the Roman courts might be distorted into a

41 conspiracy*. The speech had the desired effect; the secretary pro-
nounced the formula of dismissal, and the uproar was at an end.

In ver. 38 he had spoken with some sarcasm ; court days — you are
surely aware — are kept, and there are (such persons as) proconsuls. But
if this happened in the year 55 there would be a reason for speaking of
proconsuls generally rather than of the proconsul. For towards the end
of 54 the proconsul of Asia, M. Junius Silanus, was poisoned by two
of his subordinates at the instigation of Agrippina, and his successor
had not yet arrived. The absence of a proconsul would also account
for the inaction on the part of the Roman authorities, during a riot
which lasted so many hours and involved the whole city.

To enable us to realize the scene in the theatre and the danger of
S. Paul, there has fortunately come down to us an account by an

^ They observed S. Paul's directions, e.g. Col iv 5. ^ An Ephesian decree

gives a list of such cognizable offences in the matter of religion. Another decree
made interference with the Jewish contribations to the temple at Jerusalem an act
of temple-robbery (hiero8ulia\. By a strange irony » the robbing of temples was a
charge brought against the Jews : and not without ground (Bom ii 22). ' This

seems the better reading. ^ Again, as in w. 27 and 33, the Greek reading and

construction are not very certain, but the general sense is clear. A literal transla-
tion would be toe are in danger of being accused of tedition for to-day (or concerning
tO'day^s sedition)^ there being no cause for it, in which matter (or which being the
C4ue) we shall be unable to give account for this concourse. The word concourse
is used for the conspiracy of the Jews in xziii 13 : the corresponding verb occurs in
Mt zvii 22 (marg).

B. A. 24

370 SUMMER IN MACEDONIA xx 1-2

eye-witness of a similar scene in the Stadium of Smyrna. It happened
jast a hundred years later, and ended in the martyrdom of the bishop
of Smyrna, S. Polycarp. Polycarp had been arrested and was brought
to tiie Stadium, where the people nad been assembled for some shows.
Then arose ' such a tumult that no man's voice could be so much as
heard. But as Polycarp entered, a voice came to him from heaven, Be
strong^ Polycarp, and play the man* Then followed the examination
before the proconsul, the result of which was that he ' sent his herald to
proclaim three times in the midst of the Stadium Polycarp hoik com-
jessed himself to be a Christian. Then the whole mmtitude both of
Gentiles and Jews cried out with ungovernable wrath and with a load
shout This is the teacher ofAsta, the father of the Christiansj the puller
dotvn of our gods, who teacheth numbers not to sacrifice nor word^p.
Sajdng these &ings they shouted aloud and asked the Anarch Philip
to let a lion loose upon Polycarp. But he said that it was not lawfu
for him, since he haa brought the sports to a close. Then they thou^t
fit to shout out with one accord that Polycarp should be burned alive.'
Their voices prevailed and Polvcarp was forthwith burned'.

S. Paul indeed escaped wim his life. But coming on the top of aD
his anxieties about Corinth, and probably Galatia too, t^e catastrophe
cast him into a terrible depression. After building up by two years'
hard toil a flourishing church and finding 'a ^eat door opened,' he now
saw as it were a great tidal wave suddenly nse up and sweep away his
labour. Not indeed that the church was destroyed, but his own hq)e8
of further pro^ss for the present were shattered, and he left Ephesns
in great dejection : we would not ha/oe ym ignorant, brethren, ccneem'
ing our affliction which befell us in Asia, that we were weighed down
e^rceedingly, beyond our power, insomuch that we despaired effen qf
life : yea, we ourselves have had the answer qf death within ourseha
(II CJor i 8-9).

A year in Macedonia and Achaia

20 And after the uproar was ceased, Paul having sent for

the disciples and exhorted them, took leave of them, and

2 departed for to go into Macedonia. And when he had gcme

through those parts, and had given them much exhortatioD}

he came into 'Greece.

After this uproar the obvious course for the apostle was to leava
the city at once. Priscilla and Aquila also left Epnesus and returned
to Rome, where we find them a year later. S. Paul writes that thcjr
had *laid down their necks ' for him ; if their devotion was displayed on
this occasion, then it is likely that they too were leaving Ephesus at
the same time'. For when the uproar had ceased Paul summoned a

^ These extracts are from Bp Lightfoot's translation of the Letter of tkt
Smymaeans, They also illustrate the Asiarchate, and the * fighting with beMtB.'
3 Gk HeUat, » Rom xvi 3-5.

IX 1-2 n CORINTHIANS 371

meeting of the church, probably at his lodging in their honse, and
after bidding fareweU^ he departed for Macedonia. This was his
podlye to the body of the disciples^ for when he passed bv a year
hter he only saw the clergy. The note of fiaurewell* marks the whole
joQmey to Jerasalem, which begins now, — at least from S. Luke's point
of view; for all that now happened in Macedonia and Achaia, covering
% period of nearly twelve months, he sums up in a single sentence. We
h(nrever cannot pass over it so quickly, for the history is reflected in
tme of S. Paul's most 'weighty and powerful letters^' the Second
Epistle to the Gorindiians.

^This ej>istie more than any other is a revelation of S. Paul's own
heairt: it is his spiritual autobiography and apologia vro vitd sua. It
seetnis to have been written from time to time, like a diary; and
certainly it gives the key to his present movements. If he had had
aay thought of going to Corinth direct from Ephesus, his plans were
frastrated hj the riot*; and he went on to Troas, the port for Mace-
donia (i 8-ii 12). Here, where on his first visit he had not been
rnitted to preach (p. 277), he now found * a door opened.' But
extreme dejection prevented his entering in. He was longing for
&B return of Titus, who had been sent on a mission to Corinth, and
vho would bring back word how they had received his first epistle
•bout which he was very anxious. As Titus did not come, he went
on to Philippi (ii 12-13). Here Titus came at last, and the good
WWB he brought was like a resurrection from the dead to the apK)stle
Wi 5-16). Out of the fulness of his heart he wrote II Cor i-vii.
There was however a matter in which the Corinthians had not shewn
: Buch zeal before Titus, viz. the collection for Jerusalem. S. Paul had
■ j^^te chapters viii and ix and send another mission to Corinth —
\ ^ns again, with ' the brother whose praise is in the gospel through
h •B the churches,' i.e. very likely S. Luko, and another brother * many
; ^es proved earnest in many things^.' Then a sudden change occurs.
Before this mission started, fresh news seems to have reached
go apostle of some new and veiy bitter personal attacks upon
; Umself and his apostolic authority. It is evident — ^we miffht say,
[ ^tun — that in tne interval after Titus had left Corinth, the same
i" Jwuzing leader who had troubled the Galatians had arrived at
- Oorinih and stolen away the heart of that church also, that very
^ ^ilfbl child of the apostle and fickle bride of Christ^ The news of
. this jvroyoked the very sharp outburst of passionate rebuke and self-
f vindication — but at the same time wonaerful self-revelation — with
\ llluch the ^istle concludes ^-xiii). These chapters were perhaps
Ivitten at Tnessalonica after o. Paul had been rejoined by Timothy
: (i 1) ; and the whole epistle dispatched thence, by the hands of Titus
lad tlie brethren.

The whole summer and early autunm were spent in Macedonia.
8. Paul went through those parts, i.e. he visited Philippi, Thesaalonica,

1 Cp. ▼▼. 7, 25, xzi 6. MI Cor X 10. > But see U Cor i 28.

• n Cor Yiii 17, 18, 22. « I Cor iv 15, U xi 2, 8.

24—2

I

372 WINTER IN ACHAIA xxi-2

Beroea, and perhaps went to other cities further west, if we are to press
his words in Bom xv 19 even unto lUyricum. All this time a matter
of business was engrossing S. Paul's attention, and that was the collec-
tion of alms for the poor Cturistians of Jerusalem. This work he had
gladly undertaken (pp. 246-7), for such an oflFering would not only be
a proof of, but would serve to cement^ the unity between the Qentib
and Jewish churches. But its prosecution was a delicate matter. In
Galatia the apostle had instituted a Sunday ' offertory/ and he had
enjoined the same by letter on the Corinthians. They were indeed
ready in profession *a year ago,' before he leffc Ephesus; but their

rrformance had not quite corresponded, and, as we have just said,
Paul had to send some brothers from Macedonia to stir them up.
On the other hand the poorer churches of Macedonia had exhibited
great generosity ^ To avoid any appearance of interested motives,
the fimds were to be entrusted to delegates of the churches for con-
veyance to Jerusalem^. But the apostle was anxious that the delegates
should accompany himself, as the alms would greatly affect his own
relation to the church of Jerusalem ; and accoraingly the dehvery of
the contribution was a reason for his own persistence on his journey.

Of all this S. Luke says nothing, and he only specifies one
cliaracteristic of this summer's work : there was much exAortatm-'
literally he exhorted (or encouraged) mith much discourse (or word). As
S. Paul's bodily presence is now to be withdrawn from these churches,
his wordf which is to live after him and continue his work, becomeB
more important. And this journey is the record of his * last words*'
as far as concerns the Acts; just as at Corinth (as we shall presently
learn) he is going to utter his * last word ' in another sense.

On the approach of winter S. Paul, with Timothy and others, ^wMwi
into Greece*, He came to Corinth ; and there, in accordance with his
original plan (I Cor xvi^ 6), he spent the greater part of the ihr»
winter months^ lodging in the house of Gains, probably that eaily
convert baptized by his own hands'.

The appearance of the apostle, who came with the severity as well
as the gentieness of the Christ speaking in him and with the authority
which the Lord had given him , no doubt dissipated once moreaO
opposition and restored peace. It was his final victory over Ae
Judaizers, and in the measure of calm and peace now attained' he

1 I Cor xvi 1-2 : 11 viii 10, 17-23, ix 3-5 : U viii 1-5. « Bom xii 17. n Cor

viii 21: I XTi 3, H viii 19. 23: Rom xv 26, 31. » Cp. xx 7, 11, 18-85.

^ Here, instead of the asaal Roman title Achaia, S. Luke uses the old Greek oabk
of HelUut which does not occur elsewhere in the Acts. He may be qaotiDg ^
authority ; but as the passage is a summary it would be his own oompositioo, lOii
tiie choice of the word may be intentional. The year was one of bitter memoriM;
and S. Luke, feeling still sore at the treatment the apostle received, cannot bring
himself to write down Corinth or Aehaia, A similar reason has been saggettM
(p. 197 n. ') for S. Luke's avoidance of the terms Galatia and Oalatians, CorM
and Corinthian occur in the Acts, as was inevitable ; bat only 3 times altogether,
while Ephesus is found 8 times, Ephetian 5 times. ' See Bom xvi 23, 1 Oor i U-
* n Cor xiii 3, 10. ' This is shewn by the general tone of the Epiitk to the

Romans.

XX 3 THE EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS 373

was able to sum up the result of the controversy in a measured treatise.
This is our Epistle to the Romans, which was now written ; and thus,
as at Ephesus S. Paul fulfilled his * work,' and at Rome his * course,'
80 at Corinth he fulfilled his *word' or doctrine. For this epistle is
unique not merely among the writings of the apostle, but in the NT
itsefif. It is the document which first revealed to the worid the real
meaning of faith and of the righteousness of &ith. As we ^enerallv
identify S. John with love, ana S. Peter (though less markedly) with
hope, so the Ep. to the Romans marks out S. Paul as the apostle of
faith. Unlike the letters to the Galatians and Corinthians, written in
the heat of sudden emotion and to meet special emergencies, the letter
to the Romans is a doctrinal treatise, written with deliberate and careful
argument. It was the exposition and vindication of his doctrine of
justification by faith; and being meant for the whole church, the apostle
addressed it to tliat particular church which could best stand for the
whole. This was a church too with which he had had no personal dealings
and which had therefore stood aloof firom the controversy. And it was
the church of the capital of the empire— Rome — ^from which the truth
might radiate into all parts of the world, and which was itself the goal
of nis ambitions, and tnerefore worthy to receive the fullest expression
of his fiiith. There is little doubt that the epistle was written at this
time, by the hand of Tertius, and despatched to Rome by the hands of
Phoebe the deaconess of Cenchreae, with the further view of preparing
S. PauFs own way thither. This done, the apostle himself must follow.
So having finished his work at Corinth, he starts on that journey to
Jerusalem after which 'he must see Rome.'

§ 3 The jonmey to Jerusalem

The journey will occupy us till xxi 17 ; and, like the voyage to
Rome, is narrated with great richness of detail. The reasons for this
are not far to seek. (1) The accurate marking of the different stages
in the journey gives the impression of a traveller's diary \ and even
without the use of the first person would indicate the presence of
S. Luke. (2) We recognize the hand of an artist in the satisfaction
of a literary want. In great histories, at the critical moments we
often find the tension relieved, and at the same time the pathos
deepened, by a detailed narrative of some of the ordinary events of
life which preceded or led up to the crisis'. (3) The remarkable
correspondence, in the structure of the book, with the last journey of
our Lord up to Jerusalem in the Gospel makes it clear that the
emphasis on detail is intentional.

In two points the parallel was very exact, (i) S. Luke makes
S. Paul's journey his farewell to those parts, and the disciples knew
it to be so. Hence the long discourses and last words, the prayers
and tears, the farewells and the 'being torn away firom one another';

1 Cp. xvi 11-2, xvii 1 (pp. 279, 292). » Cp. David's flight from JeruBalem

in n Sam xy-xvi, and Sennacherib's march in Isai x 28-^2.

374 THE START FOR JERUSALEM XX3

I

for they were to see his face no more, (ii) Besides the pathos, there
was the actual danger. It was a critical moment in S. Paul's work. He
had written calmly to the Romans, as if the heat of the battle with the
Judaizing Christians was over : but there remained the Jews. And
the more S. Paul's gospel prevailed in the church, the fiercer burned
the hatred of the Jews against the apostle. Besides this, in Judaea
itself the national feeling of the Jews against the Romans and
all Gentiles was growing more and more exasperated, so that for
S. Paul to return thither at this moment was indeed to put his h&d
in the lion's mouth. S. Paul himself was apprehensive of danger, and
asked for the earnest prayers of the Roman church for his deliveranee
from the * disobedient in Judaea^ The danger was obvious to ihe
Gentile Christians, and they used all their efforts to stop the journey.
In every city — in Corinth, Thessalonica, Philippi, and Troas (xx 231 at
Tyre and Caesarea — Christian prophets announced bonds and afflictions
awaiting him at Jerusalem.

The apostle however was batmd in the Spirit. He had a deep
conviction that through Jerusalem lay the road to Rome, even thouf n
it led through the gate of ajQiiction^; and he was confident that me
Lord could preserve him, if it was his wilP. This conviction came
from the Spirit, and if the prophecies of danger were also inspired by
the Spirit, S. Paul saw in them only a testing of his courage and per-
severance. Finally, any hesitation was brushed aside by the business
of the collection, which the apostle was anxious to deliver in person at
Jerusalem. Accordingly, when the delegates chosen by the churches
to carry their alms were now assemble at Corinth, — ^viz. those of
Macedonia Aristarchus and SecuTidtis, and of Galatia Gains and
Timothy, — as soon as navigation reopened after the three winter
months, S. Paul took his passage in a ship bound far Syria, It was,
we may suppose, as on the former occasion (p. 333), a pilgrim ship,
and apparently the pilgrims w^ere bound for the Passover festivi
The snip would first cross to Ephesus, and there S. Paul would be
joined by the delegates of Asia Tychicus and Trophimus*, But
once more his plan was overruled.

From Corinth to Troas

3 And when he had spent three months therey and a plot
was laid against him by the Jews, <^as he was about to set
sail for Syria, he determined to return through Macedonia.

4 And there accompanied him ^ as far as Asia Sopater of Beroea,
the son of Pyrrhus; and of the Thessalonians, Aristarchus

1 Rom XV 80-1. « Cp. xiv 22. » xxiii 11. « Nothing is said of

any Goiinthian delegates. Either the ohnioh was not ready after aU, or perhaps, in
reaction firom former mistrust, gave their ahns into the hands of the apostle.
^ Bezan reads he wished to set sail for Syria, but the Spirit ba4e him retvm
through Macedonia. Therefore when he was ahout to go forth [there aceow^^nied.
^ Marg with MB omits as far at Asia^

xxs-4 THE SEVEN DELEGATES 375

and Secundus ; and Gains of Derbe, and Timothy ; and ^of

5 Asia, Tychicus and Trophimus. But these ^had gone before,

6 and were waiting for us at Troas. And we sailed away from
Philippi after the days of unleavened bread, and came unto
them to Troas in five days ; where we tarried seven days.

3 S. Paul had formed his intention of mJbwrlcing at Cenchreae, when
he discovered a plot of the Jews, After their discomfiture in the
proconsul's court (p. 331), the Jews at Corinth, hke those of Ephesus
(verse 19), had recourse to a plot; and their plot was no doubt to
murder Paul at 8ea^ The apostle accordingly changed his plan,
and determined to return through Macedonia*, He let the delegates
go on to Ephesus with the treasure, in order to give information to
iVchicus and Trophimus, and appointed Troas as the rendezvous

4 where they were all to meet him. He himself, taking with him Sopater
ofBeroea^ retraced his steps to Macedonia. Sopater accompanied him
as a personal firiend and not as a delegate of the churches, for
apparently he only went as fwr as Asia, i.e. to Troas, and then
returned home, his place being taken by another, as we shall

see'.

This is a probable account of what happened, but there may be
other solutions. The fact is that the language of verses 4 and 5 is
rather ambiguous : it is a passage which was probably left without
the author's final revision. The difficulty arises from the enumera-
tion of the names in verse 4, and their insertion is due to S. Luke's
artistic sense. From the historian's point of view the detailed
movements of the various delegates were not of any consequence : it
is sufficient to know that the party was finally made up at Troas. What
S. Luke wanted was to give us a picture of Paul and his company
to form a companion picture to the Seven of ch. vi 5*. Both bodies
were occupied with the ' serving of tables ' : and thus, as the church
of Jerusalem, so the churches of the Gentiles had their Seven.
ITiese Seven included the most faithful and intimate disciples of
the apostle. There was Timothy ; also Aristarchus, who shared his
impnsonment and voyage to Rome ; Tychicus, who was also with
him at Rome and was despatched thence on an important mission^.
Lastly, as we shall see, S. Luke had his place among them.

1 Ok AtianSt Bezan has Ephesiam. ' Marg with KAB has came (i.e. to

Troas) and were waitijig, ' Cp. xxiii 12. ^ S. Luke's phrase (literaUj he

became of judgement) is an onusnal one : besides Philemon 14, the word judgement
occurs in the Epistles to the Corinthians I i 10, vii 25, 40, II yiii 10. It may
point to the direction of the Holy Spirit, as in the Bezan text. ^ For Sopater

see p. 299. The words a< far as Ada were perhaps omitted, becanse they seemed
inconsistent with the presence of Trophimus and Ajistarchus at Jerusalem (xxi 29,
xxyii 2). But they need only apply to Sopater, as does the verb which is in the
singular : and Sopater accompanied (literally follcwed close with) Paul. ^ The

Seven are in S. Luke's mind during this part of the narrative : cp. xxi 8. ^ For
Aristarchus see xix 29, xx 4, xxvii 2, Col iy 10, Philm 24: for Tychicus Eph vi 21,
Col iv 7, Tit iii 12. II Tim iv 12.

376 FROM PHILIPPI XX 5-6

6 The change of plan and choice of the longer ronte through
Macedonia Ivml made it impossible for S. Paul to reach Jerasalem
in time for the Passover. The next festival, at which he now aimed,
was Pentecost, fifty days later. This respite, then, cave him time
to stop in Macedonia and keep Easter with the fisdthfiil church d
Fhilippi. This observance of the days qf unleavened bread must be
noted as a comment on the meaning of his denunciation of the
Galatians for ' observing days and months and seasons and yeanV
For there was no Jewish element to speak of in the Phmppian
church, and so this passover cannot nave been observed as a
concession to Jewish custom. It was in fayct the Christian Easter.
At Philippi Paul had the further comfort of the companionship of
S. Luke, who now joined him to remain at his side till the end of the
book. For once more the we appears. It ceased last at Philippi
(xvi 16), which city had probably been S. Luke's head-quarters ever
since. But, as has been shewn, this would not prevent his having
been in S. Paul's company in the interval. Indeed, as he may have
been sent on a mission to Corinth (p. 371^, it is quite possible that
he too started with S. Paul from Cormth. For a reason can
be given for the resumption of the tve at this particular point In
tliis delicate and modest way* S. Luke lets us know — ^what must
have been a great glory to him — that he was one of the Seven ; for
at Troas he took the place of Sopater, who went no further.

When the eight oays (or octave) of the Paschal festival were
over, on a Tuescmy, S. raul with Sopater and Luke sailed atUfrof
Neapolis, the port of Fhilippi, He was retracing the line of his
first visit to Macedonia' ; and the winds which were &vouisble to
his coming would now be in his face, so that, instead of two days at
sea as before, only on the fifth day did they arrive at Troas ; conse-
quently they just missed the service of the first day of the weA

5 i.e. the first Sunday after Easter. At Troas tliey found the lest
of the party already arrived from Ephesus and tcaiting*; and

6 S. Paul stayed a week, possibly in the house of Carpus ^ It nay
have been that there was no ship sailing ; more probably S. fsx^
wanted to make his forewell to the church at their assembly on tb*
Sunday (i.e. on Saturday evening), and the interval would be soi^®
compensation for his hurry on his last visit (p. 371). The servi^
of that Sunday (the second after Easter) was stampea upon S. Luke.^
memory by an incident so remarkable that he proceeds to relate ^'
in detail.

The Sunday service and raising of Etity(Aus cU Troas

This history of S. Paul's farewells affords us many glimpses io*
the internal life of the Christian society, and enables us to fona ^
picture of the Gentile churches corresponding to that which we

1 Gal iv 10. 2 See p. 278, Introd. p. xxxii. » xvi 11-2. * T^i*

agrees with the reading of the margin — earne : but it is not inoonsistent with tb^
having gone on, i.e. from Corinth to Ephesus, and so to Troas. ' II Tim iv 1^*

XX 7-12 TO TROAS 377

draw of the church at Jerusalem from the summaries in chapters li
and iv. There is also another point to be observed. We have noticed
how careful S. Luke was to shew at Antioch all the marks which
constitute a true 'church' (pp. 187-8). Similarly, this paragraph com-
pletes the claim of the church of Asia to be a * church ' (verse 17). In
xix 1-10 and xx 18-35 is evidence of adherence to the teaching of the
apostles : the sacrifice of property in xix 19 was an illustration of the
relation of the community to worldly goods : in xix 11-16 and xx 9-12
signs and wonders are wrought by apostolic hands : and lastly, here
we find continuance in the breaking of bread and the prayers, as in
ii 42. At Antioch the breaking of bread had not been specified but
it was included in the * liturgy ' of xiii 2.

In this section, then, we come to a picture of a Christian service
drawn by one who was present. It is therefore invaluable for the study
of the origins of Christian worship; and without trenching upon the
special province of liturgiology, we may here briefly notice the following
points :

(1) In the preceding verses we had an incidental notice of the
observance of Easter \ Here there is unmistakeable evidence of the
observance of Sunday or the first day of the week, Saturday, the
seventh day, was the Jewish sabbath, out in the church the first day
of the week has taken its place, because on the first day the Lord rose
from the dead. We have an earlier allusion a year before this, in
I Cor xvi 1 ; but Jn xx 26 seems to shew tliat the observance dates
fit)m the very beginning^

(2) The day was observed, not by any Judaic or sabbatical pro-
hibitions, but by the gathering-together of the Christians for worship.
The Greek word is a general one for any gathering, but as the chief
gatherings of the Christians were for worsnip, the gathering-together or
synaxis became the technical word for a service, as it is to this day
in the east*.

(3) We must however get rid of our modem ideas of observing
Sunday by 'gatherings' at 11 a.m. and 7 p.m. The early Christian
gathermg-together was on Saturday evening. For the Jewisn reckoning
was * evening and morning ' ; their day was from sunset to sunset. On
Saturday, then, at 6 p.m. (at this time of the year), the sabbath ended,
and the first day of the week began ; and trie Christians, who would
follow the Jewish reckoning, began the first day with an assembly for
worship. This mode of calculation must be remembered in following
the diary of the journey.

(4) They met together to break bread. Christian worship began
in a common meal — the Agap6 followed by the Eucharist, which was the
repetition of the original Last Supper. Tnis has been sufiiciently dwelt
upon above (pp. 35-40). Here we will only add that Saturday evening,

1 verse 6 : q>. xii 3, Lk xxii 1, 1 Cor v 7-8. * A later reference is Rev i 10.

» For gathering together see iv 31, xi 26, xiv 27, xv 6, 30, 1 Cor v 4 and p. 169. A
paper by Bev. J. B. Milne on Primitive Christianity and Sunday Observance (Goose,
Nonriob, 1900) throws much light on early Christian worship.

378 A CHRISTIAN SERVICE XX7-W

after the close of the sabbath, was generally celebrated among ihe Jews
by a festive meal or banquet^ : and such a meal would natorally l^id
itself to the specially Christian observance. We may conclade theo
that the Christians at Troas met after sunset and had their evening
meal or Agap6, and this was prolonged to midnight. Then an inter-
ruption occurred, and afterwards S. raul broke the bread\ viz. of the \
Eucharist, and tiiis service lasted till dawn. Another view however ]
may be suggested, if we observe S. Luke's language and allow doe j
weight to his usual accuracv. There is no mention of eating befive {
midnight ; but after S. Paul had broken the bread of the Eachansti |
S. Luke adds and eaten. The word eat may denote merely tastkgi \
such as would be applicable to the Eucharist ; but it is elsewhere used :
by S. Luke for satis^^ing hunger in eating', and we may not nnreasos-
ably infer that by its use here he alludes to the Agap6, which would
in that case have followed the Eucharist. We know that at an earh
period the Eucharist and Agap^ were separated and their order revised.
Now a year ago S. Paul ha^ neard at Ephesus of the disorders wiuch
occurred at the Eucharist in Corinth, which arose from its coming after
the Agap^. He wrote that he would set these matters in order when
he came*; and one of his 'orders* may have been the transposition of
the Eucharist and Agap^'.

(5) Besides the breaking of bread, the service contained oiler
elements, particularly the * ministry of the word,' which was on to
occasion very much prolonged. The word which S. Luke uses, &-
coursing ( = reasoning), is tlmt used of S. Paul's work in the synagogae
and may include conversation (as also talked in verse 11); hat tk
word (verse 7) would most naturally denote continuous discourse (such
as that in 18-35). The precedent for this would be not only the Jewish

Practice in the sjmagogue, but also the discourses of the Lord at the
last Supper. On the same analogies we may also add prayer and the
singing of psalms, together with r^ing of the scriptures.

(6) The service at Troas was very much prolonged, even unt3
dawn; and so it is the first recorded instance of tne all-night watching^
or vigils, which were so characteristic of early Christianity. The suita-
bility of niffht for worship was indeed an idea older than Christianily:
'at midnignt I will rise to give thanks to thee' said the Psalmist
(cxix 62), and we found Paul and Silas singing at midnight (r?i 35).
But Christians had special reasons for the choice of night. The two
events which Christian worship commemorated, the Last Supper and
the Resurrection of the Lord, occurred in the night hours. There was
also a practical reason. There was of course no public observance of

* Cp. the supper in Jn xii 1-8. • verse 11 : in verse 7 it ia simply ftrw*

breadt which is indefinite and may be said of any meal, see p. 37. * iM^

xxiu 14, Lk xiY 24. « See I Cor xi 20-34. > This is only a conjeotsn,

and may be built on too slight a foundation. In any case this scene at Troas dod
not bear upon tiie practice of receiving Holy Communion fasting from midniclit.
For then Sunday began at sunset on Saturday, and the first food taken after tint
would be the first food eaten on the Sunday.

XX 7-12 AT TROAS 379

Sunday and business went on as usual. Many of the Christians were
occupied in trade : many more were actually slaves and these certainly
woald not be able to devote many hours in the daytime to attendance
at Christian worship. The service at Troas m&y also account for the
custom of devoting the whole night to this exercise ; for the prolonging
of the Agap^, of the reading, preaching and singing, postponed the
Eucharist, the natural close of tlie service, till the hours of dawn, the
most fitting time for the commemoration of the resurrection*. We
can take a step further. Human infirmity would assert itself, and
insist on a break in this prolonged eflfort of devotion; and thus we
should have two services — the Agapii in the evening: the Eucharist at
the dawn. This separation we find had already taken place in Bithynia
in the days of Pliny (c. a.d. 110), and following the Roman reckoning
he speaks of the morning service first: the Christians meet before
dawn, he says, to sing hymns to Christ as to God and to bind them-
selves by a solemn oath (sacraTnentum) not to commit crime; then,
after separating, they come together again to partake of food. In
Jerusalem however it would appear, from an account which a lady has
lett of her pilgrimage thither m the fourth century, that a vigil was
observed every Saturday night, during which the bishop read the nar-
rative of the resurrection*. And at certain seasons, pre-eminently at
Easter, an all-night vigil was observed universally in Christendom.

(7) The place of tne gathering together was still a private house,
but in that part of it which was most removed from interruption, and
therefore usually set apart by the Jews for devotion, viz. an upper
room. The room at Troas was in the third story. So the Last Supper
was celebrated in an upper room, Dorcas was laid out in one, and
S. Peter went up on the house-top to pray'.

(8) We learn incidentally that there were many lamps (verse 8) —
more apparently than were needed for purposes of light. It was, we
know, tne custom of the Jews as well as of the Gentiles to celebrate
their festivals with illuminations, and in particular the Jew marked
the commencement of the sabbath by hangiug a lamp in his window —
a practice which became notorious among the Gentiles, as we can see
firom the lines of the satirist Persius*. Here the Christians seem to
be following their example; certainly the symboUcal use of lights
prevailed in the church from very early times*.

S. Luke, however, does not describe the meeting at Troas for the

1 If the transposition of Eucharist and Agapd had abready taken place, as was
loggested above in (4), then in this sentence for * Agapd ' we shonld have to sub-
■titate 'the preparation for the Eucharist.' * Peregrinatio Silviae, in

Dochesne's Origines du Culte Chritien^ p. 493. This vigil however may have begun
odIt at eock-orow. ' Lk xxii 12, Acts i 13, ix 37, z 9. See p. 9. Among other

early Christian ' chorches ' we may reckon the houses of Tltius Justus at Corinth,
of Prisoilla and Aquila at Rome, of Nymphas at Laodicea, and of Philemon at
ColoBsae. * v 180-184. " This symbolical use of light was recognized in

the lamp in the temple ; and taken from that we have the seven candlesticks of
Ber i 12 (cp. iv 5). Silvia tells us of the ' huge glass candle^stick)8/ the * numerous
torches ' and * infinite luminaries ' used in the churches ana services at Jerusalem
(Pachesod Origins p. 473).

380 THE RAISING OF EUTYCHUS XX7-1«

purpose of satisfying liturgical curiosity; but because it was the oocaaon
of a remarkable * power/ which not only is parallel to the raising of
Dorcas in ix 36-41, but also places S. Paul in the first rank of the
workers of signs, — ^with Elijah and Elisha in the Old Testament^ S. Peter
in the New, and with our Lord himself ^

7 And upon the first day of the week, when we were
gathered together to break bread, Paul discoursed with
them, 'intending to depart on the morrow ; and prolonged

8 his speech until midnight And there were many 'lights ia

9 the upper chamber, where we were gathered together. And.
there sat in the window a certain young man named Eutyehos,
borne down with deep sleep; and as Paul discoursed yeb
longer, being borne down by his sleep he fell down fit)m tb^

10 third story, and was taken up dead. And Paul went down^
and fell on him, and embracing him said, Make ye no ado s

11 for his life is in him. And when he was gone up, and haA
broken the bread, and eaten, and had talked with them a»

12 long while, even till break of day, so he departed. And^ the^
brought the lad alive, and were not a little comforted.

9 A lad (verse 12) Eutychus toas sitting on tie window sill, for
with the many lamps it was very hot. Pauls discourse also was
very long, for he was taking his farewell and preadhing his las^
sermon. He was still speaking at midniqht when a cry arose.
Eutychus had struggled Imrd^ but sleep at last overcame him aad
\\QfeU down tx) the ground outside. The congregation rushed down
and picked him up dead. At once there was a great cry of lament-

10 ation, for apparently he was much beloved (verse 12). F(dy
however, having also come dotvn, lay upon the lad and embraeei
him, after the example of Elijah and Elisha. Then arising, he j
bade them cease from their ado or mourning", for the lad was aliya

1 1 ITiey obeyed and returned to the upper chamber and to their worship.
Paul consecrated the eucharist, a fitting thanksgiving for a restor-
ation from death to life. After they had partaken, and the formal
service was over, Paul talked to them at great length — ^for they wert
his last words, — until they were forced to disperse by daum, for that

12 day he must start. Meanwhile his friends had taken EutychnB

1 Op. I K xvu 17-24, n iv 32-7 : Lk vii 11-5 (a young man), Tui 494S
(a damsel). ' Gk being about to as in verse 8 : so verse 13, and 38. *(3k

lamps. * Bezan adds cu they were taking fareweU, * The tenses in tte

Greek exactly paint the oontinnoos struggle and the moment of defeat. For th« <k9
tileep (Bezan heavy) op. Lk iz 32, Mk xiv 40. * From the aooonnt of Jsiru^

daughter this seems the meaning of the ado (Mk v 3&-9). The noun is used fv
the uproar in verse 1. Gp. also &e Lord's woids She ie not dead but gle^tk.

XX 13-16 PROM TBOAS 381

home, and now, just as S. Paul and the congregation were saying
goodbye, they brmtght him back ative^ safe and sounds This
greatly encouraged and cheered the whole congregation — ^not merely
because of the restoration of Euj^chus, but abo for its confirmation
of S. Paul's apostolic power. Thus S. Paul went forth, viz. once
more a victor, only this time over the greatest enemy— death*. It
was a good omen for the future.

From Troas to MUetvs

13 But we, 'going before to the ship, set sail for Assos, there
intending to take in Paul : for so had he appointed, intending

14 himself to ^go by land. And when he met us at Assos, we

15 took him in, and came to Mitylene. And sailing from thence,
we came the foUowing day over against Chios ; and 'the next
day we touched at Samos ; and* the day after we came to

16 Miletus. For Paul had determined to sail past Ephesus,
that 'he might not have to spend time in Asia ; for he was
hastening, if it were possible for him, to be at Jerusalem the
day of Pentecost

13 The mention of the ship in verses 13 and 38 (contrasted with a
ship in xxi 2) and the fact that they coasted along, stopping (longer
than for the night) only where S. Paul wished, viz. at Miletus, would
almost indicate that they had chartered a coastinffvessel at Troas,
or even Philippi, to take them as &r as Lycia. They were not a
small party. They were also in a hurry, and it would have been a
difficuh} matter to find passages in a coasting vessel which did not

16 stop at Ephesus. The hurry was due to S. rauVs anxiety to be at
Jerusalem for Pentecost, which now left them about 30 days — by no
means too much, considering the uncertainties of ancient navigation.
For this reason S. Paul had decided not to touch at J^/iesus : the
affairs of the church there would be sure to cause him to spend time,
and he might be detained by some imtoward event, or collision with
his adversaries^ For it was just a year after the riot, and S. Paul
was one who could not be hid.

13 S. Paul however did not himself go on board at Troas. Tlie
long discourse, lasting through the night, the farewell, and the
raising of Eutychus, had been a strain. Like Elijah, he wanted to
be alone for a time : like the Lord himself, he wanted to send away
even his disciples'. Accordingly he first sent off his company by sea,

1 This is a suggested explanation of the text with the help of the Bezan reading.
Gp. Hebr xiii 20. ^ For thus (so) op. xix 20 and p. 356. ^ Some good mss

have going-to (for -before) as in verso 5. ** Literally go afoot (AV). ' B reads
in the evening. ^ Marg with AY and Bezan adds having tarried (the night) at

Trogyllium, ' Bezan reads that no detention {^possession, vii 45)might happen

to him, ^ The Bezan reading makes this reason clear. * Mk yI 45.

382 TO MILETUS XX ls-17

while he would go by land to Assos. This would save the laip
detour due to the promontory of Lectum ; but there was still left a
good day's journey of twenty miles, though the Greek word does
not compel us to suppose that the apostle necessarily went on ftoi
The ship was to sail round the promontory and take iim up at
As808, The disciples possibly demurred to his going alone, fir
S. Luke uses a strong word for appointed, elsewhere translated em-

14 mandK The ship seems to have reached Assos first ; and when S. Panl
arrived tkey took him on board and coasted to Miletus in three days^
stopping for the ni^ts at Mitylene^ a point opposite Chios, am

15 TrogyUium, From Uhios they had crossed over'^ tne more open sea
to Samos ; but, hoping to get to Miletus that night, they did not stop
there. However, when Uiev reached TrogyUium tiie promontory
opposite Samos, the wind fdl, or it was too late to go on; so they
anchored for the nighty and next morning, i.e. Wednesday (or
Thursday^, went on to Miletus.

17 The favourable run gave them time to rest for the Sabbath
and Sunday (the third after Easter). But S. Paul had another
reason for stopping at Miletus. He had passed by Ephesos
intentionally, but he was very anxious to see tiie church in the
persons of its rulers^ and give them a last charge. Miletns was
about 30 miles from Ephesus^. From Miletus, then, the apostle sai
a summons to the presbyters of the church of Ephesus; and they
obeyed with alacrity and came not only from Ephesus, but firom other
cities as well". They arrived at Miletus in tune for the ^thermg
together (synaxis) on the first day of the week, i.e, on Saturdajf
evening. No doubt, as at Troas, the watching was prolonged tiU
Sunday's dawn, for S. Paul had much to say. During the conise of
the night he uttered this last charge which follows ; then, after Ihe
meeting had broken up on Sunday morning, they solemnly escorted
him to the ship.

§ 4 FareweU charge to the Ephesian presbyters
and 8. Paws defence to the church

This address possesses unusual interest. (1) It is the only specimen
in the Acts of a sermon addressed to the church. We have had three

1 Cp. vii 44, xYiii 2, xziii 31, xxiy 28, Lk iii 18, xvii 9, 10. There is no maitktti
of the Trojan ChriBtians escorting him, as in verse 88, xzi 5. The whole sentaoee is
rather remarkable : the repetition of intending and the imperfect tense (imu we^iiv]
almost imply that the plan was not folly carried out. Paul may have been pidDM
op at an earlier point ; or they may have spent a night at Assos, Paul not reaeliiiig
it till the next day. The ran from Assos to Mitylene was about 30 miles. * Tht
Greek word is the osoal one for touching at a port : but to judge from the Besan
and AY text they do not appear to have stopped at the town of Samos, wUeh «u
on the south side of the island. ' according to whether they spent a nig^t st

Assos or not. ^ So S. Ignatius saw < aU the Ephesian church in the pma

of Onesimus its bishop ' with his fellow-delegates. ^ See p. 888 for the rdatkm
of the two cities. ' Cp. verse 25. So S. Irenaeus infers — who came from Epkam
and the other neighbouring cities {con. Haer. lu 14. 2). They may nave been m-
sembled at Ephesus for some festival or common business, like the Ai^^'ftr^ha (p. 863).

XX 18-35 THE SPEECH AT MILETUS 383

lennons of S. Paul's : to the Jews at Antioch and to the Gentiles — both
educated at Athens, and uneducated at Lystra. We shall have three
ipeeches : to the Jews of Jerusalem, to Felix the Roman governor,
bo Agrippa and the world at large. Here, in the centre, stands
3. Paul 8 charge to the church. The three sermons present the
p)6pel aggressively; the three speeches present it apologetically;
bhe charge combines both aspects, together with a third element of
personal affection. For there were three strains of thought running in
3. Paul's mind, (i) He was speaking his last words or mrewell. And
K), in the parallel with the Gospel, mis corresponds to the Lord's last
liscourse on the eve of the passion in S. Luke xxi (Mt xxiv-xxv).
Like the Lord, the apostle speaks of things to come, sufferings for
liiinself and perils for the church; and the same words of warning
recur, Take heed and Watch\ (ii) As S. Paul had been so fiercely
ittacked, he vindicates his past ministry and makes his ajjplogia or
lefence to the church. Like Samuel, he testifies to his own integrity :
like Moses, he reviews his ministry*, (iii) The review of his past
nreaching, and the charge to the church to cleave to the truth after
ois departure, are alike motives for a final setting forth of the gospel.

(2) S. Paul however was not going to leave the church orphaned.
rhere are stewards in the household and shepherds in the flock : as
bhe province of Asia had its Asiarchs, so the kingdom of God has its
rulers. Accordingly, as the Lord's last words had been spoken to the
Fwelve, so S. Paul's are now addressed to the presbyters. He is giving,
18 it were, a pastoral or episcopal charge ; and this charge is in brief
bhe pastoral manual of the NT, the earliest and pattern Priest to the
Temple or Pastor in Parochia,

(3) The chief office of the presbyters would be to guard the truth.
rhe truth is the foundation of the church, and its vindication was the
chfluracteristic of the work of the church at Ephesus (p. 348) : knowledge
of *the way' depends upon the teaching of *the truth.' Thus the
doctrinal interest is in the foreground in this address, and indeed one
Eunous verse (28), in spite of the uncertainty as to the reading, is one
of the clearest assertions in the NT of the doctrine of the atonement,
&nd implies as its background the doctrines of the Holy Trinity and of
the divmity of our Lord.

At first sight there appears to be some repetition in the charge.
Further, S. Paul appears to be addressing different audiences : first me
church at large, then after verse 28 the presbyters alone. It is possible
that S. Luke nas joined together the notes of two farewell addresses :
ind in the final form of the speech, as in the case of tlie other sermons,
the work of his hand is unmistakeable'. And yet there are many reasons

1 Terse 28 and Lk xxi 84 (the same word) : 31 and Lk xxi 36. We may note
iIbo that though S. John xiii-vii was not jet written, there is great correspondence
A Ume with those diBooorses. ' Cp. I Sam xii, Dent i-iii. ^ This is more

fbTious in the Greek than in the English : e.g. temptatiotu, Ixmds, take heed to your-
ehfes are Lnoan in their form. There is also the use of unusual words, empnasis
Ml pronoans, and asyndeton, which are marks of his style.

384 S. PAUL'S CHARGE xx 18-35

which convince us that we have here a faithful report of what im
uttered on this occasion. (1) There is a real advance in tiioaght^ as
will be seen below. (2) The speech reflects the circumstances of the

)h< ' "

to his own example ; his commission received from the Lord and Us
anxiety to 'fdlfil his course'; his gospel of faith and grace, with its
cathohc character, for Jew and Gentile alike; his boldness, especially
in fece of the Jews, and the labouring with his own hands'. (4) The
local colouring is in remarkable accord with the picture of his mmistiy
at Ephesus'. There are also special affinities with the Epistles to the
Asian churches, viz. to the Ephesians and Colossians. In them we find
the same insistence on the plan of God, on the church as being his
building and kingdom, on the institution of a pastoral ministry for the
edification of the body, and on the wealth of tne Christian inheritance.
(5) There is a great resemblance in style to the Pastoral Epistles,
especially the letters to Timothy*. These were written to Timothy
when in charge of the church of Ephesus, and they exhibit a picture
of the same organization of presbyter-bishops under an apostolic *mMi
of God.' They also contain similar anticipations of the development of
error. This resemblance confirms the genuineness of both the epistles
and the speech. In both we can detect a hand which is not quite that of
S. Paul. This hand must be tliat of S. Luke, who wrote the speech and
probably acted as amanuensis for the letters. (6) Even in its written
form the speech retains signs of its dramatic delivery. Ye yauradveSt
S. Paul exclaims, adding his emphatic /: and now behold he says
twice : he testifies on this very day : he lifts up these very hands which
laboured : he declares that they will see his face no more — a conviction
faithfully reported, although perhaps literally falsified in the event
He begins smoothly; but as nis spirit is stirred, his style becomes

^ Cp. xxi 4, 10-4. ^ These words occur in the Acts in S. Paul's mouth or

in close connexion with him — plots (ix 24, xx 3, xxiii 80), hou»e to home (fiii 31
faith in (the Lord Jesus, xxiy 24, xxvi 18), and now behold (xiii 11), bound i% m
tpirit (xix 21), afflictions (xiv 22), course (xiii 25), I am pure (xviii 6), the eomuel^
God (xiii 36), appointed (sett zix 21), perverse (xiii 8, 10), the toord of his grace (xiv 9)*
Also with verse 18 cp. I Th i 5, 9 etc. ; serving the Lord Bom xii 11 ; kuwhU-
mindedness Col ii 18, tears H Cor ii 4, profitable I Cor x 23 etc., Jews and Qrteis
Rom i 16 etc., accomplish my course Phil iii 12, U Tim iv 7, ministry which I reeeivtd
Col iv 17. Rom i 6, Eph iii 7, Col i 23, 25, I Tim i 12 etc., from the Lord Gal i 18,
I Cor xi 23 ; see my face Col ii 1, admonish Rom xt 14, Col i 28, iii 16, covet Bom
vii 7, these hands minUtered I Cor iv 12, I Th u 9, II iii 8, labouring I Th v 12 and
I Tim V 17, help the weak I Th v 14 and I Cor xii 28, remember Gal ii 10, Eph ii 11,
Col iv 18, n Tim ii 8. ' The two words for know w. 18, 34 occur xix 15; ftf

plots see xix 33, xx 3, publicly and from house to house xix 9, xx 7-12, Jevi ^
Greeks xviii 4, xix 10, 17, bound in spirit to go to Jerusalem xix 21, with vene 84
cp. xix 30, preaching the kingdom xix 8, with ecclesia of God cp. xix 82, witii ▼▼•
20, 27 cp. xix 8, silver xix 19. The references to Eph and Col will be given in the
paraphrase. With vv. 26, 34 cp. xviii 6, 3. * These words occur in, or art

characteristic of, the Pastoral Epistles : testify t course, pure, take heed, prethiiUf
and bishop, acquire (I Tim iii 13), apparel.

XX 18-35 TO THE PRESBYTERS 385

broken, and his feelings find vent in short sentences without any con-
necting particles. In these last sentences we hear the very words which
came m>m his lips. S. Luke was present and, alive to the seriousness
of the outlook \ took the notes which are here written out for us. The
ftpostle, as at Troas, spoke at ^eat length ; and for the sake of emphasis
be repeats his fundamental noughts. First he addresses himself to
the wnole congregation at the synaxis, or rather to the whole church
of Asia as represented in its officers : then at a later point he turns
luddenly and directly to the presbyters who surrounded him and gives
bis final charge to them personally'.

The analysis of the speech is not easy, because of the various aspects
in wliich it may be considered, the many strains of thought in S. raul's
oiind. It falls at once into two parts at verse 28 according to the
iudience in view — the church at lar^ (18-27) and the presbjrters
[28-35). Again, there is a further division in the second part at
rerse 32 : so that there are really three divisions, of which the domi-
oant ideas are I (18-27) vindication, II (28-31) charge, III (32-35)
farewell. But each of these ideas also runs throughout the whole and
in relation to difierent spheres, viz. — a (18-27^ the world at large,
b (28-31) the church, c (32-35^ the life of the individual. Thus there
is I. 8. raul's d^ence (a) to tne world — ^he has paid his debt to Jew
and Greek, (6) to the church — he has fulfilled his ministry, (c) in
respect of his personal sincerity — this he has proved by his simplicity
of life. II. lus charae (a) to all the Christians and the world — to
repent and believe, (b) to the presbjrters — ^to be £Eiithful in their
ministry, (c) and to lead lives of self-denial and self-devotion.
IIL His farewell : (a) he foretells his own departure, (6) he gives
the church a warning in view of the future, (c) he commends Uiem
personally to the grace of the Lord.

A few words must be said on the special aspect of the speech as a
pastoral charge. (1) The officers addressed are the presbyters of

the ekurck. Though their ministiy is locally confined to Ephesus
or Asia, the flock they tend is a part of the one church ot God.
Qt) They are the elders, i.e. the 'senate' of the church. They are,
ihen, rulers ; and their title indicates the natural ground of autiiority.
In history we generally find the 'senate' to have been the original or
Bioet ancient governing body. Age however enjoyed special honour
smong the Jews, with whom the rulers were always *the elders,'
iriiether of ci^ or iskVoMy, tribe or nation. So by the use of this
expression S. Luke vindicates the churches of the Gentiles : like the
church at Jerusalem (xi 30), the church of Asia has also its senate
of pre^>yter8. By calhng them the presbyters of * the church ' S. Luke
jJao distinguishes them from the presbyters of * the Ephesians.' For
besides the Boul6 or Council at Ephesus, there was a Gerousia or

^ We may note here how the verb heing-about-to, which oocurs in w. 8, 7, 13
t^Wkse), 8S, giyes to the whole ohapter the tone of looking forward to the immediate
^ture. ' See Dr Bernard on the Pastoral Epistles {Camb. Qk Teit. far Schoolt)

&. A. 25

386 THE PRESBYTERS xxi?

Senate, composed of * old men * (gerontes) or * elders ' (pretbyters). The
functions of this Gerousia are not ^uite clear, but it was closely
connected with the temple of Artemis : it seems to have acted as
guardian of the temple revenues and also of the large sums deposited
or banked in the templet This gives particular point to S. Paul's
mention of silver and gold in verse 33. (3) A special title was

however needed to distinguish the rulers of the Gfaiistian ecdesia
alike from the 'presbyters' of the sjmagogue and the 'priestB* of
Artemis. And so S. Paul calls them episcapi or overseers. This is a
Greek word and in some places was a Greek official title; but the Greek
'episcopi' were not important or numerous enough to cause any
confusion with the Christian use of the term. In the numerous staff
and variety of ministers attached to the temple of Artemis no 'episoopi'
are to be found. Subsequently in the churwi the use of the term was
limited to those higher officers who exercised 'oversight' over the
])resbyters themselves, i.e. to those who held a position aDalogoos to
that of Timothy at Ephesus and Titus at Crete*. ^ (4) Thar
office is of divine appointment. In accordance with the other
typical pictures in the Acts, they had no doubt been chosen by the
multituae, and set apart by the la3dng on of the apostle's hands; hot
the inner and real meaning of such ordination was that, as in the
case of Paul and Barnabas themselves, the Holy Ghost had appoinkd
or set them (in the church) by his own choice and for his mnk'.
(5) Their function is indicated by their title : they were to exercise
oversight. S. Paul further defines the oversight to be that of a
shepherd — to tend the church. Thus these presbyters correspond to the
pastors and teachers of Eph iv 11 : inde^ the ideas of ovwsight and
tending generally go together, as when S. Peter says T0nd m flock
exercising the oversight thereof^ and when he calls the Lord the siq^krd
and bishop of our souls*. This association is derived from the OT
where rulers (such as kings) are called shepherds, and the word
tend has become a sjmonjon for rule. The original idea of pastoral
oversight however was not lost. Thus the Lord's charge to o. Peter
was Tend my sheep, Feed my sheq?; and in the Revelation he both
tends the nations with an iron roo, and tends the redeemed, leading
them to living waters'. The tending is further defined in the charge
which follows verse 28 : (a) The shepherd protects tlio flock against
the wolf, and that by watching against false doctrine : that is, the
episcopus is a teacher, and guardian of the feith. (6) The shcyherd
leads the flock, i.e. he teaches them by his exami)le, by 'going oefore
them ' : and so the presbjrter has an active ministary of helping t^
vmk — and this at the cost of self-sacrifice, even as the Good Shepherd
laid down his life for the sheep.

^ On UiJ8 gerouRia Reo Hicks in Gk Inscriptiom of the B. Mum. toI. m pp. 7i-&
3 Cp. I Tim V 17-25, Titns i 6-9. For fuUer discussion of this offioe see Intiod.
oh. vi § 2. ^ verse 28 : the verb in the middle voice is used of divine appoinV

incnt, as in i 7, 1 Cor zii 18, 28. Cp. ziii 2 (middle voice also). « Cp. I PetfS

(^{B0 liowever omit exercising oversight), ii 25. " Esek xxziy 1-16, Zeohxi,

Mt ii 0 etc. : Jn zxi lG-7 : llev ii 27, zii 5, vii 17.

XX 17 OF THE CHURCH 387

But, besides giving specific directions, the whole speech is indirectly
a charge to the presbyters. For it holds up before them the example of
their own pastor — *Be ye imitators of me as I am of Christ.' From him
they learnt (1) The pastor's intention. His ministry is received from
the Lord; and therefore his one spring of action is obedience. His one
ambition is to fulfil the work given him to do. For himself he covets
nothing, he has no self-interest. (2) The pastor's work : (a) in relation
to the world — ^to preach the gospel, (b) to the church — to tend, Le. to
teach and help, (c) to himsdf— to renounce all covetous desires and
devote himsell to the service of the weak. This threefold division of
work corresponds to the differentiation of function among the ofiicera
of the church, which we find already taking placa The work of the
evangelist, of declaring the gospel to the nations with authority, was
primarily that of the apostle or the one 'sent* with authority. The
more domestic work of shepherding the church fell into the hands of
the presbyters. The administration of help in the material form of alms
was the special business of the deacons ^ Thus we may see outlined in
the speech the three orders of ministry which have always charac-
terized tiie church of Christ— of Bishops, Priests, and Deacons. And
die teaching of the charge is most aptly summed up in the words of
the Anglican Ordinal, in which the bishop reminds tne candidates for
the priesthood of the weighty office to which they are called — *to be
messengers, watchmen, and stewards of the Lord : to teach and to
memonish, to feed and provide for the Lord's family; to seek for
Christ's sheep that are dispersed abroad, and for his children, who are
in the midst of this naughty world, that they may be saved through
Christ for ever.*

17 And from Miletus he sent to Ephesus, and called to him

18 the 'elders of the church. And when they were come to him^'
he said unto them,

Te yourselves know/ from the first day that I set foot in

19 Asia,' after what manner I was with you all the time^ serving
the Lord with all lowliness of mind, and with tears, and with

20 trials which befell me by the plots of the Jews : how that
I 'shrank not from declaring unto you anything that was
profitable, and teacliing you publicly, and from house to

21 house, testifying both to Jews and to Greeks repentance
toward God, and faith 'toward oiu* Lord Jesus " Christ

22 And now, behold, I go bound in the spirit unto Jerusalem,

^ In his epistles to the Asian churches S. Paul caUs himself (a) apottU Eph i 1,
Wjhe aged (= elder) Phihn 9, (c) deacon Eph iii 7, Ck)l i 23-5. * Ok presbyten.

* Mzan adds while they were together^ and * brethren^ and ' jfor about three years or
even more, * or kept back nothing that wae profitable (AY) that I should not

declare it unto you (terse 27). ' Bezan through. * Marg with B omits

CkrUi.

26—2

388 a PAUL'S CHARGE xx^s-Si

23 not knowing tlie things that shall befall me there : aaye that
the Holy Ghost testifieth unto me in every city^ saying that

24 bonds and auctions abide me. 'But I hold not my life of
any account^ as dear unto myself^ 'so that I may accompM
my course'^ and the ministry* which I received from the Lord

25 Jesus, to testify the gospel of the grace of God. And noW|
behold, I know that ye all, among whom I went aboat

26 preaching the kingdom ^ shall see my face no more. * Where-
fore I testify unto you this day, that I am pure from the

27 blood of all men. For I shrank not from declaring unto joq
the whole counsel of God.

28 Take heed unto yourselves, and to all the flock, in the
which the Holy Ghost hath made you ^bishops, to feed the
church "of God, which he 'piu'chased with his own blood.

29 I know that after my departing '^grievous wolves shall enter

30 in among you, not sparing the flock ; and from among your
own selves shall men arise, speaking perverse things, to draw

31 away the disciples after themu Wherefore watch ye, r^nem-
bering that by the space of three years I ceased not to
admonish every one night and day with tears.

32 And now I commend you to "God, and to the word of
his grace, which is able to build you up, and to give you the

33 inheritance among all them that are sanctified. I coveted no

34 man's silver, or gold, or apparel. Ye yourselves know that
these hands ministered unto my necessities, and to them that

35 were with me. In all things I gave you an example^ how
that so labouring ye ought to help the weak, and to remember
the words of the Lord Jesus, how he himself said, It is more
blessed to give than to receive.

36 And when he had thus spoken, he kneeled down, aod

37 prayed with them alL "And they all wept sore, and feB on

38 Paul's neck, and kissed him, sorrowing most of all for the

> AV and Bezan read But none of thete things move me (lit. I make accoMt tf
none of theee things), neither count I my life dear unto me, * Maig tii m**

parison of aeeomplithing my course. ' AV adds with joy (Col i 11). * BeiiB
adds of the word, ^ AV adds of Ood, Bezan of Jesus, * Beian reada Vtio

this presetiX day therefore am I pure from the blood of all men, ' or ovenetnt

Qk episcopoi, ^ MB read of God, ACDE (and BV marg) of the Lord, w^

later mss of the Lord and Qod, * Gk acquired, Bezan adds for Ataufy*

i» Uterally heavy, " Marg with B reads the Lord. ^ QikAndthmtxm

a great lamenJtation of alU

XX 18-21 TO THE PRESBYTERS 389

word which he had spoken, that they should behold his face
no more. And they brought him on his way unto the ship.

18 I. like Demetrius and the townclerk, S. Paul in addressing
an Ephesian audience appeals to their knowledge ^ But indeed
S. PauFs general principle of self-defence lay in commending him-
self to the conscience of men'; accordingly knowing is a key-note
of the speech'. You^ presbyters, know my life from the first day
that I set foot in the province of Asia, rfe had landed at Ephesus
in the spring of 51, just four years ago; but his actual ministry had
begun in the autumn of 51 and ended in the spring of 54. Tliis

Griod, as it exceeded two years, could, according to Jewish usage,
reckoned as a three-years' -^pace*. His life had been that of a

19 slave of the Lord^ — the name which S. Paul adopts almost as a
formal title at the head of his epistles. This service had three
marks*: (1) HumhUmindedness — 8. Paul was lowly in his bodily
presence, of which he was keenly sensitive; but the lowliness of his
outward appearance was, so to speak, balanced by humility of mind
within, after the pattern of the Christ^. (2) Tewrs — of sorrow for
those who wiU not be saved and of anxiety for the Cliristians
(verse 31) : the Second Epistle to the Corinthians was written 'with
manyltears*.' (3) Trials or temptations* — from without, especially
from the Jews ; verse 26 points to a state of exasperation on their
part similar to that at Corinth, and in both cities they had had
recourse to plots,

20 The chief work of * the servant of the Lord ' was to bear witness
to him. S. Paul's testimony at Ephesus bore the same character as
elsewhere. Its special mark was its openness or fulness, and its

21 * boldness' or plainness of speech ^°. He liad testified both to Jews and
to Greeks ; both publicly in the school of Tyrannus and from house
to house^ viz. at the private gatherings of the Christians". And in
his utterances he had not shrunk from declarina the whole counsel of
God. The different constructions of this word shrink in verses 20
and 27 mark a variation in the meaning. (1) He did not cloak or
4»^ back (AV) any part of the gospeL In Christianity there is
no system of esoteric doctrine : there is one truth for all aUke.
But such simplicity was quite contrary to the religious ideas of the

1 xix 25, 35. > II Cor iv 2. * There are in the Greek three different

words for know : (a) verse IS, (6) ty. 22, 25, 29, (c) verse 34. (a) is naed in xix 25,
c) in xix 35, (a) and (c) in xix 15. * verse 31 : cp. xviii 19, xix 1, 10. S. Paol

lAd in fact /r«t set foot in the province of Asia in the spring of 49 (xvi 6). ' as

>ppoeed to Artemis ; op. xvi 17, p. 2S7 : the phrase occurs Bom xii 11, Ck>l iii 24.
' or ' stigmata ' Gal vi 17. ' Cp. II Cor x 1, 10, vii 6 : for the humble mind of

[Christ see Phil ii 1-S : the word humblemindednen ooours in Eph iv 2, Col ii 18, 23,
ii 12. > n Cor ii 4 ; cp. PhU iii 18, Ps cxix 136. » Cp. xv 26 mezan) :

C^k zxii 28. ^^ Cp. xiii 46, xiv 3, xviu 26, xix 8, xxvi 26, xxviU 81, Eph vi 19, 20.
•A This is the meaning rather than house to house visitation, which however would
M covered by verse 31. The phrase, with the noun in the singular, is translated
U home in ii 46 : the plural noun here may shew that they had more than one place
of meeting.

390 & PAUL'S CHARGE XX2W9

Ephesians. Mysteries, open only to the initiated, abounded at ikt
period ; and, as elsewhere, secrecy and esotericism were important
elements in Ephesian superstition. Such ideas of special doctrines,
of a wisdom or knowledge known only to the enlightened few, who
are the 'elect,' the 'smritual,' the 'knowing ones,' were soon to
invade the church. ^ They were a s3anptom of ^osticism, tkt
'spirit of error' which found a very miitful soil in Asia

'spint of error which lound a very
quickly beset Christianity; already in his Epistle to the Colossians
S. Paul has to combat its incipient traces. In opposition to such
tendencies he had taught the full gospel to alL This fulness of
course excludes neither the gradual method in teaching— S. Paul
himself had 'fed' the Corinthians at first 'with milk' — ^nor the
possibility of yar3ring grades of spiritual insight and knowledge,
it does mean that nothing that is expedient or necessary to salvation
is to be kept back, viz. no part of the go^l of the grace qf God,
which S. Paul sums up in the teaching of repentance and faitk
27 (2) Sometimes teachers have another motive for keeping back the
truth, viz. the fear of causing offence. The special temptation of
S. Paul was the fear of offending and alienating the Jews by
preaching the equal share of the Gentiles in the privileges of die
church. But he was not one to shrink back (Heo z 29;; and he
declared to all, to Jew and Greek alike, the whole counsel cf Goi^ ie.
the catholic appeal of the gospeL This is marked by the reconence
of the word a//, — four times in verses 25-27 (also in 18, 19, 35).
This doctrine was, as he writes later to the Ephesians, the ^[reat
mystery of God, now revealed to men and made known cmefly
tiirough 'the dispensation committed to him,' viz. that 'tJie Gentiles
are feUow-heirs, and fellow-members, and fellow-partakers in Chiist
Jesus^*

22 S. Paul now passes on to vindicate his present purpose and

23 sincerity. On his way to Jenisalem, in every city Christian prophets
were testifying to bonds and afflictions awaiting him \ The emphatic
word testify is that used for the apostolic testimony to tiie gospel;
and these prophets spoke under the inspiration of the Holy Ghost
But the circumstances illustrate the true character of inspiration and
Cliristian prophecy. They did not specify furUier than to speak of
bonds — ^ana S. Paul, who was a greater prophet than all, had received
no special illumination : hs kn^ not the particulars of what was to

25 b^all him. He did indeed know or, as we should say, he had a
conviction (which, if we are to trust the construction of his later
history firom the^ Pastoral Epistles, was not literally correct) that

29 th^ should see his face no more*. He also knew, with the insight
characteristic of the OT prophets, that evil times were in store for

1 Eph iii 1-12. < Cp. xxi 4, 11. For the binding and bond$ cp. Eph in 1.

iv 1, Ck)l iv 4, 18, Philm 10. 18 : for afflictions Eph iu 18, Ck)l i 24. » Cp. Cd

ii 1. Bui S. Paul is thinking, not so mnch of a literal glimpse with the eje, tf of
the constant heholding of his face in a regnlar ministiy. The propheoy is tnw
in this sense that his practical work was oyer.

: 22-27 TO THE PRESBYTERS 391

the chnrcli. Farther, S. Paul appeared to be acting in contradiction
to these warnings of the Spirit. Such conduct — or even self-will, as
it might appear, — ^required explanation. S. Paul's reason was that
already, at that verv moment, he stood before them bound, i.e. in the
bonds of the Lord s service. For he felt a deep conviction iti his
spirit, which he could not dissociate from the action of the divine
bpirit (xix 21), that the road to Jerusalem was part of the course
woich God haa ^ven him to run\ To reach the goal of that course
was his one ambition, and in comparison with tbat he took no account
qf his life in the bodv; he reckoned it of no value, as utterly cheap^
The course on which he had entered was the ministry, or service,
which he had received from the Lord Jesus, The Lord had com-
mitted to him a special dispensation or revelation of the mrace of
Qod', which he haa to administer; and as the servant of the Lord
he was running in a double capacity. (1) He ran as an evangelist
or bearer of good news*, viz. the good news qf the grace of God,
By this grace or free gift of Ood men are to be saved, and not by
works of the law; and again, through the divine grace, this salva-
tion was offered to every man, Jew and Gentile. The ofifer itself
was one of wonderful bounty; it was the unsearchable riches of
Christ which S. Paul had to preach among the Gentiles^ (2) Ho
ran as a herald through the nations, proclaiming the kingdom of
God, This course then he would accomplish to the end, — first by
reconciling at Jerusalem the Jewish and Gentile disciples in the
church ; and then, as he Iiad already passed through Macedonia, Achaia
and Asia, by so passing on to Rome and uttering his proclamation
there. But the apostle recollects that the proclamation had not
been altogether successful. Jews had rejected it^ Gentiles had
declined it; and the messenger has to protest his innocency. He
was pure from their bhod. If they were rejected from eternal life
because of their rejection of the gospel, he was guiltless. For the

J>reacher is only responsible for the faithful and acceptable settuig
brth of the counsel qf God*. And as S. Paul reviews his past career,
his conscience tells him that he had declared it in its completeness.
The plan or counsel of God's will is one of the ruling thoughts in
the Epistle to the Ephesians^; and the special dispensation which
the apostle there chums to have received is the teaching of that
truth of the catholicity of the gospel, by which the fulness of God's
counsel is most richly set fortL

We notice that to testify the gospel is coordinated with preaching
the kingdom. The gospel involves a kingdom. Repentance is the

& Cp. xiu 25, Phil iu 1(M, II Tim iv 7. * This is the meaning of (he reading
the best mbs, which we must accept. The Greek however is diffioolt. The AY
ding, which gives the best sense, looks like a later correction; yet it is quite
ioible, as has been strongly argued by Dr Field {Note9 on tram, of the NT), that
in» fell oat in an early copy, which if restored would give us the AV sense,
^p. Eph ill 2, 7, Col i 28, 25, 1 Tim i 12. Msai lii 7, Nahum i 15, Bom z 15.

)p, Rph ii 8, i 7, iii 8 etc. « Cp. Ezeklel iii 16-21, xuiii 1-9. ' Cp.

hill.

392 THE PURCHASE OF THE CHURCH xxtt

entrance to a society, and feith is the principle of life in it This
kingdom had been proclaimed by S. rani at Ephesns (zix 8^, and
the doctrine of the cnurch is one of the great subjects of the Epistle
to the Ephesians. So here also the idea of the church is pr^ented
in rich variety. It is the kingdom and ecclesia of Ood, ^ flock
which is God's peculiar possession, and the inheritance of the
saints^

II. Having fulfilled his part, the responsibility now rests lith
28 the presbyters; and S. Paul warns them to tctke heed to themselTes'
in a sentence pregnant with teaching. Thus, from it we learn (1) tli&t
this ecclesia of Ephesus is the church of God, S. Paul has in mind
the words of Psalm Ixxiv 1-2 : 0 God, why doth thine anger moks
against the sheep of thy pasture i Remember thy congregatim
{synagogue), which thou hast purchased of old, which thou h^
redeemed to be the tribe of thine inheritance. So the new eoclesia
of the Christ has succeeded to the synagogue of old : it is the
true IsraeP. And as God had redeemed the Israel of old to be
his peculiar people or inheritance among all the peoples of the
earth, so now he has purchased or gotten for Mmseif the chuich
to be his own possession^. (2) God had redeemed the fonner
Israel by a double deliverance — first from the destroying angel by
the blood of the paschal lamb, then from the Egyptian oppressois
by the passage of the Red Sea. So the new Isra^ had be^ won
bi/ the blood^ of Christ shed upon the cross, and by his having been
' brought again from the dead with the blood of the eternal coveDant'
(Heb xiii 20) in the resurrection. In the first part of tiie Acts the
crucifixion as a fact was an essential element of the apostoUc testi-
mony; here the underlying doctrine is asserted, i.e. die doctrine
of the atonement. By the blood of Christ God purchased the
church. We must not however press the metaphor contained in
the word purchase, and ask to whom was the pnce paid. Indeed
the idea of buying is not necessarily contained in the Greek woid,
which denotes 'acquiring' or 'getting for one's own.' God, then.
got the church for his own by not sparing the life of his Son. For
the blood (as in verse 26) means tine lire. By the life of his S(Hi
surrendered on the cross our sins were covered; by the life of his
Son risen from the dead he raises us to newness of life. (3) Bnt
if the possession won was so great — a renewed humanity,— what
must have been the cost ? The blood must be more than humaD,
it must be divine ; and when S. Paul says his own blood, the ante-
cedent of his own is God. Christ, then, whose blood was shed, is
Grod ; and yet ' the blood of God ' seems an impossible expresaon
for S. Paul to have used. In later centuries, when the theological

^ See above pp. 348-9. The word kingdom oeonzB Eph ▼ 5, Col i IS, iv 1^*
' Gp. V 85, Lk xzi 84. ' The word ecclesia, we xniut remember, would naiB^

the Ephesians in the first place of the eoolesia of their city (xix 82, 89, 41) n&ff
than of the ecclesia of Israel (vii 38). < Exod xix 5-6: Eph i 14: IFetii^-

* The blood oocors in Eph i 7, ii 13, Col i 20.

SX28 BY THE BLOOD OF CHRIST 393

expression of the doctrine of the incarnation had been thoroughly
wrought out, it could be explained by the communicatio idiomatum
(shanng of attributes), which describes in Hooker's words* those
* cross and circulatory speeches, wherein are attributed to God such
things as belong to mannood, and to man such as properly concern
the deity of Christ Jesus, the cause whereof is tlie association of

Stwo] natures [divine and human] in one subject* — the one person
^esus Christ. Hence we can speak without offence of 'the mother
of God,' * the blood of God.' Jout as yet, in the Acts, it is early for
such theolog[ical phraseology*. Many manuscripts solve the difficulty
by substituting the Lord for God. But against them we have the
two best Mss M and B ; the more difficult reading is generally to
be preferred; and the reference to the Psalm makes it almost
certain that S. Paul spoke of the church *of God'.' (4) The
real solution is to be found in the doctrine of the Trinity, which
is here implicit. This doctrine is nowhere explicitly asserted by
8. Paul, perhaps it was not fully defined in his own mind; but
he evidently believed in the Father, in the Lord Jesus Christ, and
in the Holy Ghost ; and he recognized each Person as divine, and
the three Persons as inseparable in their working. Thus in verse 21
repentance towards God is parallel to faith in our Lord Jesus,
and in the next sentence the Holy Spirit witnesses. In verse 24
we have the ministry of the Lord Jesus and the grace of God.
Here we have the church of God, in Kphesians (v 5) the kingdom
of the Christ. And now the work of the three Persons is described
in one sentence — ^the church is Go^s, purchased by the blood of
Christ, ruled by the Holy Spirit. With such a faith for the ground-
work of his life and thinking, it is easy to see how the apostle,
without any change of subject grammatically, can yet pass in
thought from one person to another. He begins with God the
Father, but when he says his own, he is now speaking of the
Son. In such an interchangeableness we have reached the high-
water mark of S. Paul's theology. From belief in Jesus as the
Messiah, he had quickly risen to accept him as the Son of God
(^ix 20). Now be unmistakeably implies his eauality and unity
m divme prerogatives with the Fatheb. So the ^istle to the
Bomans, written only a few months or weeks before the present
moment, contains a similar passage, which speaks of Clurist as
bdng *over aU, God blessed for ever*.*

Yet again, from the pastoral point of view, this verse is, so to
8peak, the charter of the Christian ministry. In this relation it

^ EeeL Polity v 53. 4. ' Yet only 50 years later S. Ignatias speakg of the

^<ood i^ God {Eph. i 1); so Tertollian ad uxor, ii 8. 'So the Lord, if we

*<^)ted that reading, would stand for Jehovah. Dr Hort admits of God as the
(•noine reading, but suspects some early corruption, e.g. that the Terse ended with
^ word ton which has dropped out — hy the blood of his own (son). * Rom

tt 6: op. Phil ii 6. Hit ovm as applied to Christ brings out the entirety of the self-
"^ctiliee, cp. Eph v 2 ; so in Bom viii 31 God spared not hi* own Son.

394 S. PAUL'S CHABOE xx 28-32

lias already been examined above (p. 385) ; here we will only note
that the relation of the ministry to the chnrch is presented under
that figure which differentiates the Christian from all other priest-
hoods and which makes the deepest impression on men's hearts.
The church is Gtod's flock ; and as Christ is the chief shepherd^ so
the ministers he sends are shepherds or pastors : the ' treasure'
committed to their charge is ' tne sheep of Christ which he boaght
with his death and for wnom he shed his blood'.' This verse is the
utterance of S. Paul's— and the onlv one — which corresponds to the
ffreat pastoral passages in S. John (x 1-18, xxi 15-17) and S. Peto
fl V 1-4), which in their turn are the NT parallels to Psalm xxiii,
Isaiah xl 10-11, Ezekiel xxxiv. Thus in the NT the figure is
not frequents

29 The reason for taking heed lies in the imminent peril of false
teaching, coming both from without and within. (1) Rrom without
— and S. Paul keeps up the metaphor — wolves wiU enter in. The
typical wolf comes, as an enemy, to destroy (Jn x 12); S. Paul is
rather thinking of the wolves who will find their way into the
fold in sheep's clothing, i.e. of false teachers. Such will be a Imt^
weight, or burdensome'* : they will not spare the flocky for they
seek their own, and will use their authonty to acquire gold and

30 silver (verse 33) from the flock. (2^ Other false teachers ipiS
arise out of the Ephesian church itself, speaking perverse things]
that is, like Elymas they will make the straight paths of the Lord
crooked and involve the disciples in * the wiles of error*,' and that
under a |)rofession of wisdom which will drag away disciphs to
form parties qfter their own names — and not after Christ,— as at
Corinth •. S. Paul's anticipations were fully realized. In the Epistle
to the Ephesians he combats such crooked wisdom, and the aeceit
which justified immorality; in that to the Colossians the

philosophy and asceticism by which the Colossians were spofled
and led captive ^ Tlie Pastoral Epistles represent the conflict at
its height, and dve us the names of some such teachers — Alexander,
H3rmenaeus and Philetus. Later still S. John writes at Ephesus of

31 the many 'antichrists' who have gone out 'from us'.' The only
safeguard was to watch* against uie wolf from without ; and to
admonish and teach, and so make perfect, each individual witUn".
For such was the example the apostle had set them.

32 III. But *vain is the help of man' ; and therefore, as the apostle

1 I Pet V 4; cp. Jn X 11, 14, I Pet u 25, Hebr xiii 20. « Ephivll:PBk

Ordinal. ' In I Cor ix 7 S. Paul draws an illustration from ahepberdiog'

Besides this, in S. Luke we have the little flock of zii 32 and the appeanmee to tli6
shepherds (ii 8-18) : in S. Matthew four allusions ii 6, xzv 82, and (with Mk) ix 36,
xxvi 81 : and in the Revelation one (vii 17). ' I Thess ii 7. II Oor xi 20 gi^

an example of griewnu conduct towards the flook : * lording * and covetousness ai»
associated with shepherding in I Pet v 8. > xiii 10 : Eph iv 14. * ^

away occurs in xxi 1, Lk xxii 41. ' Eph iv 14, v 6 : Col ii 8, 18. H Tim

i 20, U u 17: IJn u 18-9. • This supplements the Pray of Lk xxii 40: ep.

Col iv 2, Eph vi 18. " Col i 28, cp. Eph iy 11-^.

32-34 TO THE PRESBYTERS 396

bad himself been commended by the church to God (xiv 26, xv 40),
so he now commends the presbyters to God and to the word, i.e. the
revelation, of his grace^, of his goodness to man revealed in Christ
Jesus. This message of the free bounty of God is the word which
bas the greatest effect on the heart of man, and so it is dble to build
up the church. Thus S. Paul returns to the church, but die church
in its inward and subjective idea rather than in its outward aspect
as kingdom and ecclesia. He now conceives of it (1) as a building*.
Ephesus had its gorgeous temple of Artemis, but Paul had laid the
foundations of a far more glonous temple, the stones of which were
the converts he won. But the idea of building, in relation to the
individual, is rather associated with the building up, or edification, of
the spiritual life which the Christian enjoys in virtue of his having
been Duilt into tlie church ; and this edification is the special work
of the ministry*. (2) When he was thiis built into the church, the
Christian entered upon his inheritance. The call of Abraham carried
with it the promise of an inheritance (vii 2-7) ; and after the delivery
out of Egypt, Israel entered upon the promised land fvii 45). When
this possession failed to give perfect satisfaction, (a) the Israelites
began to look forward to the future for a more perfect temporal
inheritance ; but (b) spiritual minds found their inheritance either
in the law — as in Deut xxxiii 3-4, a passage now in S. Paul's mind,
— or in God, * the portion of their inheritance * (Ps xvi 5). The true
inheritance combines both ideas, the outward and the inward. For
it is the church. Now (a) the church is, externally, the society of
all those who have been consecrated to God and so made his holy
people and peculiar possession, and this 'lot of the saints in
light ' is equivalent to * the kingdom of the Son of his love*.' And
(b) vrithin the church is contained a rich estate of spiritual privi-
leges which the Christian inlierits, — the riches of God's grace and
mercy, the treasures of wisdom and knowledce, the unsearcliable
riches of the Christ'. To these must be added the treasures of
hope. For no more tlian the Israel of old can the church attain its
ideal in this world; and the inheritance will only be fully realized in
the future, in 'the riches of the glory of the inheritance in the
saints,' of which ourpresent possession of the Spirit is the foretaste
and the pledge*. The thought of riches, to which the inheritance
has brought us, dominates the Epistle to the Ephesians. This may
be a sign of tiie impression made on the apostle by the wealth and
magnificence of Ephesus and the temple of Artemis, and shew that he
felt the need of suppljring the Ephesians with some counter-attraction.
They had to learn that true wealth did not consist in silver and
gold and gorgeous apparel; and in this the apostle had given them
an object-lesson. They had seen their founder and chief priest,

> The oombination of word and grace is found in Eph iv 29, Ck>l iv 6. 'So

Bph u 19-23 : cp. I Ck>r iii 9. * Cp. Eph iv 12, 16, 29, Col ii 7. « Col i

3: cp. Eph ▼ 5, Acts xxvi 18. " £phi7, ii4: Colli 2-3: Eph iii 8; op.

L6. • Eph i 18, 14 : op. Col iii 24.

396 a. PAUL'S CHARGE XXS4-87

their proconsul and Asiarch, working with his own hands for his
livelihood (p. 351) \

For S. Paul has now come to the last and most delicate subject
of defence : like Samuel, he appeals to the integrity of his private

35 life. This had been marked by a self-denial, which exceeded the
highest demand of the ordinary standards of honesty. But in tJiis
self-restraint he had given a Uving eaxtmple\ like the washing of
the disciples' feet by the Lord. And this lesson was especially
needed at Ephesus, where priestly office and spiritual power were
viewed as the stepning-stones to worldly wealth, where many of
the converts had tnemselves by these means gained large sums
(xix 19), and where the special duty of the presbyters of the
Ephesian Gerousia was to protect and manage iJie vast sums
deposited in the temple of Artemis. In direct contradiction to
such ideas the law of Christian office was service — helping the weah\
whether in body (the sick), mind (the scrupulous! or spirit (the
downcast and sinful). Money is to be regarded as the instrament df
such help, and is needed by the Christian minister oidy so fer as to
satisfv his own bodily n^c^^ssities, and to enable him to help otiliers.
For tnese purposes he should even labour hard with his nands, as
the apostle directs in his epistle^ Since those days the mind of tiie
churcn has changed, and the clergy are now forbidden to Mow
secular eraplo3rments — with equal apostolic sanction : for 'it is not
good for us to serve tables, we will give ourselves to prayer and the
ministry of the word ' (vi 2, 4). But the spirit of ministry remains
unaltered; and, in conclusion, the apostle declares its underiying
principle. He had in his life renewed the example, he now quotes
the words, of the Lord Jesus — Blessed is it to be a giver ratintr
than a receiver. The presbyters would remember not only how the
aTK)stle had held his own life cheap (verse 29), but how the Good
Shei)herd had shed his own blood for the flock (verse 28). TRus
beatitude is one of the sayings of the Lord which were current in
the early church beside those preserved in the Gospels. Some of
them have come down to us through various channels^ and probahlf
S. Clement of Rome is giving another form of this saving when he
writes to the Corinthians tmt 'once they were humble-minded.-
more gladly giving than receiving*.*

36 These words of the Lord were the last words of the apostle, and
at once the whole assembly knelt down and S. Paul prayed aloud.

37 Then follows a picture drawn with S. Luke's inimitable command of
pathos, which reveals the apostle's wonderful power in attractii*
personal affection and devotion. There was a hud sound «

^ as at Thessalonica and Corinth, pp. 296, 324. * The noon ooetm ti

Jn xili 15, the verb in Acts ix 16. ' This explains the meaning of ktht in

I Cor xii 28. For the weak cp. Bom v 6, xiy 1, 1 Thess v 14. « Eph ivSB-

The word labour oconrs there and Col i 29. It is used of both spiritual and miaoil
labour, op. the labour of love (I Thess i 3). With S. Paul's example in vene S3, o^
the words of S. Peter in iii 6. * ad Cor, 2.

XX 38 AND FAREWELL 397

38 sobbing or wailing, every one was weeping. ITie saying, that they
should see his face no more^ filled the presbyters with the deepest
sorrow or grief of heart, and tliey embraced him, falling on his neck
and kissing him earnestly ^ Kissing was a usual form of salutation
in the east, especially between master and disciple (as in the kiss
of Judas), host and guest, brothers and such close relations^. Hence
it naturally became the form of greeting between Christian brothers;
and, in the ritual of divine service, the kiss of brotherly fellow-
ship became the necessary preparation for the divine fellowship in
the breaking of bread^ Kissmg however is as often the sign of
farewell, and the kiss here reminds us of other pathetic partings
in the OT, e.g. those between Joseph and his dying £a.ther, Naomi
and her daughters-in-law, Jonathan and David*. Thus, when they
had taken their farewell and the day had fully dawned, the pres-
byters in a body escorted Paul to the ship.

§ 5 From Miletus to Caemrea : Paul's temptation

The conclusion of the journey brings us back to old scenes and
persons, old ideas and language : we return to Phenicia' and Caesarea*,
to Philip' and Agabus*. The narrative aflFords us most interesting
^impses into the organization of the church and the action of Christian
propnecy, together with fresh testimony to the ^reat personal aflfection
inspired by S. Paul. The main thought in the mind of the writer seems
to 06 that of the temptation to S. Paul to break off his purpose, a
temptation all the harder as it apparently arose from the direct
iction of the Spirit (verses 4, 11). We might in fact call this para-
naph ' S. Paurs temptation ' : it* corresponas to the temptations of
Afoses and of Elijah*, and, we may add^ of the Lord himself.

21 And when it came to pass that we were ^^parted from
them^ and had set sail, we came with a straight course unto
Gob, and the next day unto Rhodes, and from thence unto
3 Patara'^ : and having found a ship crossing over unto
3 Phoenicia, we went aboard, and set sail And when we had
come in sight of Cyprus, leaving it on the left hand, we sailed
unto Syria, and landed at Tyre : for there the ship was to

* There was great voailing at Bethlehem (Mt ii IS): q). also the vailing and
noMhing of teeth (Lk ziii 2S etc.). The sorrow is sorrow of heart (Lk ii 48, Bom
K 3« I Tim Ti 10). The father fell upon the neck of the prodigal son (Lk xv 20).

IAl xxii 47, Tii 45, Exod iv 27, Qen xxix 11, xlviii 10. > Bom xvi 16,

Cor xvi 20, 1 These v 26, I Pet ▼ 14. As a salatation, the kiss was also a sign of
•ooseiliation : op. Esaa and Jacob, Joseph and his brothers (Qen xxxiii 4, xlv 15),
l»Tid and Absalom (II Sam xiv 33), the father and the prodigal (Lk xv 20).

Gen 1 1, Bath i 9 (14), I Sam xx 41 ; op. also II Sam xix 39, I Kings xix 20.

xi 19, XV 8. • viU 40, ix 30, x 1-48, xu 19-23, xviii 22. ' n 5, viu 5-40.

zi 27-«. * Cp. Nnm xx 7-13, 1 E. xix 4 : Lk uui 40-4. ^^ Gk tom

may from. '^ Bezan adds and il/yra.

306 FBOM MILETUS xn i-s

4 onhde her bardeB. Aad biTing found the discqilea, m
tarried there mtcb dafi : and theae said to Paul tfaiougfa the

5 Spirit, that he ahoold not set fisot in Jerosaleni. And when
it came to pass thai we had aocxMnplished the daja^ we
departed and went on €far jooniey ; and thej all, with wires
and children, bronchi ns on oar way, till we were oat erf tlie

6 city : and kneding down on the beach, we prayed, and bade
each other £surewell ; and we went on board the ship, bat
they retomed home again.

7 And when we had finished the Toyage firom l^re, we
arrived at Ptokmais; and we saluted the hrethren, and

8 abode with them one day. And cm the morrow we' departed,
and came onto Csesarea: and entering into the house of
Philip the evangelist, who was one of the seven, we abode
with him.

9 Now this man had four daughters, virgins, which did

10 prophesy. And as we tarried there many days, there came

11 down from Judsea a certain prophet, named Agabus. And
coming to us, and taking PSaul's girdle, he bound his own
feet and hands, and said. Thus saith the Holy GHiost, So shall
the Jews at Jerusalem bind the man that owneth this girdle^

12 and shall deliver him into the hands of the Gentiles. And
when we heard these things, both we and they of that

13 place besought him not to go up to Jerusalem. Then Pud
answered, What do ye, weeping and breaking my heart? for
I am ready not to be bound only, but also to die at Jemsalem

14 for the name of the Lord Jesus. And when he would not be
persuaded, we ceased, saying, The will of the Lord be done.

1 When S. Paul's party had thus been relactantly tarn ouwy/ftw
the Ephesians^ they had a fevourable voyage or series of straifl'^
runs to Cos, Rhodes, and Patara, Patara was on the coast of Lycift;
and Myra, fifty miles further east, was the usual startiBg-plf^
for the voyage across the open sea either to Egypt or past Owritf

2 to Syria, At Patara then, or Myra, they four^ a ship bound /»"

3 Phenicia, The distance was about 400 miles ^ and haxim *
favourable wind, in three or four days — which mcluded anotoer
Sunday (the fourth after Easter)— they arrived at Tyre. Phenictt

1 AY adds that were of Paul's company (xiii 13). * This is the Htottl

meaning of the Greek word, which occurs in Lk xxii 41 : it soggestB something moi^
than a simple parting.

CXI 3-8 TO CAESAREA 399

bad been one of the earliest scenes of missionary activity outside
the Holy Land; and as its churches had been planted by Hellenists,
they would have been favourably inclined to S. Paul's gospel. On
a memorable occasion he had passed through Phenicia and caused
them great joy by the news of tne conversion of the Gentiles (xv 3).
At Sidon he had personal friends, and the same seems to have been

4 the case at Tyre ; for the word finding-aitt seems to imply a search
for some particular friends^. I%e ship — as we gather from verse 6 —
was bound for Ptolemais ; but at Tyre it was unlading or changing
its carao. This gave a welcome delay, and S. Paul may have plec^ed
with the shipmaster for seven duys in order to cover the ' synaxis '
on the first day of the week (Saturday evening) ; the remarkable

5 phrase of completing the days points to an exact time which they
might not exceed. Accordingly on the morning of the fifth Sunday
after Easter another £a.reweir took place^. S. Paul's party went
straight from the service to the ship. When they went forth out
of the building to resume their journey, the whole congregation —
men, women and children — escorted them to the beach outside the

6 city wall. Here a final commendation took place. They knelt and
prayed and kissed one another*. Then the taivellers went on board
and continued their voyage^. The scene would not have appeared
80 strange to the Tyrians as to us. The Jews were accustomed to
practise their devotions on the sea-shore or bv rivers, as we saw at
Philippi Txvi 13); and such devotions would be public, like the

7 prayers oi the Mohammedans to this day. The same day Paul and
nis party arrived at Ftolemais, the modem Acre. Here the Christians
were perhaps not personally known to the apostle and he saluted

8 them more formally. After a day's rest and intercourse, the travellers
finished on foot the forty miles which brought them to Caesareaj
where they found hospitality in the house qf Philip.

Philip, the second among the Seven, had been the first to
evangelize Caesarea, and there we left him. And now, twenty years
later, we find him settled in the city with his family. Probably he
had been there ever since; if so, he would supply us with an
example of the 'settling' of a wandering prophet, of which the
Didache speaks^ No doubt also, being what he was, he would
preside over the church at Caesarea. S. Luke makes his identity
clear by a full description of PhiUp, which contains an official title
and a personal distinction. He was (1^ the evanaelist — and evange-
lists were becoming almost a recopiizea order* ; (2) one of the Seven.
Thus at the same time he is distinguished from 'Philip the apostle,

1 zi 19, xy 3; xxvii 3; II Tim i 17. * This is desoribed, according to

}. Liike*8 style, in one long sentence with many participles. ^ In the Greek

here is an unosoal compound form of the verb for bidding farewell. * This,

icoording to Dr Field {Notei etc), is the correct meaning of the words translated
Inishing the voyage. ' ch. 13. * To evangelize was the special function

if the apostles. This passed on to others, who are ranked between apostles and
presbyters ; cp. Eph iv 11, II Tim iv 6. So perhaps evangelitt was an experimental
>r temporary title for a president of a church.

400 PHILIPS DAUGHTERS xxig-io

9 being one of the Twelve.' An interesting note is added; its motive
is probably suggested by the incident which follows, but we can abo
recognize the happy reminiscences of a guest. Philip had jam
daughters \ and the S3anpathy they shew^ for S. Paul, with thft
labour they doubtless bestowed upon Iiim in the two yean' con-
finement at Gaesarea, made a great impression upon S. LqIol
He could appreciate the services of women ; and their EfYmpatli|ri
like that of the women of Jerusalem, received its reward in tb
mention^ They were also of note in the church, and occupied ft
kind of official position. S. Luke accordingly describes them, as he
does their father. (1) They were virgins, A long while ago we
heard of ' widows ' as an institution in the church', now we im of
'virgins.' The idea of a life specially consecrated to God in
vir^nity was by no means new. It had received the Lord's sanction;
and it soon found a place in the church, for nearly two years before
this S. Paul had to discuss some details of the matter in his Pint
Epistle to the Corinthians'. (2) Besides this recognized statos, they
possessed the personal ^ift of prophecy. This again was not new.
In OT times there had been women prophets, such as Miriaon,
Deborah, and Huldah. At the time of the Lord's birth, Anna a
* widow ' was also a * prophetess*.' In the next century prophetesses
were to play a leading part in the movement of Montanism. Bat
S. Paul was not in mvour of women speaking or teaching in the
church; in fact he had forbidden it^ and so women were not
officially recognized as prophets. The daughters of Philip may hate
exercised their gift in the utterance of such hymns as that of die
Blessed Virgin*. But the following verses suggest that they too
uttered warnings to S. Paul, simiho* to the prophecies which hid
marked the whole course of the journey, and of which we now come
to a typical instance.

10 Among the prophets of Judaea was one named Agabus, More
than ten years ago this same Agabus had gone down to Antioch and
uttered an important prediction^. At Antioch he had also met
Saul who is now called Paul ; and now, hearing of his approadi to
Jerusalem and aware of his danger, he goes down to Caesarea to
prevent his coming. There, at a meeting of the church — probaHf
the *synaxis ' on the first day of the week (the Sunday after A^cenflOB

1 Ilk xxiU 27 ; cp. Mt xxvi 13. « vi 1, ix 39. » Cp. Mi xix 12, Lkifi;

and the * ten yirglns * ot Mt xxy : I Cor vii 25-38. ^ Exod xv 20, Judges hi

II K. xxii 14, Lk ii 36 : cp. I Oor xi 5 every woman prophetying, * I Off

xiy 34-6. ^ Lk i 46-55 : this would be a prmhecy (i 67). Cp. the bymn (i

Hannah, and the words of Miriam and of Elisabeth (Lk i 42-5). ' xi 27-&

It seems strange to find Agabus, after his previons appearance, here introdooed and
named as a new character. We should have expected some such words aa Agal^
the prophet: but op. xxvii 2 after xx 4. Possibly Agabus was not, personsUyt^
great note in the church (like e.g. S. Barnabas) so as to be remembered after a 8&ig)0
allusion. The construction of the sentence here is very similar to that in xi 97-^ »
and in both cases the emphasis faUs on the office (prophet^t prophet) rather thin OO
the man, whose name is given as an afterthought

XXI 10-14 AGABUS' PROPHECY 401

Day) — the word of the Lord came unto him and bade him make a
8ign, like the prophets of old. Jeremiah, for instance, had once
bought a linen girdle and bound his loins with it*; so now Agabus

1 1 suddenly approached PauFs company of Greek delegates, took away
PavVs girdie from him and bound his own hands and feet tfdth it.
So he * signified' (xi 28) that the man who owns this girdle — him
shall the Jews so bind in Jerusalem, and they will deliver him into
the hands of the Gentiles. After the ancient manner he declared this
to be 'the word of the Lord,' only with a significant change — Thus
saith the Holy Spirit, As elsewhere * the Lord ' Jesus, so here the

12 Holy Spirit stands in the place of Jehovah. This was the most
decisive warning of all, and the whole congregation, the local
Cliristians as well as the company of Greeks, with t^iars entreated
Paul not to go up to Jerusalem, This entreaty on the eve of his

13 entry into Jerusalem was the keenest trial to S. Paul ; it almost
broke his heart (literally, crashed it to pieces). But however his
affections might be tried, his resolution was finn^. Although it
might perplex his friends and give the appearance of obstinacy, —
as if he wio spent liis life in persuading others would not be per-
suade himself ^ — ^he was convinced that it was the will of God
that he should go up to Jerusalem. So he set his face like a flint
and declared his readiness even to die at Jerusalem for the name of
the Lord Jesus*, At this utterance his hearers perceived that this

14 was no human obstinacy but the will of the Lord ; they too prayed
that it might be done, and ceased from their protests.

The words * The will of the Lord be done^ wnich end the account of
the journey, irresistibly call up to our mind the scene in Gethsemane,
where the prayer of the Lord was ^ Not my will but thine be done.^
There too his soul was sorrowful even unto death, 6,s here S. Paul's
heart was breaking. Again the words, they shall deliver him into the.
hands of the Gentiles, exactly express the critical act in the Jews'
rejection of their Messiah*. These coincidences force us to conclude
that while S. Luke is describing S. Paul's victory over the temptation
to abandon his purpose, he has in his mind the last journey of the
Lord to Jerusalem and his preparation for the passion which culmi-
nated in Gethsemane. This at once gives significance to a number of
other coincidences in the narrative of the present journey, which by
themselves would have escaped notice. Accordingly, we observe that
as the Lord uttered tliree prophecies of his passion*^, so the Spirit three
times warns S. Paul in xx 23, xxi 4 and 11. S. Paul kneeled and
prayed (xx 36, xxi 5) like the Lord in Gethsemane. The mention
of Imeeling is the more remarkable, as standing was the usual attitude

^ Jer xiii. ^ The heart in Hebrew denotes the seat of the wiU, rather than

of the afifections : op. viii 22. * For S. Paul's persiiation see xiii 43, xvii 1, xviii 4,
xix 8, 26. * This phrase takes ns back to v 41 and xv 26. " Lk xviii 82,

Mk X 33, Mt XX 19: cp. Lk ix 44, Mk ix 31, Mt xvii 22; Mk xiv 41, Mt xxvi 46.
* Lk ix 22 ; ix 44 ; xviii 31-3. Perhaps tlie unasual phrase, accomjalishing the dayi,
may be accounted for bj reference to such language as that of Lk iz 51.

R. A. 26

402

DIARY OF

XX-XXI

of prayer ; perhaps the Lord's example gave rise to the Christian habit
of kneeling. At ufethsemane there is also mention of a kiss (cp. xz 37),
and the kiss was followed by binding (cp. xxi 11). In the near context
S. Peter makes a profession of his readiness to die for ihe Lord, like
S. Paul in xxi 13 uLk xxii 33). A verbsJparallel is to be found in the
being torn away oi xxi 1 (Lk xxii 41\ The ' last words ' of S. Paul to
the Ephesians in chapter xx reminoed us of the 'last words' of the
Lord, whether in the upper room or on Mount Olivet. At the Last
Supper the Lord spoke of temptations (Lk xxii 28, Acts xx 19): and
tiie Take heed and Watch of Acts xx 28, 31 take us back to Lk xxi
34-36. The Watch in Acts xx 31 further supplements the Prtm
which S. Luke gives by itself in his account of Gethsemane (ll
" 40).

xxii

Note on the diary of the joumei/

Some commentators give an exact diary of the journey with the days of
the week and month. But it is hardly possible to be so precise. Far
(1) S. Luke himself does not give enough particulars : he leaves manv gaps
and uncertainties. E.g. how soon after the paschal oays did 8. Paul sUrt
from Fhilippi ? did he stay a night at Assos ? how long did he stay at
Miletus 1 how many days was the passajge from Patara to Tyre? (2) We
do not know the year; and if we did, in order to fix the right dateiy we
ought to know the exact date of the Passover in the year. But our know-
ledge about the Jewish method of astronomical reckoning is not absolnteiy
certoin. and modem authorities differ. To discuss such points fUly does not
fall witnin the scope of this commentary; but it is possible to give arelatiTe
and tentative diary of the journey, which may be useful for our purpose. Aod
if, as we have found reason to suspect^ S. Luke reckons by the weeks, and
indirectly marks where each Sundays service was held, then we shall bare
obtained the correct framework. The Sunday service, we must remember,
began on the evening of our Saturday (p. 377).

Mon

Sat

Sun

Mon

Tues

Wed

Sun

Sat
Sun

Mon

Tues

Wed

Thurs

Fri

Sat

Sun

Mon

Sabbath
Easter Day

The Passover

[or Tuesday]

The morrow after the Sabbath (Levit xxiii II)
Last day of unleavened bread [or Tneadaj]
Leave Philippi
Leave Neapolis

i after Easter

Sabbath

ii after Easter

erg
morn

e

e

e

m

Arrive at Troas
A week at Troas
Synaxis (La service)
Leave Troas
Arrive at Mi^lene
Arrive off Chios
Arrive at Trogyllium
Arrive at Miletus

Sabbath

ill after Easter

Arrival of presbyters
e Synaxis
m Leave Miletus
e Arrive at Cos
e Arrive at Rhodes

or Assos]
or Mitylene]

.or Chios] ,
orTrofljIliiiB] ,

^arrive at MiM«]
or on Sat]

xx-xxi THE JOURNEY 403

Toes

e

Arrive at Patara

Wed
Thun

m

Leave Patara
(? Leave Myra)

Son

!▼ after Easter

Arrive at Tyre
A week at Tyre

6ftt

Sabbath

e

Synaxis

Son

▼ after Easter

m

Leave Tyre

e

Arrive at Ptolemais

Mon

A day at Ptolemais

Tues

m

Leave Ptolemais

e

Arrive at Caesarea
Several days at Gaeearea

Than

Ascension Day

Sat

Sabbath

e

Synaiis

Ban

8. aft. Ascension Day

,

Than

m

Leave Caosarea

e

Lodge at a certain village

Fri

Enter Jerusalem

8«t

Sabbath

IntorTiew with James

8im

Pentecost or Whitsunday

SECTION II (=Ch. 2L 15-26)
Pavl the prisoner and his process

The words after these days^ mark the beginning of a new chapter
of the history, which runs without a break to the end of the book^
It describes the 'bonds and afflictions' which befel S. Paul, and that
(m a scale and at a length which seem quite disproportionate ; for the
narrative from this verse to the end takes up a quarter of the whole
book, from xix 21 a third. We have already seen two reasons for this.

(1) There is the personal fiactor. Throughout this period S. Luke
Was at S. Paul's side. The strain on his feelings must have been great,
stud as he looks back he cannot suppress the crowd of recollections
which come flooding up in his memory. He remembers the kindness
of tiieir host Mnason; he went in with S. Paul to James and the
elders; he was a spectator of the riot in the temple and saw Paul
lifted over the soldiers' heads ; he was with the apostle in the casUe
'^hen his nephew brought news of the plot, and he saw the tribune
kindlv take the lad's hand ; he was one of the crowd in ihe audience
oliamber of the palace at Gaesarea and his eye was somewhat dazzled
^y the great pomp of king Agrippa and his sister, Berenice, and the
I^iocnrator's court.

(2) S. Luke writes as an artist. He evidently intends this part
of the Acts to correspond with the conclusion of his Gospel, where the

^^ ^ Cp. i 15, Ti 1, xi 27. ' although, for convenienoe sake, we break it into

•^0 iwliom.

C\f*

404 S. PAUL'S PROCESS xxi-vi

passion of the Lord is narrated at equal lengtli and with eqnal richnes
of detail. Nor indeed must we forget the parallel with the first part
of the Acts. Paul is now filling at Jerusalem the part once played by
S. Peter : like S. Peter he also addresses the Jews at a rentecost^
stands before the Sanhedrin, utters a sentence of judgement on an
Ananias and a h3rpocrite, and like S. Peter's his career is arrested by
bondage at Jerusalem. But this parallel is absorbed in the imitation
of a greater than either. The history of the Lord's passion seems to
be repeating itself. Like the Lord Jesus, Paul is carried before die
Sanhedrin and smitten on the mouth ; the multitude of the people cry
out Away with him ; his fellow-countrymen deliver him into the hands
of the Gentiles ; he is accused before the Roman governor, and stands
before a Herod ; his accusers are the same, the Sadducean high-
priesthood, as also the counts of the indictment which culminate in
the charge of treason against Caesar ; three times he is pronounced
to have done nothing worthy of death, yet he narrowly escapes a
scourging, and the governor leaves him bound in order to please the
Jews^ : incidentally the trial of Jesus resulted in the renewal of friendly
relations between Pilate and Herod Antipas, so likewise PauFs case
enables Festus to pay a compliment to Herod Agrippa H. FinaDy,
the close of the book leaves the apostle in a state of comparative
freedom and activity: like S. Peter in ch. xii, he has expenenceda
deliverance — almost, we might say, a resurrection from the dead.
This resemblance is not due to arbitrary invention. It is the natural
working out of a law which had been enunciated by the Lord himself:
*as the master, so shall the servant be.' In the Revelation, in a
symbolical picture (xi 1-12), S. John has shewn that the experience
of the Lord's witnesses must be the same as that of the Lord, the
Faithful Witness, himself. How much more certain this will become,
when the servant is standing in the same position and on the same
spot as the master. Granted the same situation, then the greater the
inward likeness of the servant to his master, the greater will be the
outward likeness of their experience.

(3) There is a third reason for S. Luke's prolixity, and that a
practical one. These chapters are the record of S. Paul's Defence or
Apdogy^. And the defence is 'complete' (xix 21). We have his
answer both to the Jews — to the People, the Sanhedrin, and to a Jewish
king — and to the Romans ; or otherwise, to the Jews (xxi-xxiii), Romans
(xxiv-xxv), and the world at large (xxvi^. But this apology is not
merely a personal matter. S. Paul is *set for the defence of the ffospdt'
and these chapters contain the apology for Christianity. They form in
fact tho first in that series of * apologies ' which were so important an
element in the Christian literature of the first centuries. And as the
typical apologist Justin Martjrr addressed 'apologies' both to Jews and
to Romans, so this apology is written for both of these 'nations' on whose
attitude to the church so much depended. In one sense the Roman

^ Lk xxiii 25. ' xxii 1, xxv 16 ; op. zxiv 10, xzv 8, zzri 1, 2, 24.

xxi-vi THE TRIALS 406

public was the more importaut of the two. The Romans were lords of
the world, and Christianity as a new * religion' had to vindicate its
claim to exist Paul the defendant was himself a Roman citizen, and
as a Roman citizen he appeals to the Roman emperor. The Acts
itself is dedicated to a Christian who is addressed, as if he were a
member of the ruling society, by the same compUmentary title as the
governors Felix and Festus — most excellent. This aspect of these
chapters cannot but aflfect the question of the date when they were
written. This has been dealt with in the Introduction (pp. 1-lv); and
here we need only recapitulate some of the points. The great persecu-
tion under Nero in a.d. 64 entirely altered the relation between the
empire and the church. It was an open declaration of war ; and after
that there would have been small profit in the laborious composition of
these chapters, whose peaceful tone in itself implies a situation previous
to the persecution. Again, the hearing of the appeal in the emperor's
court and the defence of Paul at Rome were far more important than
the trials in the province before petty governors and princes like Felix,
Festus, and Agnppa. Had the emperor heard the case and (as we
believe) let the apostle go free, then it would have been doubtful art,
as well as a waste of labour, to have devoted so much time and space
to the preliminary stages of the process and not to have said a word
about tne final issue. The ultimate martjrrdom of the apostle in A.D. 64
would of course, as has just been said, have entirely altered the whole
aspect of the case.

The process of S. Paul introduces us to a side of the life and
history of the church which is of the greatest importance but which
is involved in the greatest difficulty, viz. its relation to secular law.
For here we are brought definitely fiice to fece with the problem of the
relation of church and state, of ecclesiastical and secular courts.
I'his problem is in the main the creation of Christianity itself.
Previously there had been no distinction between civil and religious
laws; all alike were laws of the state, and they had not yet
been diflferentiated. We can see the beginnings of the divergence
when S. Paul rebukes the Corinthians for going to law before un-
believers and bids them judge their causes among themselves*. ITie
Lord himself, in Mt xviii 17, had recognized the independent judi-
cial power of the church ; and he also laid down the principle which
should be the guide of the Christians in harmonizing the judicial
action of the church with that of the state — Render unto Caesar the
things that are Caesar's and unto God t/ie things that are Gods. The
practical application of the principle, however, has always proved a
difficulty; and the trials of S. Paul may serve as a commentary.

The process was a long one ; but there were only three legal trials
or examinations, viz. those (1) in the Sanhedrin, (2) before Felix,
(3) before Festus, which last ended in the appeal to Caesar. (1) The
Sanhedrin was the supreme court of the theocratic nation, and the

1 1 Cor vi 1-8.

406 THE APPEAL xxi-vi

apostle recognized its authority and was ready to plead before it; but it
arrived at no conclusion. (2) The Jewish priests themselves indicted
Paul in the procurator's court. The Jews were the 'ultramontanes* of
that day in their theories as to the independence of the people of God
in respect of the jurisdiction of the world, i.e. of the power of Rome;
yet now, as before at Corinth, they appeal to the Roman Judge. The
accusation indeed concerned matters of fact and the mfraction of
religious privileges legally conceded to them ; Paul, e.g., was accuaed
of having caused pollution of the temple ; and appeals to Rome in
these matters wer^ frequent. But the accusation also included the
charge that S. Paul was a 'heretic,' viz. that he was acting *contraiy
to the Jewish law ' ; and this must have involved a discussion of tlieir
law in the Roman courts which should have been most repugnant to
them. (3) S. Paul himself recognized the Roman authority, and that
as the supreme court of appeal : he appealed unto Caesar. But this
was clearly a case of vindicating the Hoerty of the individual, and of
securing for him protection agamst injustice. Bv appealing to Nero,
S. Paul was not giving him the right to define the mith, *the ministering
either of God's word or of the sacraments^' But he did recognize the
Caesar as a 'minister of God,' to whom the sword was committed for tie
maintenance of justice". And as far as the things of this world are
concerned, this power of the sword must be the final court of appeal
for all causes, whether ecclesiastic^ or civil. For it has the control
over all the externals of life and civil status, and over life itself: it
can enforce obedience or at least punish disobedience; and on it
depends all title to property or endowments. But with the thing of
this world, i.e. the things of Caesar, its jurisdiction ends. S. Paul
appealed to Caesar for the decision — not of theological questions, sneh
as whether Jesus was the Messiah, or whether there will be a re8u^^e^
tion of the dead, — but of facts and of conduct in relation to the
administration of the state : had he broken the law ? was his preaching
contrary to * the law ' of the Jews, which had been recognized by the
Roman government ? was it subversive of order in the empire ? And
yet the decision of these points of law and fact would inevitably involve
some theological discussion. It is impossible wholly to eliminate the
religious element. Paul would certainly have to bear some witness to
his gospel : and the Caesar would have to form in his own mind some
idea as to the truth of Paul's preaching and give sentence accordingly'.
The sentence might be unjust, but there was no higher court to appeal
to, save that of God. The appellant, if his conscience forbade him to
obey, must suffer and die, as S. Paul did in the end. Ttat was the
only vindication of his cause open to him on earth; its final vindication
he must leave to the judgement-seat of Christ at the last day.

In reading S. Paul's defence we seem to have got upon different
ground from that of the earlier chapters. Instead of arguing that Jesns
IS the Messiah, S. Paul makes his defence turn upon fM hope oflsraA

1 Article xxxvii. « Rom xiii 1-7, 1 Pet ii 13-7. » Absolute impartiAli^

indifference, as affected by Gallio (p. 331) — Ib impossible.

xxi-vi THE PEFENCE 407

and the resurre4;ti<m of the dead^. For in fact the circumstances have
changed. To hold that Jesus was the Messiah is, in itself, a tolerated
•pious opinion' amongst the Jews — witness the myriads of believers
left unmolested (xxi 20). The real crime of S. Paul was preaching to
the Gentiles, and the real heresy his gospel of equality of privilege.
Hence he defends himself by asserting (1) his loyalty to Israel, and
^) that his preaching was simple obedience to a divine command.
This command depended upon the reality of his vision of the Lord at
his conversion, and therefore upon the resurrection of Jesus. That
resurrection waa the primary subject of the apostolic preaching through-
out the first part of the Acts : the peculiar function of an apostle was
to give his personal testimony that he had seen Jesus risen firom the
dead, and thereby declared to be the Messiah. In S. Paul's defence the
resurrection of Jesus is still the fundamental fact, but his horizon has
expanded. (1) The resurrection of the Christ is intimately bound up
with that of all the dead. Because Christ the firstfruits is risen, in
hin ' shall all men be made alive.' And so in arguing with the Jews
he speaks of the resurrection of the dead. This doctrme was rejected
by the Sadducees: but the Pharisees held it in some sense, and the
apostle in making use of this common ground desires to shew them
mit their belief in the resurrection of the dead necessitates and rests
ujon that of the Christ. (2) In his belief in the resurrection he shews
hinself a true patriot. For the real hope of Israel is to be sought for,
net in an earthly empire or inheritance, but in the resurrection of the
deeid and the world to come. (3) The resurrection of the dead is also
a lecessary preliminary to future judgement; and that is an elementary
doctrine of religion, with which the apostles began their appeal to a
(entile audience'. Both to Jews and Gentiles, then, S. Paul's defence
centred in the resurrection of the dead; and there was obviously no
•ccasion for insistence on his specially characteristic doctrine of justi-
dcation by faith, which nevertheless asserts itself in his last speech.

The question as to the genuineness of the speeches must be
answered as before (Introd. np. idiii-iv). It is obvious that they
are summaries of speeches which must have taken much longer to
deliver than the few minutes required by the written report. S. Luke,
who may have been present on each occasion, probably took notes
which he had subsequently to write out; one of the speeches indeed
was in Aramaic and nad to be translated. At the same time in each
of the speeches there is a very close and natural correspondence with
the circumstances of its dehvery; and they bear strong marks of
S. Paul's individuality. In many i)laces no doubt they embody liis
actual words. This would be especially true of the accounts of his
conversion, which agree very much in the actual words used: they
probably give the story in the form in which S. Luke heard S. Paul
tell it over and over again.

It remahis to picture to ourselves the historical environment of the

^ xxiii 6, xxiv 15, xzyi 6-8, xxviii 20. * zxi? 26, op. z 42.

408 a PAUL'S MEANS xxi-ti

narrative. A preliminary question arises about S. Paul's external circum-
stances. At Ephesus and elsewhere he had laboured with his hands to
support himself; now however the narrative gives the impression of his
being a man of means. The Christians ask him to pay tne expenses of
the Nazirites ; towards the Jewish aristocracy S. Paul acts as an equal:
the Romans treat him with a courtesy not usually meted out to poor
and insignificant prisoners. Felix expected a bribe from him. Th«
appeal to Caesar must have been a very expensive affair; no mow
then than now could a poor man cangr his case from court to court
The expense of the voyage and impnsonment was increased by tb
presence of Luke and Aristarchus. At Rome Paul lived for tvo
years in a dwelling for which he had to pay rent. No doubt tie
Christians would gladly have contributed ; but refusing as S. Paul d3
to make liis gospel a burden to any church, it is most unlikely that le
would have put them to the expense of an appeal in a case where Ha
personal liberty rather than a principle of the gospel was at stab.
The Philippians indeed sent a contribution to Rome, but S. Pad's
letter of acknowledgment seems to imply that he had suflScient Pd£
Ramsay^ has called attention to these points and suggests that as ?ixi
came of a wealthy family, either they may have been reconciled to
him by this time (and the action of his nephew at Jerusalem points to
friendly relations') or S. Paul may have inherited propertjr through 6e
death of some relative. On the other hand it is precisely in the aboiB-
mentioned Epistle to the Philippians, written subsequenuy to this tine^
that S. Paul declares he had ' suffered the loss of all things.' Bt
there is a way out of the difficulty. We may imagine that S. Like
was fairly well off'; and having set oefore us in the Acts the communtjr
of goods as the ideal of church life, he would have been only to
ready to place his purse, as well as his person, at the service of tb
apostle. Such a service of private affection S. Paul would hav^
accepted.

The appeal to Caesar shews the vast strides Christianity has mada
In thirty years it takes us from the Galilean company in the upper
chamber to the imperial palace at Rome. From the hig^hest court at
Jerusalem its representative appeals to the highest tnbunal in the
empire — the judgement-seat of Caesar. The Caesar to whom S. Paol
appealed — such is the irony of history — was Nero. Nero Claudius
Caesar Drusus Germanicus was the son of Cnaeus Domitius Ahenobarbns
and Agrippina ; and when the latter became the wife of the emperor
Claudius, her son passed with her into the imperial household. On Ae
death of his step-mther, October 13, a.d. 54, Nero succeeded him, whoi
only 17 years old. The years covered by these chapters fisJl it is true
in the first five years or * golden quinquennium ' of Nero's roign, when
under the administration of the philosopher Seneca and Burrhus the
praetorian prefect the empire enjoyed peace and prosperity. Bnt

1 Paul the Traveller pp. 310-3. * Failing S. Luke, some other member of

the apostle's ' company * may have been a man of means : e.g. Aiistarcbos, voo
shaied the voyage and captivity at Eome.

xxi-vi NERO AND FELIX 409

Nero's poisoning of his step-brother Britannicus within a year of his
accession was an ominous sign of what was to come.

On the death of kin^ Agrippa I in 44 Judaea had again been
reduced to a Roman province. It was governed by a procurator, who,
though subordinate to the legate of Syria, was appointed by the
emperor and acted as his immediate representative. In 51 or 52
Antanius Felix had been appointed to this office. Felix and his
brother Pallas were Greeks and had been slaves of Antonia, the mother
of the emperor Claudius. Antonia gave them their freedom, and Pallas
managed to acquire ^eat influence over Claudius : he became his chief
minister and amassed enormous wealth. Through Pallas' advancement
a career was opened for his brother Felix; and we find him holding a
military command in Samaria under the procurator Ventidius Cumanus.
In this position he became involved in some desperate reprisals between
Samaritans and Jews, in which the latter came into conflict with the
Roman soldiers. After many executions and crucifixions the Jews
appealed to Rome and through influence at court won their cause.
Cumanus was banished; but the lucky (felix) brother of Pallas, instead
of sharing his fall, stepped into his place. After this, by the aid of
Simon, a Jewish magician of Cyprus, he succeeded in seducing the
Jewess Drimlld (xxiv 24), sister of Agrippa II, away from her husband
Azizus, king of Emesa, and by marrying her connected himself with
royal blood.

Felix began well by suppressing the brigands who infested Judaea,
but his rule was disastrous to the Jews. It is best described in the
cutting epigram of Tacitus*: *he revelled in cruelty and lust, and
wielded the power of a king with the mind of a slave.' His conduct
was such as to exasperate wie Jews. For a long time they had been
bearing the Roman yoke with ill-concealed impatience. Tlie Samaritan
incident was only one among many similar colhsions, and the Roman
measures of repression only intensified the national feeling. The
nationalists consolidated themselves into a definite party known as the
Zealots, and made the rejection of the Roman rule a matter of religious
faith and duty. An epoch in this growth of feeling was marked by the
assassination of the hign-priest Jonathan in the temple in broad daylight.
This was perpetrated at the instigation of Felix by the Sicariij
whom we find mentioned for the first time in Acts xxi 38. The Sicarii
were the extreme partisans among the Zealots, who aimed at carrying
out their poUcy by the assassination of their political opponents, mainly
the rich and aristocratic Jews whose interests lay on tne side of peace
with the Romans (Jn xi 48). These murders were committed with
the utmost effrontery; and the name of Sicarii came from the sica or
dagger which the assassins carried in their girdles. Meanwhile the
mass of the people were the pr^ of * ma^ ' and false prophets. Thus
a 'prophet,' who came out of Egypt (xxi 38), had led an enormous
crowd — of 30,000 men, according to Josephus* — to the summit of the

1 Hi$t, V 9. ^ B. J. II 13. 5, Ant. xx 8. 6.

r

410 THE COErURCH xxi 15

Mount of Olives on the pretence that at his word the waDs of Jeru-
salem would fail flat like those of Jericho. But instead of the walls
falling down, a detachment of soldiers surprised the mob and slew some
hundreds while the pretender made his escape. Such an incident shews
the excitable and restless spirit of the whole nation. At the root of it
lay a genuine, if fanatical, zeal for God ; and from this the Jews diet
the astonishing strength which they shewed in their straggle a^ainsfc
the power of ]£)me. Now, if we realize the feeling of intense reugiooi
hatred for the Gentiles which then inspired the Jews, we can fewrm t
more adequate conception of their fuiy against an apostate Jew who
taught the equality of tie Gentile with Israel in the sight of Go4
Into such a whirlpool of religious passion S. Paul is now to be cast
And in his fortunes we shall trace — his relations to the chuich
(xxi 15-26); to the Jews (xxi 27-xxiii); to the Roman procuiatois
(xxiv-xxv) ; and lastly, to the public at large (xxvi), which completes
the apostle's * Defence ' to the world.

SECTION II A (=Ch. 21. 16—26)
Paul and the church at Jerusalem

In verse 15 begins the actual going up of the pilgrims to the holj
city*. Some years have elapsed smce our last view of the chuich in
Jerusalem which was at the time of the council of ch. xv*; and dM
present history seems a repetition of the same scenes on a smaJler scale.
We have a similar reception by the church (xv 4) and a renewal of
the concordat between Jewish and Gentile Clmstians*. By this tifflfi
all of the Twelve had left the city. S. Peter, last heard of at Antiodi
Cp. 259), is possibly working his way along the northern road in Asia
Minor through Capnadocia, North Galatia, Pontus, and Bithynia,-^
road which will leaa him also to Rome*. In place of the Twehrewe
find James^ the Lord's brother, and the presbyters — an ec^ly and un-
mistakeable exemplar of the later 'bishop ' and his clergy, llie chmth
at Jerusalem has ^own in numbers. The 5000 of iv 4 have beeooe
several myridds. In this number S. James may be reckoning the
Christians among the Jews in all countries, ie. the distinctivelj
Hebrew Christians (vi 1), ffreat numbers of whom would be coming Bp
for the feast, like S. Paul nimself. Otherwise it would be an instance
of hyperbole or exaggeration, which marks other passages in these
chapters ^ In its doctrine the Jewish church had made no advaooe.

1 Cp. Lk XYui 31, xix 28. > The mention of the choroh in xriii SSiii*

brief that it may be left out of accoant. * Even the language reealli €tL vt:

cp. which have believed (perfect tense zr 5), brother (xv 7), rehearse what Gctf hd
wrought (zr 12, 4), judge, wrote, Mo$e$ (zv 19-21). « If indeed ho is not Ami

already (p. 862). » Cp. zxy 24, xxvi 10, 11, 20. Mynadi may be nmp^ tti

expression for ft great multitude (Lk xii 1). The Bezan text limits the nuiuea
to Judaea.

CXI 15 AT JERUSALEM 411

?rom the fitst, the Hebrew Christians, as Jews, had continued to
requent the temple and keep the law. Such observance was almost
second nature, and, we might say, unconscious. But the preaching
)f S. Paul had made it conscious. The question of the observance
jf the law by the Gentiles had been discussed, and a relaxation
dlowed to them, at the council of Jerusalem (verse 25). But the
Hebrew Christians continued to keep the law, and it was becoming
nore and more a matter of principle with them ; all of these myriads
i^ere zeahus for the law\ This zeal won for them toleration, if not
sympathy, among the Jews. We hear no more of persecution. On the
5ontoary, S. James enjoyed a great reputation among all the people for
bhe austerity of his Lfe. Acceptance of Jesus as the Messian, as long
9is it caused no radical interference with the Judaic customs of life, was
merely regarded as a foolish eccentricity. Further, this general zeal
Dn the piurt of the Hebrew Christians was specially intensified in that
party oi Judaizers which had arisen in the church and whose animating
spirit, as we have seen (p. 258), was that of violent antagonism to
S. Paul. Although S. Luke makes no direct mention of them at this
crisis, there is plain evidence of their work in a systematic misrepresenta-
tion of S. Paul. According to the reports sent home by their emissaries
from the Galatian and other churches, the Christians of Jerusalem had
been instructed^ that S. Paul was deliberately teaching apostasy from
Moses, viz. — what was in fact untrue — that he was teaching the Jewish
Christians of the Dispersion not to circumcise their children or observe
the customs of the law. Other rumours must have come to Jerusalem
concerning the positive teaching of the apostle. It was only a few
months, or rather weeks, since he had published his Epistle to the
Romans, and a copy of it had probably reached the mother church.
In any case, S. Paul's doctrine of justification by faith had become
notorious; it was a doctrine very easy to be misunderstood, and — as
Uie Epistle itself shews (iii 8) — it had already been misinterpreted.
In some circles S. Paul was painted as a nreacher of apostasy, not
merely from the law of Moses, but from the moral law itself; and
S. Jamas felt bound to notice the doctrine and write against anti-
nomian ideas of faith'. We cannot, however, suppose that the whole
church of Jerusalem shared these prejudices against S. Paul. S. James
was president of the church ; and there must have still been in it
descendants of the school of Stephen and Philip, such as Mnason for
instance, — not to speak of Agabus. But there was sufiicient ground to
justify S. Paul's apprehensions as to the manner in which * the saints '
would receive the offerings of the Gentiles (Rom xv 31).

15 ^And after these days we "took up our baggage, and went

^ as the Jews were zealous for God (xxii 3). ' The word is that ased in

Lk i 4 and early Christian phraseology for inttruetion in the faith. ' Jas ii

14-26. His epistle mast have been written in this deoade, as he was martyred in
61 or 62. ^ Bezan reads And after certain day$ we took our leave [and went up

,,,Cae9area] and tJuse brought us to thote with whom we should lodge. And we came
to a certain vHUige and were {lodged) with [Mnason of Cyprus an early disciple],
and d^arting thence we came [to Jerusalem, ' Marg made ready.

412 a PAUL ARRIVES xxiis

16 up to Jerusalem. And there went with us also certain of
the disciples from Csasarea, bringing vnth them one Mnason
of Cyprus, an early disciple, with whom we should lodge.

17 And when we were come to Jerusalem, the brethren

18 received us gladly. And the day following Paul went in

19 with us unto James ; and all the ^ elders were present And
when he had saluted them, he rehearsed one by one the
things which God had wrought among the Gentiles by his

20 ministry. And they, when they heard it, glorified God ; and
they said unto Iiim, Thou seest, brother, how many 'thousands
there are 'among the Jews of them which have believed;

21 and they are all zealous for the law : and they have been
^informed concerning thee, that thou teachest all the Jews
which are among the Gentiles ^to forsake Moses, telling them
not to circumcise their children, neither to walk after the

22 customs. What is it therefore ? 'they will certainly hear

23 that thou art come. Do therefore this that we say to thee :

24 We have four men which have a vow on them ; these take,
and purify thyself with them, and be at charges for them,
that they may shave their heads : and all shall know that
Hhere is no truth in the things whereof they have been
^informed concerning thee ; but that thou thyself also walkest

25 orderly, keeping the law. But as touching the Gentiles
wliich have believed,^ we "wrote, giving judgement that ^•they
should keep themselves from things sacrificed to idols, and
from blood, ^^and from what is strangled, and from fornication.

26 Then Paul took the men, and the next day purifying himself
with them went into the temple, declaring the Ailfilment of
the days of purification, "until the oflering was offered for
every one of them.

15 A/ter these days of the journey and preparation", on the

^ Gk presbyters, ' Gk myriads^ i.e. tens of thousands. • Bezan t«

Judaea^ AV of Jews which believe, * or instntcted, Gk catechized (so veree 2*)-

^ Gk apostaty from Moses. ^ Bezan and AV insert the muUitude must s^

come together^ for [they wUl hear, ' more literaUy, as AV, those things whereof

they were informed concerning thee, are nothing, ^ Bezan inserts thev ha^i

nothing to say against thee for [we wrote, * Marg et^oined (zr 20) : BD ted

sent (XV 27). ^^ Bezan and AV insert they observe no such thing save oniff t^

[they keep, Bezan omits and from what is strangled as in xv 20, 29. " Beitfi

reads in order that the offering might be [offered, ^^ They were aotoaDy ^

Caesarca about a week ; but after these days marks a (resh start in the nanstive.

CXI 15-18 AT JERUSALEM 413

Wednesday or Thursday before Pentecost, Paul and his company
of Greek delegates packed up their baggage and laded their beasts ^
— thqr were a large party and carrying treasure — and started
for Jerusalem. ^ There would be large crowds of other pilgrims
L6 from the west journeying along the same road; and some of the
Christian disciples of Uaesc^ea went with S. Paul's company.
These would also find hospitality for them on the way. The
Greek construction in verse 16 is rather compressed, so that
it is possible to translate either bringing vnth them Mnason or
bringing us to Mnason, The difficulty is cleared up by the Bezan
text. The distance to Jerusalem was between 60 and 70 miles,
more than one day's journey^: accordingly they spent a night at a
certain village where Mnason lived, and were lodged by him. Mnason
was one of the original^ disciples, i.e. probably one of the 120 of
ch. i 15 upon whom the Holy Ghost descended at the Gist Pentecost.
He was of Ci/vrus, which suggests some connexion with S. Paul ;
he may have Ibeen a friend of S. Barnabas (iv 36), or one of tlie
forerunners of the Pauline gospel, the earhest preachers to the

17 Greeks, of xi 20. Next day they entered Jerusalem and S. Paul's
apprehensions were in part relieved, for the various hosts, to whom
they were conducted by the Caesarean brethren, gave them a glad
welcome, and behaved like brothers*.

The feast of Pentecost was kept on the morrow after the Sabbath,
that is, on Sunday. The Christian Jews would probably attend the
festival sacrifices in the temple; their own special celebration of
the feast would consist in the breaking of bread at home. On the
first day of the week, then, — Le. after sunset on Saturday evening, —
they gathered together in their various * upper chambers' for their
celebration of the Agape, which would close with the Holy Eucharist.
The reading of scripture, preaching, and singing of psalms, nrobably
lasted throughout the nignt; and after partaking otthe Eucnarist in
the hours of dawn, the congregation would proceed to the temple for
the Jewish sacrifices'. As the day before Pentecost was a Salbbath,
S. Paul's party must have arrived at Jerusalem on the Friday* —

18 an earlier day is excluded by xxiv 11. On ^A^ next day, viz. the
Sabbath, took place their official reception by the church. S. James
had no doubt heard of his proposed visit and had consulted his
presbyters, for there was grouna for apprehension on their side as
well as S. Paul's. And now that the apostle had come, James, in

1 Carriage in the AY means ^hat one carrie?), i.e. baggage. The Greek verb in
the active voice is used for the lading of horses, etc. : bo the middle voice here may
denote their procuring for tJiemselves beasts of burden (op. xziii 24). A more common
meaning is that of repairing or restoring rained buildings, etc. : so in the OT it is
used of the restoration of the temple. Perhaps here it has a metaphorical meaning
-^hen we had restored or refreshed ourselves, * Cp. xxiii 31-3. ^ • lit.

disciples of the beginning : cp. xi 15. * The sentence concludes with this em-

phatic word. ^ In Silvia's time (see p. 379) Pentecost was preceded by a vigil

vbich hegeji at the first cockcrow. * S. Paul would not, without cause, have

'>roken the Jewish limit of the * sabbath day's journey ' (i 12).

414 S. PAUL AND S. JAMES xxi 18-24

order to receive him, summoned the whole body of his preAyterSj
and S. Paul came in\ accompanied by the delegates, who brought
the alms of the Gentile churches (p. 374).

19 They saluted one another with the brotherly kiss ; the delegjtes
delivered up the alms of the Gentile churches'; and then S. rani
gave a detailed account of what God had wrought by his tninu^
among the Gentiles^. This the presbjrters accepted as the divine

20 confirmation of his office, and thejr glorified God. Paul himself Aey
received as a brother^ and they ratified again the concessions made to
the Gentile believers. At the same time they put before him the dapm
of the situation, arising from the prejudices which had been instiUed
into the minds of the believing Jews. Because of this danger S. James
had summoned to the reception not the whole church, as in xv 4,

22 but onlv the presbyters. But the meetings of the church camiot be
deferred orprevented, and the news of Paul's arrival will bring together,
as we should say, a crowded congregation*. The safest course would
be for S. Paul, having delivered the alms, simply to attend the
festival service and then leave the city as he had done on his last
visit (xviii 24). But S. Paul had come for the very purpose of
disarming prejudices and cementing the unity between ootn sides

23 of the church (Eph ii 14). Accoroingly S. James put forwaid a
proposal, which had been suggested by the presbjrters. Deeds are

24 the best refutation of slanders, and the sight of S. Paul performing
some ritual act would be the most convincing proof that ne did not
teach apostasy from Moses but himself waUced orderly. This, as we
have seen (p. 332), was quite true. When principle was not at stake
S. Paul lived normally as a Jew, keeping the law ; and if as a mle
* to the Jews he became as a Jew,' now much more readily would
he do so at Jerusalem ! Indeed the proposal itself was probably
suggested by his own conduct. For on his last visit to Jerusalem
he^ad fulfilled the vow of a Nazirite (xviii 18, p. 333) : and as he
speaks of himself (in xxiv 17) as having come * to maJ^e offerings,' it
is not unlikely that he was bound on tnis occasion also under some
vow of thanksgiving*.

To take the vow of a Nazirite was a very popular form of devotion
among the Jews, but it was an expensive one. When the Nazirite
came to fulfil the vow by shaving nis head and burning the hair at
the door of the temple (p. 333), he had to offer two lamSs and a ram,
a loaf and cakes, with meal and drink offerings. Hence it firequently
happened that poor men frt)m lack of means were unable to skuw
their heads oxiA free themselves from their vow; and it was a work of
piety for rich Jews to pay the expenses of their poorer brelton.
Thus when king Agrippa 1 came to Jerusalem in 41 to give thanks

^ The nnoommon form of this verb in the Greek marks the solemmty of the
occasion : so verse 26. ^ xxiv 17. S. Luke does not mention the fact hflre—

a silent sign of his modesty, for he was himself one of the bearers. * So zr IS,

and Bom xv 18-9. ^ Cp. ii 6, v 16. * Dr Hort makes a similar sofflieBUoo

in JudaUtic Christianity pp. 109-10.

XXI 24-26 THE NAZIRITES* VOW 415

for his accession, he commanded very many of the Nazirites to shave
themselves, — that is to say, he paid for their sacrifices*. Now among
the Christians there were four Pifazirites in this predicament, and the
Christian community was a poor one : so the presbyters advised
Paul to pay their expenses. Our knowledge of the ritual which
this procedure involved is very imperfect. But it is very natural
to suppose that such a benefactor of poor Nazirites would have
to identify himself with them, by taking the vow in some sense,
in order that his sacrifices might avail for them. This at least
26 seems to have been the case on the present occasion. For Paid
took the men, and the next day associated himself wUh them by
purifying himself , viz. by placing himself under the vow". Then
ne entered with them into the temple^ in order to oflfer the ofiFerings
for them ; and the act of offering was in itself a public notification
to the Jews that these men (S. Paul included) had been under
the vow of a Nazirite, the days of which vow were now completed'.
It is not necessary to assume that the vows of aU the four Nazirites
expired on the same day; S. Paul apparently had to go through the
ceremony more than once. And, until the last vow had been ful-
filled, i.e. until the offering had been offered for each one of them,
S. Paul would not have been released firom his vow (xxiv 18). It
seems very likely that he went into the temple four days — one day
for each one of them*. In any case the offering for the last one fell
on a day which completed a week since his arrival in Jerusalem*;
and on that day a fatal incident happened. If, as we have seen,
the Christians were prejudiced against S. Paul, what must have
been the feelings of the Jews ? There can liave been no redeeming
features in the reports sent home by the Jews who had fought with
him at Corinth and Ephesus ; and there was no tie of a common
fidth in the Christ or fellowship in the Holy Ghost to counteract the
passions of party spirit. Ana now, on the seventh day, the last of
the seven days, — that fatal week, — the Jews discover the * apostate '
in the temple.

^ Job. ArU. zix 6. 1. Gp. B, J. n 15. 1. For the rites soo Nam vi 18-20.
' This is the technical meaning of purifying ; as purified in xxiv 18 denotes the
condition of one nnder a vow. > It would be natural to interpret declaring as

giving notice to the priests ; but there seems to be a reference to verse 24. S. Panl's
action was meant to be a public declaration of his loyalty to the national customs.
See also the next note. ^ This passage is a difficult one, and the above is only

one possible interpretation. If S. Paul had come up to Jerusalem himself under a
vow, or with the intention of making a special thank-offering (xxiv 17), the course
of events would be much easier to understand. The language reminds us of Lk ii 22
(when the day$ of their purification were fulfilled) ; and we cannot help feeling that
B. Luke has that presentation or dedication of the child Jesus in his mind, and
that he regurds this offering as, in some sense, a solemn dedication by S. Paul of
the Gentile churches in the temple. Certainly this idea of himself as a priest
offering up the Gentiles in sacrifice to God, was in S. Paul's mind at this time
(Bom XV 16). ' If we compare the $even day$ at Troas and Tyre (xx 6, xxi 4)

and the twelve dayt of xxiv 11, which=7+5 (xxiv 1), this seems to be the natural
meaning of *t^* $even dayt here (verse 27). If we pressed the grammar, they would
refer to the dayt of purification of verse 26 : but why these should have been seven
in number we do not know.

416 THE TEMPLE XX127

SECTION II B (= Ch. 21. 27—23)
Paul and the Jews at Jerusalem

§ 1 The, riot in the temple and PavUPs arrest

The subject of this section is the treatment of the apostle by tiie
people of the Jews. The3r r^ect him, and cause him to inake \m first
appeal to Rome, viz. to his Roman citizenship. But their rejection of
Paul, like their choice of Barabbas (iii 14), was their own condemnation.
We have witnessed popular tumults at rhili^pi and Thessalonica, and
one on a greater scale at Ephesus : but the riot at Jerusalem exceeds
them all. The chosen people of Qod exhibit themselvee as a mad-
dened crowd, thirstinc for olood in the very temple of their God, in
* tiie house of prayer.

So we return to the Temple. This has been abeady descriM
(pp. 46-7), but it may be well to recall the chief features connected with
tne riot. The temple in verses 27, 28, etc., is not the building or honse;
it stands for the whole of the inner court which lav within the gieat
outer enclosure called the Court of the Gentiles. This outer court was
open to all comers, and was the scene of the attempted murder of tk
apostle (w. 31-4). From this the inner court, the Court of Israel, m
separated by * the middle wall of partition\' There was first a barrier,
upon which pillars stood at intervals with inscriptions in Greek and
liktin, forbidding any stranger to pass within on pain of death', for
witliin the ground was * holy ' : S. Paul was supposed to have poUated
the tetnplej i.e. made it common ground, by having mtroduced Trophimns
within this barrier (verse 29, xxiv 6). Inside the barrier was a high
wall, which surrounded the inner court ; and it was the doors in im
wall which were straightwavshut (verse 30). The western part of the
court was occupied by the Temple proper, or the House ; me eastern
part formed the Court of the Women. A colonnade ran round lie
Court of the Women, and in its angles were chambers. That at the
south-east comer was the House of the Nazirites, where the Naziriteg
boiled their peace oflferings, shaved their heads, and burnt the hair:
and it must have been here that the Ephesian Jews discovered Paol
with his vow upon him (verse 27, xxiv 18).

The outer Court of the Gentiles was also surrounded by colonnades,
which formed ^eat cloisters with spacious roofs. At the north-west
comer these cloisters communicated by a flight of stairs with the Gastk
i.e. the fortress of Antonia. This fortress was built upon a crag of rock
which had been made still more precipitous by artificial means, and

^ Eph ii 14. « The inscription on the pillar discovered by M. Clennon*

Ganneau runs thus : No alien to pas$ within the fence and encloture round the tempU-
Whosoever shall be taken shall be ret^onsible to hinuelf alone for the death which
will ensue. This illustrates the tact which the Romans shewed in their ooneesaoM
to local customs ; and it confirms the accuracy of the Acts and Josephus (cp-
B, J. V 6. 2, Ant^ XV 11. 5),

XXI 27 AT JERUSALEM 417

thus commanded the temple, and through the temple the city. The
Asmonaean princes had first fortified it; Herod the Great rebuilt it
and made it a palace as well as a fortress, giving it, after his patron
Antony, the name of Antonia. It was now the nead-quarters of the
Roman garrison or cohort. The procurator, when at Jerusalem, resided
in Herod's palace at the west end of the city : in his absence, his place
was taken by the commandant of the garrison, who was the tribune
of the cohort. A Roman legion was nominally divided into six cohorta
of 1000 men each, and each cohort was commanded by a tribune, — in
the Greek, chiliarch (captain of a thousand) : a cohort was composed of
ten centuries, each under a centurion. The tribune at this moment was
Clauditis Lysias, His Greek name Lysias tells us that he was not a
Roman by birth, while his adopted Latin name Claudius shews that he
had received — really, as he tells us himself, purchased — the citizenship
firom (or in the reign of) Claudius.

Within the temple order was maintained by the Jews themselves.
There was a guard of Levites under the Captain of the temple. His
office was one of high rank : at this moment it was filled h^ Ananus,
son of the high-priest Ananias. But at the time of great festivals, such
as Passover or rentecosl^ when the courts were thronged by thousands
of pilgrims, Roman soldiers came down from Antonia and kept watch
on the roofs of the northern and western cloisters. For popular dis-
turbances were of frequent occurrence, and their usual resuh was the
shedding of blood. Pilate had mingled the blood of Galileans with
their sacrifices ^ And only a few years before this, when Gumanus was
procurator, an insult offered by one of the soldiers had roused the Jews
to such fiiry that they pelted the guard with stones, and Gumanus had
to march his full force down into tne temple courts : at the sight of the
troops a panic seized the multitude and they fled, and in the flight
20,000 (according to Josephus') were trodden under foot. Such
incidents enable us to form a better idea of the present outbreak.

This scene, in its turn, serves to illustrate the 'stirring' of the
citv of Jerusalem on the final entry of the Lord on Palm Sunday
(Mt xxi lOl the powerlessness of the Jewish authorities to molest
him when tne crowd was on his side, and also the behaviour of the
multitude when thev turned agauist him. The language especially
recalls the scene in Lk xxiii 13-25, when the people cried Away with
this man, and Pilate spake unto them and the people shouted against
him*. We should also compare the tumultuous stoning of Stephen in
vii 57-60. In the OT we read of two tragedies enacted in the temple.
In one the blood of Zachariah was shed *in the court of the Lord's
house' (II Chron xxiv 21); in the other Athaliah was led out of the
court and slain in the entry (II Kings xi 4-16).

27 And when the seven days were almost completed, the

1 Lk xiii 1. 3 Ant. xx 5. 3. ' Lk xxiii 20, 21 : the same Greek worda

recur in Acts xxi 40, xxii 2 and xxi 34, xxii 24 respeotirely.

B. A. 27

418 THE RIOT xxi 27-40

Jews from Asia, when they saw him in the temple, ^stirred
up all the ^multitude, and laid hands on him, crying out^

28 Men of Israel, help : This is the man, that teacheth all men
everywhere against the people, and the law, and this place:
and moreover he brought Greeks also into the temple, and

29 hath 'defiled this holy place. For they had before seen with
him in the dty Trophimus the Ephesian, whom they supposed

30 that Paul had brought into the temple. And all the dty was
moved, and the people ran together : and they laid hold on
Paul, and dragged him out of the temple : and straightway

31 the doors were shut And as they were seeking to kill him,
tidings came up to the ^ chief captain of the ^ band, tiiat all

32 Jerusalem was in confusion ^ And forthwith he took soldien
and centurions, and ran down upon them : and they, when
they saw the chief captain and the soldiers, left off beating

33 Paul Then the chief captain came near, and laid hold on
him, and commanded him to be bound with two chains ; and

34 inquired who he was, and what he had done. And some
shouted one thing, some another, among the crowd: and
when he could not know the certainty for the uproar, he

35 commanded him to be brought into the castle. And when
he came upon the stairs, so it was, that he was borne of the

36 soldiers for the violence of the crowd ; for the multitude of
the people followed after, crying out, 'Away with him.

37 And as Paul was about to be brought into the casUe, he
saith unto the chief captain. May I say something unto thee?

38 And he said, Dost thou know Greek ? Art thou not then the
Egyptian, which before these days stirred up to sedition and
led out into the wilderness the four thousand men of the

39 ^Assassins ? But Paul said, 'I am a Jew, of Tarsus in Cilida^
a citizen of no mean city : and I beseech thee, give me leave

40 to speak unto the people. And when he had given him
leave, Paul, standing on the stairs, beckoned with the hand

1 or confounded : so verse 31 U confounded, * i.e. crowd, aa in tt. S4, 8^

• literally made common (x 15). * Marg military tribune, Gk ckUiardu

^ Gk cohort, ^ Bezan adds See (or Take heed) therefore that they makt M^

insurrection, ^ Bezan reads tliat he (or our enemy) he put to death.

^ Gk Sicarii, ' literally I am a man a Jew, or at a man I am a Jew ; op. AV

I am a man which am a Jew : Bezan continaea but bom in Tarnu of Cilieia,

XXI 27-31 IN THE TEMPLE 419

unto the people ; and when there was made a great silence,
he spake unto them in the Hebrew language, saying,
22 Brethren and fathers, hear ye the defence which I now

make unto you.
2 And when they heard that he spake unto them in the
Hebrew language, they were the more quiet

27 Notorious as the name of Paul was among the Jews, he was
probably known by sight to but a few at Jerusalem. It was more
than twenty years since he had lived there among the aristocracy.
Since then his visits had been few and brief, and he might well have
escaped notice this time also. But he was known only too well to
the Jews of Ephesus, and some of the pilgrims from Asia had seen
him in the streets with Trophimiis their leUow-citizen. This however
gave them no handle and they bided their time. And now when the
seven days — the week which would have sufficed for his stay at
Jerusalem* — were drawing to a close, on the seventh day, they caught
sight of him in the temple. He was making the offerings for the
fourth and last Nazirite. The Ephesians however at once assumed
that his Greeks were with him, and they had got their opportunity —
he had defiled the temple. Straightway they seized hold of him and

28 shouted for help. They appeal^ to the bystanders by the name
which would stir their religious patriotism — Men of Israel^ and the
charge was one well calculated to arouse their fanaticism : * this man
is the teacher of treason against the people, the law, and this holy
placed the temple'. The news that the temple had been polluted
([AV) by the presence of Greeks within the holy place at once stirred

30 into motion^A^ whole city. The expression is hardly an exaggeration :
an eastern city, even a Hellenic city like Ephesus, was liable to be
convidsed by a sudden commotion of the people, which would shake
it like an earthquake*. The people ran together, as when Peter
healed the lame man (iii 11), but with very different feeUngs.
What exactly had happened, or who the guilty person was, they
knew not*; but no punishment was too great for the man who had
defiled the temple. To avoid further pollution they dragged him
out of the holy place, the inner court, and the Levite guards cU

31 once shut the doors. Stoning was the penalty for an act of blas-
phemy; but the mob was too impatient to *cast him out of the city'
and so stone him (vii 58) : they sought to kill him then and there
by blows and beating — so perhaps they thought to avoid the pollu-
tion of the temple precincts by the actual shedding of blood. Paul

^ aa at Troas and Tyre (xz 6, xxi 4), and at Pateoli (xxviii 14). Gp. ii 1, Lk ix 51.
' ii 22, iii 12, xiii 16. ' This was the charge which had aroused the popular

enmity against Stephen (vi 11-4), and Saul the Pharisee was consenting to it : now
the retribution has come. ^ Mt xxi 10. Cp. verse 31 and xix 29. ^ Cp.

xix32.

27—2

420 PAUL IS BOUND xxi 33-40

32 however was saved just in time. The mob found themselveB sor-
urised by a strong force of soldiers, and they l^t off heating Pad,
The Roman guard liad been keeping watch on the cloister roo( and
news of the gravity of the disturbance had brought down from

33 Antonia the commandant Lysias in person. Paul was given up
to him, and promptly chained by eacn arm to a soldier\ Lyaas
thought he was lucl^ enough to have got hold of the Egyptian

34 impostor, whose escapade has been described above". The noise and
confusion of the tumult, however, prevented his ascertaining ir^ the
prisoner might be, and what he had done ; and so he commanded Am

Zb to he taken up to Antonia. But when they had come to the first
flight of stairs, leading up to the roof of the cloisters, the mob,
realizing that their prey was bein^ snatched from them, with ^d
cries for his murder, flung themsdves violently on the soldiers lib
a great wave of the sea' ; and Paul had to be hoisted up out of their
reach over the soldiers^ heads. This mode of conveyance was as
undignified for an eastern as being let down frt)m the wall in a
basket^; and the sight of his master thus carried a,Yra,y made a
deep impression on the eye of S. Luke.

37 Thus was S. Paul at last 'delivered into the hands of the
Gentiles' and into *the bondage' which will last for five years*.
But he would make one attempt to conciliate his countrymen.
When the soldiers had reached the second flight of stairs, leading
from the cloisters up to Antonia, and he was on the point of being
carried into the fortress, having recovered himself somewhat, he
spoke to the commandant. Hearing him speak in Greek, Ljaas

38 was disap^inted to find that he had not got the Egyptian after
all, and ms exclamation roused in S. Paul the sense of hmnan
dignity. The apostle had not wholly lost the patriotic pride of the
Greek citizen nor the human satisfaction in good birth. By descent'

39 he was of the Jewish race, by birth a Tarsian of the province of
aiicia, and so politically a citizen of no mean (or undistinguisiei)
city. For the present, however, this was of no conseauence ; what
he wanted was leave to speak to the peojfW. S. Paul's spirit was
indeed unquencliable, his courage invincible. At Ephesus he had
* fought with wild beasts,' and was ready to face the raging Dfimoe:
and now, although he had just been beaten almost to death, he

1 like S. Peter (xii 6) : for the ehaxru cp. xxviii 20, Eph vi 20, II Tim i 16.

* pp. 409-10. S. Lnke does not mention the march to Olivet, nor Joaephns tbe^MV
Siearii of verse 88. Bat in Josephus Uading into the wUdeme9$ waa evidentlj •
preparatory step to the march to Olivet ; and the 4000 Siearii were probably titf
nadeas of the multitude of 30,000 who, according to Josephus, gathered round
the false prophet in his march. ' Gp. the violence of the waves in zzvii 41*

* II Oor xi 88. ^ i.e. from the spring of 55 to the spring of 60. Cp. xx ^
xxi 11 ; xxvi 29, Eph iu 1, iv 1, Phil i 18, Col iv 8. 18, PhUem 1. • In vene»
the Greek word for man is that which denotes man simply as a human bong : is
xxii 8 a more honourable term is used, denoting man as a member of society <te.
(but S. Paul himself spoke in Aramaic). ^ This may represent the ^pptfcot
contrast in the Qroek particles fU» and 94 : the Bezan text makes the coninA Im
between the Jewish race and the city of Tarsus.

-gYTT 1-2 HE SPEAKS TO THE PEOPLE 421

wants to speak to the fanatical mob which is still yelling for his
execution. The reason was that his heart yearned for them

40 as for his brothers ^ Leave being granted^ he cnose a spot on the
stairs which commanded the temple court, and beckoned for silence.

22 When it was obtained, he made an effort^ and began his present
drfence Tor apology). His first words reveal his ready tact. In
spite of nis recent treatment he addresses the crowd as nis brethren
and fathers ; and also, as was indeed natural, he spoke to them in

2 the national Hebrew, i.e. Aramaic, tongue, lliis made a favourable
impression, and a yet greater stillness prevailed.

§ 2 8. Pavts defence to the people of the Jews

S. Luke was no doubt among the audience, and understood enough
Aramaic to follow. Certainly the speech, as it stands, is most true to
life, exactly to the point, and full of S. Paul's tact. It corresponds to
S. Peter's great sermon in the temple at the first Pentecost, but difiers
in being autobiographical. It is all about Paul himself; his person-
ality is the hinge of the controversy, and the speech is characteristically
marked by an emphatic / at the beginning of each division (verses 3, 6
and 17). As a defence it is perfectly clear. S. Paul's history was
unknown to the mass of the Jews, and so he begins by giving an
account of himself. I. The charge he Iiad to answer was that of
* teaching against the people, the law, and the temple'; but it could be
expressea under a single head. He had taught the equality of the
Gentile with the Jew in the kingdom of God. The crying scandal was
that this doctrine should have been taught by a Jew. Paul was an
apostate, a renegade. S. Paul's answer is to shew that he was a Jew and
a thorough Jew. K we, as well as his hearers, could be convinced of
this, we should obtain a much more vivid grasp of the following history.
In our minds, Paul the Christian apostle is separated by a wide gulf
from his countrymen : but he remained a Jew at heart, and to the
Jews he ]^leads the intensity of his patriotism. II. If he was then in
heart an mtense Jew, how could he nave been guilty of such 'apostasy'?
There must have been some adequate cause, and there was. *The word
of the LoBD ' had come to him. He had been acting in obedience to a
divine command. III. This command came through Jesus of Nazareth;
and the validity of his mission and his preaching, of his life's work and
his own change of heart, all depended on the vision he saw on the way
to Damascus. To narrate that vision — that was his simple defence.

And he saith,

3 I am 'a Jew, bom in Tarsus of Cilicia; but brought up in
this city, at the feet of Gamaliel, instructed according to the
strict manner of the law of our Mhers, being zealous for Qod,

1 Bom ix 1-3, z 1. 'It required an effort of the voioe^ he eaUed to them

(Lk xxiii 20). * AV I am verily a man which am a Jew.

422 a PAUL'S DEFENCE xxn4^i9

4 even as ye all are this day : and I persecuted this Way unto
the death, binding and delivering into prisons both men and

5 women. As also the high priest doth bear me witness, and
all Hhe estate of the elders : from whom also I recdved
letters unto the brethren, and journeyed to Damascus, to
bring them also which were there unto Jerusalem in bonda,
for to be punished.

6 And it came to pass, that^ as I made my journey, and
drew nigh unto Damascus, about noon, suddenly there shone

7 from heaven a great light round about me. And I fell unto
the ground, and heard a voice saying unto me, Saul, Sad,

8 why persecutest thou me ? And I answered, Who art thoo,
Lord ? And he said unto me, I am Jesus of Nazareth, whom

9 thou persecutest. And they that were with me beheld
indeed the lights but they heard not the voice of him that

10 spake to me. And I said. What shall I do, Lord ? And the
Lord said unto me. Arise, and go into Damascus ; and there
it shall be told thee of all things which are appointed for

11 thee to do. And when I could not see for the glory of that
light, being led by the hand of them that were with me,

12 I came into Damascus. And one Ananias, a devout man
according to the law, well reported of by fdl the Jews that

13 dwelt there, came unto me, and standing by me said unto me,
Brother Saul, receive thy sight And in that very hour I

14 'looked up on him. And he said. The God of our fethers
hath appointed thee to know his will, and to see the Bighteoos

15 One, and to hear a voice from his mouth. For thou shalt be
a witness for him unto all men of what thou hast seen and

16 heard. And now why tarriest thou? arise, and be baptued,
and wash away thy sins, calling on his name.

17 And it came to pass, that, when I had retomed to
Jerusalem, and while I prayed in the temple, ^I fell into a

18 trance, and saw him saying unto me. Make haste, and get
thee quickly out of Jerusalem : because they will not receive

19 of thee testimony conceniing me. And I said, Lord, they

1 Gk the presbytery, ^ AV and Bezan add and were afraid, » Mtfg

received my right and looked upon him : the Greek words translated iweetpe-M^iU ui
look-up are from the same verb. ^ lit. I became in an ecetaey.

rai 8-6 TO THE JEWS 423

themselves know that I imprisoned and beat in every

20 synagogue them that believed on thee : and when the blood
of Stephen thy * witness was shed, I also was standing by,
and consenting, and keeping the garments of them that slew

21 him. And he said unto me, Depart : for I will send thee
forth iar hence unto the Gentiles.

3 I. As in cL xxvi 4-5, Gal i 14, II Cor xi 22, Phil iii 4-7, S. Paul
recounts his Jewish * advantages ' to prove that he wa«* a true Jew,
Though (1) bom outside the holy land, yet (2) he had been educated
at the centre of their national religion, Jerusalem, and in the school
of the eminent Pharisee Gamaliel^ *a doctor of the law, had in honour
of all the people'.' (3) In this school he had been trained^ in the
principles of the most punctilious and scrupulous observance of the
Jaw and the traditions, — i.e. in the principles of the Pharisees, in
' the strictest sect of their religion* ' ; and he was a ready pupil.

(4) Naturally of a zealous temperament, he was filled with zeal for
God, even as ye all are this day, S. Paul's courtesy and magna-
nimity are unsurpassable. The fanatical frenzy which Ivml a
moment ago been seeking to kill him, he acknowledges as a zeal
for God. This jealousy for God S. Paul always grants to the Jews ;
but unfortunately it had manifested itself too much in zeal for the
traditions of the fathers^. Here again in speaking of the fa/thers^
law^ he identifies himself with his hearers, claiming their £a.thers for
his own and thereby vindicating the continuity of his doctrine.

(5) The reality of his zeal he had proved in deed. Like his hearers

4 at this moment, he too had persecuted the first depreciators of the
law, Stephen and the Nazarenes. He calls them by the Jewish
term of the way (p. 76), and so avoids any irritating party names.

5 For testimony to his persecuting, even unto death, he appeals to the
hiqh wriest and the Sanhedrin, Possibly members of the high-
pnestly party were present in the crowd, as in that which had
chosen Barabbas and cried out * Crucify him.' But there would not
be many survivors of the Sanhedrin of 23 years ago ; Caiaphas the
high pnest was probably dead ; and S. Paul is really appealing to
their records.

II. The sincerity of his persecuting zeal was demonstrated by
liis pursuit of the Nazarenes even outside the holy land — a typical
foresliadowing of his future relation to Judaism. But on the way

6 occurred the crisis of his life. It came in a vision : and the reality
of vi sioiis the Pharisees at least would not gainsay. The circumstances
have already been described at length ^vk 3-7, pp. 130-1) and we

' Gk martyr. ^ v 34. Tho teacher sat on an elevated seat and his disciples

on the ground at hit feet : hence the metaphorical use of the phrase in iy 86, 37, y 3.
> 8o Moses was trained in all the wisdom of Egypt (vii 22). ^ xxvi 5.

* Rom X 2: Oal i 14. * Cp. verse 14, xxviii 17, II Tim i 9 from my forefathers.

S. Peter and 8. Stephen made the same claim (iii 18, ▼ 30 : vii 82).

424 S. PAUL'S DEFENCE XXII8-19

need only note the special points brought out by the present oocasioiL
(1) The brilliance of the flood of light, which fl>ashed around him al
high noon, outshining the 8un\ shewed that it was supernatoraL It
was in fact the light of the divine glory \ and testified to a real
8 divine epiphany. (2) The addition 0/ Nazareth id^tifies tiie
speaker with the Jesjis whom the Jews called in contempt 'the

12 Nazarene.' (3) The Jewish character of Ananias is maae veiy
clear : he was pious^, shewing his piety in a blameless observance
of the law, and he was in high favour with cM the Jews of
Damascus. These Jews, we also note, are spoken of as Ae
brethren*. (4) The dominant idea is the will qf God. In verse 10

10 what things have been ordained for thee to do takes the place of
what thou mtist do in ix 6. Nothing in this matter was of S. Paul's
own choice : all was of God. The vision was the manifestation to
Saul of the divine will for him, and the purpose for which it was

14 made was God's also. By it the God of Israel — who had chosen tk
fathers Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and called the prophets— had

15 appointed^ Paul also for his work, which was simply to bear witness
to what he had seen and heard, viz. to testify to the Lord Jesus as
thus revealed to eye and ear*. To avoid unnecessary points of con-
troversy Paul says nothing of * the Christ * ; but we notice tbt
(i) it is in the revelation of Jesus that the will qf God is made
known, (ii) Jesus himself is the Righteous, This is eminently the
Jewish conception, which appears in the eaxly days of the church,
and denotes tlie one who nilfiUed the Jewish ideal and all the
aspirations of the Jew after righteousness, in a word the one who
fulfilled the law^ (iii) The commission to S. Paul will be given

16 from his lips, (iv) The result of the vision is S. Paul's baptism,
in which tlic apostle's part was to caU upon his name in prayer,
as upon that of Jehovah ^

17 III. S. Paul's commission extended to aU men. The full
significance of this was brought out in a second commission, to
which S. Paul passes at once. Ajjain it was given in a vision.
An ecstnsi/ fell upon S. Paul* in tms very tempts, whither he had
come up like a faithful Jew to pray (Lk xviii 10) : in this ecstasy

18 he again saw him^^ and heard his voice. The Lord bade him leave
Jerusalem with all haste and speed, for they would not r€C«w
witness from him. S. Paul's answer should have convinced his

19 hearers of the sincerity of his aflfection for his race. For he was
extremely reluctant to leave the city, and began to make excuse".

^ xxvi 13. 3 verse 11 : op. yii 2, 55, and p. 102. * as was Simeon

(Lk ii 25 : cp. i 6). The Greek word distinguishes the pious Jew (ii 5, viii 2) from
the devout Gentile (z 2, 7). ^ yerse 5 (cp. zxviii 21) : they were stiU his kinm»
afUr the flesh (Rom ix 3). » xiii 17, iii 18 : iii 20, x 41, xxvi 16, ix 16 t*« veml

of choice and p. 134. ' In the ohnrch this was to he an 'apostle': seeiS,

iv 20 and p. 7. ' See iii 14, and pp. 52, 135. " ix 14, 21 and pp. 76, 135.

* as upon S. Peter at Gaesarea (x 10). ^^ No name is given ; but to the Christiiii
he could have but one meaning. ^^ This hesitation of the apostle, with his zopeafced
commissions, might have reminded his audience of the history of the proj^iel Jooib*

ixn 20-22 TO TEDS JEWS 425

But his excuse was not for himself, but for the Jews. How could

they believe the word of one whom they had seen beating the

10 Christians, and presiding over Stephen* s execution^? He seems to

be pleading for a little delay (Lk xiii 8). But the answer is

21 peremptory: Ch thy way, for to the Gentiles afar off (Eph ii 13)
fciU Isend thee forth. The / is emphatic, and from the Christian
point of view these last words made S. Paul the apostle of the
Uentiles^ His defence was unanswerable, — granted the truth of
his visions: but neither reason nor protestation was of any
avail with his &natical audience. With a great strain on their
patience thejr had listened up till now, but at the fatal word

22 Gentiles, their pent-up fiiry burst forth and they shouted Away
with such a feuow from off the earth*: it is not fit that such a
renegade should live,

PatiTs appeal to his Roman citizenship

22 And they *gave him audience unto this word ; and they
lifted up their voice, and said. Away with such a fellow from
the earth : for it is not fit that he should live.

13 And as they cried out, and ^threw off their garments,

24 and cast dust into the air, the chief captain commanded bim
to be brought into the castle, bidding that he should be
examined by scourging, that he might know for what cause

25 they so shouted against him. And when they had tied him
up 'with the thongs, Paul said unto the centurion that stood
by. Is it lawful for you to scourge a man that is a Roman,

26 and unoondemned ? And when the centurion heard it, he
went to the chief captain, and told him, saying, 'What art

27 thou about to do ? for this man is a Roman. And the chief
captain came, and said imto him. Tell me, art thou a Roman ?

28 And he said. Yea. And the chief captain answered, "With a
great sum obtained I this citizenship. And Paul said, But

29 I am a Roman bom. They then which were about to
'examine him straightway departed from him : and the chief
captain also was afraid, when be knew that he was a Roman,
and because be had bound him^^.

^ With his usual tact S. Paul does not say, like the bold S. Peter, whom ye tlew
iii 14, iy 10, y 30), but when his blood wom being shed ; op. Lk xi (K). ' Cp. Jn

a 21 so send I you, * Op. yiii 33. * i.e. heard or were listening, * or

att about : AV east off. * Marg /or. 7 AV and Bezan read See, Le. Take

ieed, [what thou art about to do, *< Bezan reads I know for how great [a sum

^ obtained : some authorities insert before this Dost thou so easily say that thou art
I Raman eitixen f Why, I know etc. ' AV marg torture, ^^ Some Beian

exta add and straightway he loosed him.

42G PAUL APPEALS TO xxil 23-29

In his Gospel S. Luke does not record the scourging of the
Lord, which forms so prominent a feature in the passion of the other
Gospels ^ Here however the correspondinjg incident is circomstan-
tially narrated, because it was the immediate occasion of S. Paul's
claiming his Roman citizenship, and for the sake of Jewish readers
it was expedient to make the reason for such apparent disloyalty to
his nation quite clear.

23 Iho tumult continued, and the commandant^ who had been
unable to follow the Aramaic, saw only a sea of waving garmi^
and a cloud of dust thrown into the air — the ordinary oriental

24 symptoms of excitements Hopeless of obtaining any imormation
from the Jews, he decided to have recourse to 'me question* — the
cruel and useless method of extracting the truth by torture, which
prevailed universally down to quite modem times. Augustas had
mdeed put some limitations upon its use; he had for instance
forbidden scourging except in the case of slaves. But iJie condact
of Lysias is only an example of the arbitrary treatment of pro-

25 vincials by a Roman official. A centurion led away Paul to tiie
chamber in Antonia which served for such purposes'. But a new
suiprise was in store for the bewildered commandant. The servants
haa already stripped the apostle and tied him for the lashes* , when
Paul declared that he was a Roman citizen and disputed the

26 legality of the action. The centurion went and told the commandani*

27 Lysias came at once and incredulously questioned the aposde.

28 After receiving an affirmative reply, he was still hardly ccmvmced;
he expressed nis surprise that a poor Jew, so bedraggl^ as Paul
must nave been after his treatment in the temple, should be a
Roman^ by reflecting aloud, as it were, on the qreat sum it had cost
him to purchase that privilege for himself. Under Claudius the
venality of the court favountes who openly sold the citixenship
was notorious. With quiet dignity Paul, the Jew but Roman
by birth, asserts his superiority to the Greek, his parvenu fdlow-
citizen * hut I am in fact a Roman hy birth. Of course the ex-

29 amination was at an end. Lysias indeed, like the magistrates at
Philippi, was alarmed for himself : for though he had not sconiged
Paul, yet to have bound him to the scourging post was ill^^'. At

1 He aUades to it in Pilate*8 threats in Lk xxiii 16, 22. * They were <iW»;

(heir garmenti, not throwing them off : op. the use made of them at the entry
to Jerusalem (Lk ziz 36). Coating du$t on the head or into the air was a mode of
expressing abhorrence (II Sam zvi 13) or grief (Job ii 12, Bev zyiii 19). ' Fio*

bably not the same chamber in which the Lord had been soonrged. The soeiie ol
that scoarging would have been in the palace of Herod (the Praetorium). * l^
the lashes of the scourge. The exact translation of the Greek is onoertain. It ni^y
be tied with the thongs to the post, Dr Field {Notes on Trans, etc.) gives soffi*
reason for thinking it denotes being strung up with thongs. * The aotoal eoaek-

ments of the law about the privileges of the oitizen^p are not definitely knofvn.
The same point is introduced here as at Philippi, the fact of being iiiicondfliiiiMl(?or
unheard). Cp. the aoooxmt of the sooorging and assertion of the dtiieiiBhip tt
Philippi in ch. ZYi (pp. 290-1).

xxu 29 HIS ROMAN CITIZENSHIP 427

once the apostle was loosed, but not from his bonds altogether : he

was still kept in custody, chained to a soldier*.

Thus the rejection of S. Paul by the Jewish people led to an appeal
to Rome. They cast him out of their citizenship or synagogue';
and in answer the apostle claimed liis other citizenship. So after-
wards, when the rulers of his people condemned him, he was con-
strained to make the final appeal to Caesar. Henceforth, however
much against his will, S. Paul is to the Jews no more a Jew, but a
Roman. This is no doubt the significance of the present incident.
The claim to the Roman citizenship was the first step m the separation :
though why it was made at this particular moment is not obvious.
For S. Paul made it deliberately, naving allowed himself first to be
tied up. It was not that he shrank from pain : he was beaten at
Philippi before he declared his citizenship. Probably he saw that the
appeal to Roman justice had become inevitable, and to undergo needless
suffering is not a Christian principle', while the illegality to which he
had already been subjected afforded him some hold over Lysias and
protection against arbitrary treatment at his hands.

§ 3 Patd and the Saiihedrin

For the fifth time the Sanhedrin, the supreme court of the Jews,
has to adjudicate upon the claims of the new kingdom of God. After
Jesus himself S. Peter and S. John, the Twelve, and S. Stephen*,
S. Paul now stands before them. The case of the Lord was unique.
When struck he had given a very different answer from that of S. Paul,
and except when adjured he had kept silence, for indeed he was subject
to no earthly jurisdiction. Peter and the Twelve appeared to the San-
hedrin as men 'unlearned,' men of the people, and they addressed their
judges as Btders and Elders, Stephen, on a higher level, spoke to them
as Brethren and Fathers, Paul, as their e(][ual in birth and learning,
calls them Brethren. He had indeed occupied a seat, either upon the
bench or among the ' disciples of the learned ' (p. 58), when Stephen
was brought in to be judged, and now ho was expenencing an exact
retribution for the past.

The trial opens a new phase in S. Paul's case, which has its exact
parsJlel in the nistory of the Lord and of the early church. It brings
aim into collision with the Sadducees or the high-priestly partv, and
it was this which in each case brought about the aecisive conclusion.
As we have seen in Part I (p. 44), the policy of the Sadducean
aristocracy was purely that of expediency. To preserve their own
position they were extremely jealous of any disturbance which might

^ It is erident from verse 30 that he was not altogether freed. The binding for
the Boonrge was iUegal because it was part of an iUe^ ponii^iment ; but though a
ettisen Paol continued to wear a chain, as he does to tiie end of the Acts — see the
references on p. 420. This distinction in the bindings may explain the Besan
reading which appears to anticipate verse 80. * Gp. Jn ix 84, xii 42. * Op.

Col ii 23. Besides, after his beating by the Jews, a Roman scourging might wall
hare proved fataL « Lk xxu 66-71, Acts iv 6-22. ▼ 21-iO, vi 12-tu 68.

428 a PAUL BEFORE xxra i-io

cause the intervention of the Romans. And now Paul had cansed a
riot in the temple and brought into it the Roman soldiery. Howe?er
indifferent they might be to his teaching, he was a fanatic and must
be suppressed. The power of the Sadducees however was held in check
by the opposition of the Pharisees^ who enjoyed the support of the mass
of the people. Hence as long as the cnurch stocKi well with tiie
Pharisees and the people, the Sadducees were powerless. Heir oi
tunity came when the church lost its *fevour with all the people' {'
and provoked the jealousy of the Pharisees. In the case of the
the people had been alienated from him by priestly craft ; in the histoiy
of the early church, it was the teaching of Stephen which had opened
the eyes of the Pharisees to the full significance of the faith in Qirist,
and excited the x)atriotic instincts of the people to open hostility. And
now history is repeating itself. The zeal for the law in the church at
Jerusalem had once more, it would appear, conciliated the Pharisees
and gained the &vour of the people, wnen the arrival of Paul, bringing
with him Stephen's doctrine fully developed and carried out to its
logical consequences, again broke up the peace. First the people ^rete
roused to fury; and this at once drew upon the apostle the bitter
animosity of the high-priestly faction. But S. Paul's doctrine was no
less obnoxious to tne rhiuisees, and he was only saved from instant
condemnation by a momentary outburst of X)arty spirit among the Jevs
themselves. The Pp'^tv jealousy of the Pharisees was awakened. For
the moment even raul was not so hateful as their political opponents;
as Gamaliel had once shielded the Twelve fy 34-40), so now flie Phari-
sees espoused S. Paul's cause, and it was left to the high-priest to press
forwara the prosecution (cp. xxiv 1). This may account for the attitude
of the Jews at Rome towards S. Paul later on : they had received no
information against him (xxviii 21).

The overbearing conduct of Ananias in commanding Paul to be
struck on the moutn is typical of the Sadducean priestliood. According
to Josephus^ their predominant characteristics at this time were
cruelty and avarice. They were * cruel above all the Jews in tiieir
judgements.' The high-priests surrounded themselves with armed
retamers and acted like lawless t^nts. To enrich themselves, they
robbed the inferior priests of their share of the tiilies, even sendiog
their servants to take the grain from the threshui^ floors by force.
Pre-eminent among these tyrants was the present high-priest, Afumuu
the son of Nebedaeus, who by such violent means had acquin^ enormous
wealth.^ As high-priest, he had been sent to Rome in A.D. 52, together
with his son Ananus the captain of the Temple (p. 56) and other
leading Jews, to answer for the Samaritan affair (p. 409). He was
acquitted, however, and now was at the height of his power. But in
58 or 59 he was deposed to make room for Ishmael ben Phabi ; and
on the breaking out of the Jewish war, Ana^iias, like oilier Sadducean
leaders, was assassinated by the popular zealots.

^ Ant, zz 9. 1, and 8. 8.

XXIII 1-10 THE SANHEDRIN 429

The animosity of the Sadducees to S. Paul however was not based
on political grounds alone. When he came before the Sanhedrin, they
soon discovered him to be a 'fanatical' champion of the distinctive
doctrines of their opponents, the Pharisees. The main points of
dispute between the rival sects were (1) the existence of sptrit8\ and
(2) the resurrection qf the dead. Botn of these were denied by the
Sadducees, who represented the rationalist type of thought among the
Jews; and it is striking that they first came into coUision with the
Lord, in the closing week of his ministry, on this very point of the
resurrection of the dead^ But if these theolodcal dinerences placed
them in an attitude of hostility towards S. raul, the feeling was
cordially reciprocated by the apostle.

For we must remember that he had been brought up as a Pharisee
of the Pharisees, and therefore in ardent antagonism to the Sadducees.
This mutual relation, then, helps to explain S. Paul's conduct. His
behaviour in the Sanhedrin was certainly very different from that on the
previous day in the temnle. He shews no tact, nor even any desire
to be conciliatory'. He had indeed little cause to trust the Sanhedrin
as an impartial tribunal. And when he stood before the Sadducean
high-priest in the chamber where he had once sat on the opposition
benches, all the old nature, the party spirit of the Pharisee, came to
life again. He was in fact so carried away by these feelings that three
out of his four utterances may be thought to lay him open to criticism.

(1) He begins without waiting for any formal question, with a
somewhat defiant declaration of his own righteousness. This was
certainly lacking in tact; and the utterance itself seems to clash
with S. Paul's actual history, e.g. his persecution of the church, and
with his own humble confession that he is 'less than the least of
all saints' and *the chiefest of sinners*.' No doubt both forms of
statement are entirely compatible. The confession of sin is the self-
condemnation of a penitent spirit in the sight of God. The protesta-
tion of innocence, which has many parallels in the Epistles, refers to
his external relations to men*. Even when he had been a persecutor,
he had been acting with a good conscience. It was his conscience
which had been at teult : it was unenlightened — *I did it ignorantly*.*
But, however literally justifiable, the present utterance savours rather
of the self-righteousness of Saul the Pharisee than of the humble-
mindedness (xx 19) of Paul the servant of Jesus Christ.

(2) The smiting on the mouth provoked a very sharp retort.
This was, it is true, a perfectly justifiable outburst of righteous
indignation. But it was not a strict imitation of the meekness and
gentleness of the Christ : the Lord liad made a different protest when

1 whether human or angelic. ^ Lk zz 27-38 : Mt zxii 23-32, Mk zii 18-27,

the very words which say that there is no resurrection occur in the Gospels. ' We
notice that while he addresses the Sanhedrin as Brethren, to the moltitude he said
Brethren and Fattiern. * I Tim i 13-5, Eph iii 8. I Cor xv 9. * I Cor

iv 4, U Cor i 12, iv 2, v 11, II Tim i 3, iv 7. « I Tim i 13.

430 a PAUL BEFORE xxin i-io

he had suffered the same indignity in the same placed (3) This retort
led to an utterance which has proved a great difficulty to commentators:
/ knew not that he is the high-priest. S. Paul must have known who
the high-priest was, at least from the hct of his presiding; and so the
apostle appears not to be speaking the truth, various explanations
have been offered*. The most plausible is that the acting mgh-priest
need not necessarily have been the president of the Samie£in. At
that epoch there were a number of ex-high-priests, who retamed the
title, and vei^ often the actual power, of 'ni^h-priest.' Annas, for
instance, retamed the first place in the govermng body long after his
actual period of office', and he was known as * the ni^h-priest' Such a
*high-prie8t' may well have occupied the seat of president. His expla-
nation however will not suffice. Not to mention S. Paul's £suniUarity with
the customs of the Sanhedrin, it is quite evident from his speech that
he knew who Ananias was ; and in any case Ananias was one of the
judges, to all of whom reverence was equally due. The difficulty really
arises from our taking the word kjiow in its literal matter-of-fact sense.
But among the Jews to know had several meanings. Thus (a) it
denoted the recognition or acknowledgement of persons, as when the
apostle asks the Thessalonians to know those that labour among tkemt
or when the Lord shall say / know you not, I never knew you. Again
(b) it is used of the deeper or more real understanding of events, as
when the Lord's murderers knew not what they were doing^ or Peter
knew not that it was true which was done by the angel*. So here in
S. Paul's utterance we have a confession of error. That *good
conscience ' of his quickly reminded him of the Lord's example and
the words of scripture : he had again kicked against the goad and it
pricked him. He had spoken with his usual warmth of heart, but
the same warmth moved nim to repentance, and he confessed that he
had not reflected that it was the high-priest : for the moment he had
forgotten his office and not 'known or acknowledged him with that
reverence which the scripture commanded.

(4) S. Paul's last utterance is open to the charge of being based on
policy and not on principle. This was a charge which before now the
apostle had had indignantly to reftlte^ Certainly after reading the
Epistles to the Romans and Galatians, it is startling to hear S. raol,
when set for the defence of the gospel, exclaim I am a Pharisee, am
qf Pharisees, and declare that it is the doctrines of Pharisaism which
are at stake, — the hope and resurrection of the dead. But the charge
will fall to the ground when we realize the persons and the situation.
Paul was, as he has himself striven to convince us (p. 4211 a genuine
Jew, and he was also a Pharisee. The name of Pharisee had not yet

^ Jn xyiii 28 : II Cor x 1. His own words may have been in the aposfle^s mind
when he afterwards wrote Phil ii 1-11. ' e.g. that the apostle was shortsightei

> IT 6, Lk iii 2, Jn xviu IS, 15, 19. For a plurality of * high-priests ' see ver. 30 and
p. 44. * (a) I Thess v 12, Lk xiii 25, 27, Mt xxv 12, vii 23. (6) Lk xxifi

84, Acts xii 9. S. Peter said of the Lord I know him not, I know not what tk»
sayett (Lk xxu 57, CO). » Cp. II Cor i 12 foil., Gal i 10^Ua*yng men.

txin 1-10 THE SANHEDRIN 431

become a synonypa for hypocrite. That identification has come about
ihrouffh long familiarily with the Lord's denunciations of them in the
jk>speis. But as yet the Gospels had not been published abroad ; and
n Jerusalem the name of Pnarisee still stood for what was best in
rudaism, that of which the Jews were most proud. If the Pharisees
lad made themselves worthy of the Lord's denunciation, it was because
Xfrruptio optimi pessima. And in fact, if the majority of the Pharisees
wer^ as our Lord painted them, yet among them were good men;
certainly the sympathies of *the pious' amon^ the Jews, — of such
persons as Simeon, Elisabeth and Zachariah, Nicodemus and Joseph
)f Arimathea — ^would have been on their side. If then it was any
gain' to S. Paul to have been a Jew, he would still more pride himself
}n having been a Pharisee and not a Sadducee : in fact, in the Ep. to
the Phihppians, which was written subsequently to this, he still
lescribes himself as * a Hebrew of Hebrews ; as touching the law, a
Pharisee*.' Accordingly, as yesterday before the people he had vindi-
cated his true Judaism, so today before the Sanhecmn he vindicates
tiis true Pharisaism. He was on the side of the party of faith and
tiope, not on that of cynicism and scepticism. Nay more, he and the
Dhristians — and they alone — had realized the ideal of the Pharisees :
they had found the hope of Israel, they had discovered the secret of
righteousness, and they possessed the proof of the resurrection of the
Head,

^ But on the morrow, desiring to know the certainty,
wherefore he was accused of the Jews, he loosed him, and
commanded the ^chief priests and all the council to come
together, aud brought Paul down, and set him before them.

23 And Paul, looking stedfastly on the council, said, Brethren,
I have lived before God in all good conscience until this day.

2 And the high priest Ananias commanded them that stood by

3 him to smite him on the mouth. Then said Paul unto him,
God 'shall smite thee, thou whited wall : and sittest thou to
judge me according to the law, and commandest me to be

4 smitten contrary to the law ? And they that stood by said,

5 Bevilest thou God's high priest ? And Paul said, I wist not,
brethren, that he was ^high priest : for it is written, "Thou

6 shalt not speak evil of a ruler of thy people. But when Paul
perceived that the one part were Sadducees, and the other
Pharisees, he cried out in the council. Brethren, I am a
Pharisee, a son of 'Pharisees: touching the hope and

* xxvi 6 : Phil iii 6 (cp. verse 7 gains). • Gk high-priesU. • Gk i$

ihout to or intends to tmite. '^ or the high-priest (AY). * Exod xzii 28.

* AY reads a Pharisee,

432 S. PAUL BEFORE xxiiso-xxini

7 resurrection of the dead I am ^called in questioiL And
when he had so said, there arose a dissension between the
Pharisees and Sadducees : and 'the assembly was divided.

8 For the Sadducees say that there is no resurrection, neite

9 angel, nor spirit : but the Pharisees confess botiL And
there arose a great clamour : and some of the scribes of the
Pharisees' part stood up, and strove*, saying. We find no evil
in this man : ^and what if a spirit hath spoken to him, or an

10 angel ? And when there arose a great dissension, the chief
captain, fearing lest Paul should be torn in pieces by them,
commanded the soldiers to go down and take him by force
from among them, and bring him into the castle.

30 The natural course for Lysias was to submit Paul's case to the
Jewish courts ; and, as he represented the Procurator, the next dof/
he summoned a meeting of the Sanhedrin. Then he set Paul free
from the soldier to whom he was chained, brought him down to
the council chamber on the west side of the Temple hill, and ui

23 him at the bar of the Sauhedrin for examination. Paul howevef
1 refused to stand before them as a criminal. He looked sted/astbi
at the council^; and, before the formal proceedings had begun, vm.
his accustomed boldness of speech he protested his innocence.
Brethren, with all good conscience have 1 lived towards God uniil
this day\ (1) He uses a noticeable word, which means to live
as a citizen : he had lived as God's citizen, as a member of God's
conmionwealth. The idea of citizenship was Greek and not Jewish:
the Jews thought of God's people or God's inheritance, rather than
of God's city. But the idea of citizenship becomes prominent in
these chapters ^ and it corresponds with the actual crossing over of
the apostle from his Jewish hentage to his Roman citizenship (p. 427).
Certamly the idea recurs in the epistles which he wrote subsequently
to this : e.g. in Phil i 27, iii 20 ; and in Eph ii 12 he apphes the
idea to Israel, which he calls God's 'polity,' or 'commonwealth.'
(2) The continuous loyalty of S. Paul's citizen life was testified
by his conscience. The Greek word for the conscience (like tiie
fiiglish word itself) means literally knomn^^-with; and its action
is exactly expressed by S. Paul's saying, I know nothing against
(Uterally vntn) myself'm I Cor iv 4. The conscience is a conscious-
ness which bears testimony with, or to, our personality within; and
the subject-matter of the testimony is the moral value of actions,

* literally being judged. * Gk multitude, • Le. contended or ftrngk-

together (a strong word). * AV reads and if a spirit or <m angel hath tpoken to

him, let us not fight against God (v 39). » Cp. vi 16, vii 66. • The emphitio

r oomeB first in the Greek. ^ Op. xxl 39, xzii 2S. This may be due to tha

hand of S. Lake : the word citizen occurs in S. Lake's writinga alone in the NT.

xxnii-6 THE SANHEDRIN 433

the testimony itself being a pronouncement whether they are right
or wrong*. A good conscience^ gives a good verdict, and this it can
only do if the faculty of judgement is itself clear. Accordingly, to
possess an honest or unperverted conscience in all matters liad been
the aim of S. Paul's life, and in this aim he liad succeeded'.

2 Ananias however, provoked by this self-assertion, ordered the
(Utendants to smite him on his mouth. At once S. Paul's fiery

3 spirit flashed out. Like a prophet of the 0T^ he exclaimed Smite
thee — that is what God is about to do^ thou whited wall : and his

gophecy was fulfilled at the outbreak of the Jewish rebellion
. 428). The high-priest should have been a wall of defence to the
people, but Ananias was only plastered over to look white and fair ;
undemeath the surface there was a breach which would 'swell out*
suddenly". The Lord had called the Pharisees * whited sepulchres/
and the Sadducees were daubed with the same plaster of hypocrisy.
Long before this S. Paul had discovered the inconsistency of tine
Jews, and indeed of all human judges^ But at this fresh instance
he could not contain himself. What, dost thou sit in judgement on
me to try my observance of the law, while thou breakest it by such a

4 command 1 At these words the attendants made a protest, and at
once S. Paul recollected himself. His humble-mindeoness recovered

5 itself, and calling the attendants his brothers, he confessed his fault.
In his indignation against the man he had forgotten his office, and
this in spite of the warning voice of the law. By quoting scripture
Paul at the same time testified to his own loyalty to the law.

6 This overbearing conduct of the Sadducean high-priest may
have given his cntics among the Pharisees an opportunity of
protest, of which S. Paul would take advantage. iBut it seems
unlikely that one more utterance on his part would have sufficed
to bring matters to a crisis. We may assume that the examination
was formally opened, and S. Paul accused of having defiled the
temple^. If so, then, in answer to the president's question — Are
these thinas so? Paul made his defence, and told once more the
story of tne vision on the way to Damascus (as would appear from
verse 9). The Sadducees received his words with ostentatious
scepticism and ridicule : this provoked counter-expressions of sjrm-
patny and credulity among the Pharisees, Paul's keen eye perceived
that he had thrown an apple of discord into the assembly, viz. the
question as to the existence of spirits ; and he completea his work
by throwing another. He boldly identified himself with the Phari-
sees and the other distinctive article of their creed. Brethren, he

1 See Rom u 15, iz 1, n Cor i 12 : Bom xui 5. 1 Cor viii 7-12, z 25-9, II Cor iy 2,
V 11. ' Elsewhere in S. Paul this phrase is foand only in the Pastoral Epistles

fTim i 5, 19 ; cp. iii 9, II Tim i 3 a pure conscience). ' xziv 16, Phil iii 6.

Both Mioaiah, the son of Imlah, and Jeremiah had heen thus smitten, and they
had made stem answers (I K xxii 24-5, Jcr xx 2-3). ^ I Sam xxv 16:

Ezek ziii 10-6 ; Isai xxx 13. « Cp. Rom u 1, 3, 21-3, ^ From xxiii 30

we learn that there were accusers.

B. A. 28

434 THE SANHEDRIN IS DIVIDED xxm &-10

cried out, / am a thorough Pha/risee^ bom and bred a Pharisee^ :
what is really at stake is tne Pharisees' £aiith in the hope (of Israel)
and the resurrection of the dead, (1) The hope was tne Messiimic
hope. To this the Pharisees, as the idealists of Judaism, ckng,
while the Sadducees had virtually abandoned it or rather had never
risen to it. This expectation is found at the beginning of the
Gospel'; it was then answered by the coming of the Messiah; and
that coming, together with his second coming in, glory, was the
subject of ^e first preaching of the Twelve. But since those early
davs nearly thirty years nad elapsed ; and still Hhe seasons d
refreshing and of the restitution of all things,' * the time of flie
restoration of the kingdom to Israel*,' had not arrived. Thus for
the Christians also the coming of the Messiah still remained an
object of hope : and in these chapters the faith in the Messiah is
expressed in this form, viz. as a hope^. His second coming would
comcide with f 2) the resurrection of the dead ; and of this resur-
rection that 01 the Messiah was the proof and pledge. S. Paul's
7 utterance had its effect. It called up all the latent party spirit
and created a dissension or faction in the Sanhedrin. The phrase-
ology takes us back to a similar dissension in the church . But
here there was no Peter nor James — we might say, no Holy Spirit
(xv 28) — to heal the division ; and the multitude — ^the whole body
of the Sanhedrin, with the attendants and the *' disciples of die
9 learned ' (p. 58) — was torn into two contending parties. There was
a great outcry; the grave and reverend presbyters of Israel b^anto
shout out like a frantic mob*. Carried away by partisanship som
members of the Pharisees* party entirely took Paul's side. Tht^
stood up as if to give their verdict^, which was that he was innocent;
* and %f a spirit has spoken to him or an anael,' — their conclusion
was interrupted by hostile cries, but it would have been ^t of
Gamaliel in v 39 *let us not fight against Gk)d®.' This action
10 precipitated matters, the shouting gave place to blows and Paul
ran serious risk of being torn in pieces. Lysias, whose respect for
t]ie Jews can hardly have been eimanced, had to send a message to
Antonia for the whole force of the garrison to come down*; and even
so Paul was only extricated with difficulty (verse 29 Bezan).

This stormy scene is our last sight of the supreme court of the
Jews, the elders of Israel. It left Lysias no more enlightened than
before, except as to the personal importance of the apostle. But to

^ He lays stress on the strong Hebrew traditions of his family in Phil iii 5,
n Tim i 3. « Lk ii 25, 38 ; cp. xxiv 21. » Acts i 6, iii 20. * xxiTl5,

xxvi 6,7, xxviii 20. » xv 2, 7, 12. « We might think that S. LukewM

using the word multitvde in contempt : cp. xxi 86, and xxii 28 crying. But it is
not the word for crowd in Greek, and it is used of the Christian coonoil in rr 13;
cp. Lk xxiii 1. 7 Cp. v 34, xv 7, Mt xxvi 62, Mk xiv 60. «• which is

added in the AY. For a similar aposiopesis see Lk xiii 9. * The words in

the Greek, go down and bring ^ seem to imply that Lysias wais in the castle; bot
they probably indicate that S. Luke was there, and that he is writing from the point
of view of the castle.

xxm 11 THE LORD ENCOURAGES PAUL 436

the public for whom S. Luke was writing it gave the first sentence
of acquittal of S. Paul, pronounced by his own nation : We find no
evil in this man\

The vision of the Lord

After these two exciting days S. Paul must have been terribly
dejected. Not to speak of the physical effect of his beating in the
temple and of the Dodily violence in the Sanhedrin, there was the
apparent &ilure of his plans at the last moment, the hopeless and
obanrate hatred of his fellow-countrymen, his pain of heart at the
hardness of Gk)d's chosen people, the questiomngs of his own con-
science: all these must have combined to bring on one of S. Paul's
attacks of spiritual depression. Far more than at Ephesus he must
haye ' had the answer of death in himself'/ Doubtless ne besought the
Lord; and an answer came, proportionate to the need*. It was yet
another vision. That night-— uoi an angel (as in xii 7) but — the Lord
Jesus himself came upon him and strengthened him. (1^ He encouraged
him with the word Be of good cheer, which is founa in the mouth of
the Lord alone in the NT. (2) He calmed all the questionin^rs of
conscience by his approval of what Paul had done : he had borne
good witness to the people and Sanhedrin, and so fulfilled his ministry
to the Jews*. (3) He gave assurance for the future : the apostle's
ambition to bear witness at Borne would be fulfilled also. There still
remained the divine necessity which * cannot be shaken ' {must xix 21).

11 And the night following the Lord stood by him, and said.
Be of good cheer* : for as thou hast testified concerning me
at Jerusalem, so must thou bear witness also at Rome.

The appearances of the Lord to S. Paul are not recorded at
haphazard. They all mark great crises in his life. First there came
the conversion and his mission to the Grentiles : then visions of
encouragement follow, both at Corinth and Jerusalem*. The two latter
are evidently recorded with the intention of shewing the divine sanction
which rested upon S. PauFs action. The need for this was especially
pressing at this moment. The appeal to the Roman citizenship was
Ukd enough, but the coming appeal to Caesar would be to the Jews
the extremest act of apostasy : it would be equivalent to * accusing
their nation' (xxviii 19;. Even a Christian mi^ht have felt doubtful
at the introduction of the alien, worldly, authority of Rome. But in
this vision the Lord gives his sanction to the one appeal, and by the
mention of Rome directs the mind of S. Paul to the other. All critics
then, whether Jewish or Christian, must *hold their peace' (xi 18,
xxi 14).

^ Cp. xzv 25, zzvi 81; and in the case of the Lord Lk xxiii 4, 14, 22.
< n Cor i 9. » n Cor xii 8-9. * xx 24; cp. ix 16, xxii 16, xxvi 20.

• AY adds PauU • xxii 7-10, 18-21 : XTiii 9-10 and here.

28—2

436 THE JEWS CONSPIRE xxm 12

§ 4 The canspirdcy against Paul and his delivery into

the hands of the Gentiles

Lysias' further course of action was decided for him by events.
While the Jewish government betrayed indecision, the people took the
matter into their own hands. If some of the Pharisees were inclined
to favour Paul as an ally against the Sadducees, the Zealots would
have no such compromise, and forty of them made a plot to assassinate
the apostle. Sucn a plot faithfully reflects the state of the Jews as
pictured by Josephus. The feinatical party were now manifesting th^
patriotism by murdering those of their countrjrmen who were on the
side of peace. He tells us that after the murder of the high-priest
Jonathan (p. 409), which passed unavenged, the robbers (i.e. the Sicarii)
c^me up to the feasts with daggers concealed on their persons ana
mingling with the crowds assassinated their enemies — some to gratify
personal enmity, others for hire, — and this in the very templet In
Cumanus* days the brigands had gone so far as to molest an imperial
postman on nis way to Caesarea and so brought about one of the
periodical and disastrous collisions with the Roman arms. This in-
cident shews the need for the excessive precautions taken to secure
PauFs safe delivery at Caesarea. This aeUvery was the immediate
result of the plot; and S. Luke tells the story, with the most circum-
stantial detail, in order to prove to the world, and to the Jews in
particular, that it was their own doing. For (1) in £isM5t S. Paul's
innocence is, for the second time, expressly declared by the Roman
commandant (verse 29). And (2) the action of the 40 congnpixators wu
but a symbol of that of the whole nation ; just as S. Luke writes in
verse 12 ths Jews, When the Lord was crucified they had cried 'His
blood be upon us and our children,' and now they again bring God'a
curse upon them, so that his 'wrath should come upon them to the
uttermost".'

S. Luke is able to write in such detail because he was an eye-
witness. The vividness with which he describes the interview In the
castle shews that he was there : cp. also verse 11. He may have been
admitted as a friend, or even a servant of S Paul. Very likely the
physical condition of the apostle demanded medical attendance, and
B. Luke may have seized the opportunity; or again, S. Luke— «s
Aristarchus also— may have been involved in the cnaige of polluting
the temple, as to whicn, with his usual self-effacement, he keeps silence.
They may have been seen with S. Paul in the outer court, and S. Luke
may have been arrested on the charge of having been the Gentile tres-
passer®. In any case the order to provide beasts (in the plural, verse
24) seems to imply that S. Paul was not alone.

12 And when it was day, the Jews banded together, and
bound themselves under a curse, saying that they would

1 Ant, zx 8. 5. s Mt xzyu 25; I Thess iil6. * See below en xxTii t

xxin 13-25 AGAINST S. PAUL 437

13 neither eat nor drink till they had killed Paul. And they

14 were more than forty which made this conspiracy. And they
came to the ^ chief priests and the 'elders, and said, We have
'bound ourselves under a great curse, to taste nothing until

16 we have killed Paul. Now therefore <do ye with the council
signify to the chief captain that he bring him down unto you*,
as though ye would judge of his case more exactly : and we,
or ever he come near, are ready to slay him'.

16 But Paul's sister's son heard of their lying in wait, ^and he

17 came and entered into the castle, and told Paul. And Paul
called unto him one of the centurions, and said. Bring this
young man unto the chief captain : for he hath something

18 to tell him. So he took Iiim, and brought him to the chief
captain, and saith, Paul the prisoner called me unto him, and
asked me to bring this young man unto thee, who hath

19 something to say to thee. And the chief captain took him
by the hand, and going aside asked him privately. What is

20 that thou hast to tell me ? And he said. The Jews have
agreed to ask thee to bring down Paul to-morrow unto the
council, as though ^thou wouldest inquire somewhat more

31 exactly concerning him. Do not thou therefore yield unto
them : for there lie in wait for him of them more than forty
men, which have bound themselves under a curse, neither to
eat nor to drink till they have slain him : and now are they

22 ready, looking for the promise from thee. So the chief
captain let the young man go, charging him. Tell no man
that thou hast signified these things to me.

23 And he called unto him two of the centurions, and said,
Make ready two hundred soldiers to go as far as Ca)sarea,
and horsemen 'threescore and ten, and spearmen two hundred,

24 at the third hour of the night : and he bade them provide
beasts, that they might set Paul thereon, and bring him safe

25 unto Felix the govemor^^ And he wrote a letter after this

* Gk higK-prietU, * Ok presbyters. * literally cursed with a curse or

devoted with a vow (a Hebraism). ^ Bezan reads we ask you to do this for us:

wheH ye have summoned [the eouncUf signify, * AV adds to-morrow, * Bezan
adds if need he, even to die. ^ Marg having come in upon them, and he entered.

* AY reads they would, ' Bezan reads a hundred, ^^ Bezan adds /or he

was afraid lest the Jews should seize and slay Jiim (ios. Paul^t ^f^ ^ afterwards he
meeused of having taken money (i.e. a bribe).

438 LYSIAS SENDS PAUL xxni 12-16

26 form : Clmidius Lysias unto the most excellent gavenm

27 FeliXy greeting. Tim man was seized by the Jews, and
was about to he slain of thenij when I came upon them wiltk
the soldiers, and rescued him, ^having learned thai he woi

28 a Roman. And desiring to know the cause where/ore iky

29 accused him, '/ brought him down unto their council: whom
I found to be accused about questions of ^their law, but to
have nothing laid to his charge worthy of death or of bonds*.

30 And when it wae shewn to me that there would be a plot
against the man, I sefit him to thee forthwith, charging bis
accusers also to speak against him before thee\

31 So the soldiers, as it was commanded them, took Paul,

32 and brought him by night to Antipatris. But on the morrow
they left the horsemen to go with him, and returned to the

33 castle : and they, when they came to Csesarea, and deUTcred
the letter to the governor, presented Paul also before him.

34 And when he had •read it, he asked of what province he vas;

35 and when he understood that he was of Cilicia^ I will hear
thy cause, said he, when thine accusers also are come: and
he commanded him to be kept in Herod's 'palace.

12 like Judas (Lk xxii 4), the forty men went to the high-priists.
They had devoted themselves or placed themselves tmder an anathema^
which meant that if they failed to keep their pledge, they wonld
become * anathema,* i.e. devoted (to destruction), under God's ban'.

15 The Bezan text makes clear — ^what is indeed to be gathered from
the narrative — that the Sanhedrin was first to meet on the morrow
and then send a formal message to Lysias. But thev were anti-

16 cipated by Paul's nephew. This mention of S. Pauls relative is
one of those touclies which make the whole world kin. It reminds
us of another family picture, of * the house of Mary the mother of
John Mark,' who was cousin of Barnabas (xii 12). From it we
may infer that some at least of S. Paul's &mily were reconciled to

1 or and learned, ^ Marg with B omits I brought him down into their

council, ^ Bezan reads the law of Motes and one Jenu. * Bezan addf

and I scarcely brought him forth by force, ^ Marg and AY add Farev^

" Bezan has read] the letter and asked Of what province art thou^ he said CUieiA
(or I am a Cilician), and when he had learned (or made enquiry) he said I vtU
hear thee [when, ^ Gk praetorium, ^ The Greek verb is literaDy to ma^

anathema, i.e. to devote to God. This meant in practioe to tUterly-destroy, as t^
corresponding Hebrew verb in the OT is translated, and as is shewn by the fate w
Jericho and the Amalekites (Josh vi 17-21, I Sam zv 3). The anathema inB*ii»
thing devoted' to God and therefore to be utterly destroyed: hence it came to denote
the onrse which lay upon the thing. Cp. Levit zzvii 28-9, and I Cor xvi 22 ^ ^
he anathema.

xxm 17-27 TO CAESAREA 439

him ; and that they occupied an influential position, within reach
of information about the secret policy of the high-priests. S. Paul
was in * free custody/ chained to a soldier but otherwise at liberty,
and so his nephew had easy access to him. S. Luke also was by
his side ; and nis sudden fear for the apostle when he heard about
the plot impressed the scene indelibly on his memory. As he writes,

19 he still sees before him Lysias kindly taking the young mem by the
hand and leading him aside out of earshot^ and makes us shaxe his
own anxiety about the result.

20 ^ The RV reading in verse 20 as though thou axmldest enquire is
in itself more probable than the AV they. The Sanhedrin wanted
to judae or decide (verse 15) about S. Paul : it was Lysias who
would be anxious to enquire or learn about him.

But Ljrsias' anxiety was diflferent now. He had got entangled
in a difficult case. Though the murder of a Jew in a religious
dispute might be a matter of little consequence to a Roman, yet
Paul was a Roman citizen, and Lysias wanted to get rid of the
responsibility. The obvious course was to send him at once to the

23 procurator Felix at Caesarea. Accordingly he ordered an escort to
be made ready — of two centurions with their centuries, viz. 200
soldiers, and in addition 70 horse and 200 footmen from the

24 irregular forces^ The centurions were to provide horses for Paul
and his companions', for after his ill-treatment in the temple and
Sanhedrin the apostle would have hardly been equal to a long and
rapid march. The preparations had to be made with speed, for as
soon as nidit had fully fallen, i.e. at about nine o'clock, they were
to start. The sudden despatch by night was to avoid any plot, the
large escort to prevent any forcible seizure of S. Paul. The reason
for Lysias' extreme precautions is well given by the addition in the
Bezan text — if an attack was made and Paul killed, Lysias might
be accused of having been bribed to allow it. This was the very
charge for which Cumanus had been banished, viz. of having accepted

25 bribes from the Samaritans (p. 409). In sending a prisoner to a
higher court it was necessary to send a written statement of the
case, called an * elogium.' S. Luke now gives S. Paul's * elogium.'
It is written in S. Luke's ovm style ; the original would have been
in Latin, and he only professes to give the form or tenour of it.
But it would not have been difficult to ascertain its contents at
Caesarea, and it bears the stamp of truth. For the version of the
affair which it presents puts Lysias' action in the most &vourable
light : for instance, it makes no mention of his order to scourge

11 the prisoner. According to the RV translation (having learned),
Lysias even went so fs^ as to distort the facts and convey the
impression that it was the £su;t that S. Paul was a Roman which
prompted Lysias to rescue him, instead of its being an after-discovery.

^ The word for these tpearmen is a rare one ; elsewhere it is found only in late
Byxaiitine writers. ' viz. S. Lake and Aristarchus, who were certainly with

lim at Caesarea (xxvii 1-2).

440 PAUL IS DELIVERED xxra 30-35

But if our interpretation of S. Luke's use of participles be coirect^
the proper translation should be / rescued Mm and leaimed that k
was a Roman, In any case some ambiguity remains, which is
exactly what Lysias would desire, in order that he might gain the

30 credit of zeal for the citizenship. From the letter we leun thai
Lysias told Paul's accusers to cany their complaint to the procu-
rator's court. What happened to the forty ' devoted ' conspirators
we are not told : but in that age of le^ subtlety, patriotic 'doctcHS
of the law ' would have no difficulty in finding some valid excuse
for declaring the vow null and void.

31 The escort and their prisoner marched all night to Antipatm,

32 a distance of about 35 miles. At Antipatris they halted ; and, the
immediate danger being passed, the foot soldiers returned thence to
Jerusalem, leaving the horsemen to conduct Paul the remaining 27

33 miles to Caesarea\ where they probably arrived on the foDowing
day. So within a fortnight Paul was back at Caesarea, and the
apprehensions of the disciples there were fulfilled. The arrival of
the apostle was probably their first intimation of what had happened.

34 The soldiers took him to the procurator's court. Felix read the
elogium and asked Paul of wkit province he was^. This was perhaps
to make sure that Paul's case fell under his jurisdiction : possibly
the question was part of the formal verification of his Roman
citizenship. Cilicia indeed was at that time as closely attached
to the province of Syria as was Judaea. After ascertaining the

35 necessary information, Felix determined to hear the case when tie
accusers should arrive. Meanwhile Paul was to be confined in
fi^e custody in Hei^ods palace^ now the residence of the Roman
governor and therefore called by the Romans the Fraetorium\
Though S. Paul had been first bound by Lysias in the temple

(xxi 33), this was his real * delivery up into the hands of the Gentiles.'
His own nation had rejected him, and delivered him up to Felix, as
they had delivered up the Lord to Pilate*. S. Paul has now left Jeni-
salem for ever. Like the Lord he had gone * without the gate ' ; and
they both went forth in weakness — ^the Master unable to carry his cross,
the disciple carried by a beast.

Note on the diary of xxi 17-xxiv 1

It is not easy to be certain ahout the diary of theao events. We should at
firat sight take xxiv 1 to mean that Ananias came down to Caesarea ^m dap
after S. Paul's arriyal there. But the day of his arriyal is not given: the

^ viz. that their order denotes the order of the actions in time (p. 184). * *^
exact site of Antipatris is stUl uncertain, and the figures above are only a roogb
estimate of the relative distances. ' The Qreek interrogative i»operIy t^

what kind o/ province it was. Was it, e.g., imperial or senatonad? or again was it
a ' province ' or a dependent state ? Pilate referred the case of the Lord to Herod,
because he was of Galilee (Lk zxiii 6, 7) : but 8. Paul was at aU events a Bamtf
citizen. This form of the interrogative however was often used as an equivaleotfor
the simple what t « Mt xxvii 27, Mk xv 16. » xxi 11 : Lk xviu 32, xxiii 1,

14, Mt xxvii 2.

XXIV 1 INTO THE HANDS OF FELIX 441

morrow of xxiii 32 is the date of the departure of the foot-soldiers for Jeru-
Balem ; and it is not likely that S. Paul would have reached Caesarea the same
day, for in that case he would have travelled 62 miles in 24 hours (or at the
most 27). Again it would be incompatible with xxi? 11, where S. Paul states
that it was not more than tvelve dayi since his coming up to Jerusalem, and
by the time he reached Caesarea at least 10 days must have elapsed. Now
& Paul was arrested on the seventh day (xxi 27 when the seeen dayi were on
ths point of being completed); and eeoen plus Jive = twelve. Hence the Jive
daye of xxiv 1 probably look back to xxi 27 (the last chronologic»i statement^
and biffin with the meeting of the Sanhediin on the morning of the eighth day,
when the eeven days were now completed.

The 40 conspirators expected Paul to be brought down to the Sanhedrin
on the day after their vow. This would hardly have been a Sabbath ; and so by
working backwards wo can fix S. Paul's arrival on the Friday before Pentecost

The diary then will stand somewhat as follows, continuing that g^ven on
pp. 402-3.

Day 1 Friday Arrival at Jerusalem

2 Sat Sabbath Reception by James

3 Sun Pentecost Paul takes the Nazirites

4 Mon Offerings for the Nazirites
5Tues

6 Wed

7 Thurs

Riot in the temple, and arrest of Paul

8 Fri Paul before the Sanhedrin

Vision of the Lord in the night

9 Sat Sabbath Conspiracy of the forty Jews

9 p.nL Paul sent to Caesarea

10 Sun Trinity Sunday Arrival at Antipatris

1 1 Mon Paul arrives at Caesarea

12 Tues Ananias arrives at Caesarea

13 Wed Trial before Felix

»3» - W.

SECTION II 0 ( = Ch. 24-26)
Paul and the Romans at Caesarea

§ 1 The trial before Felix

24 Paul having been delivered up to Felix, it depended on the Jews
whether the case was to go forward. They indeed were not behind-
hand, and the whole nation became his accusers. Of the hostility of
the multitude and the Zealots there was no question : and now ailer
the scene in the Sanhedrin, the Sadducees were ready to take the
1 lead. The high-priest AnaniaSy transformed into a bitter personal
enemy, came down to Caesarea in person, together with a deputation
from the Sanhedrin, and to ensure success they had brought a
professional advocate with them. They had lost no time : tor on
the fifth day after the beginning of the affair with the riot in the
temple, the party arrived at Caesarea. They would probably have

442 & PAUL BEFORE FELIX xxiv 1-2

reached the city in the evening; and next morning, on the opening
of the procurator's court, the Jewish embassy formally indicted Pa^
before Felix*. Paul was then cited by the crier of the court, and
when he had responded to his name, the counsel for the Jews opened
the case for the prosecution*. His name TerttiUuSj a diminutive
form of Tertius', seems to shew that he was a Roman, and his
speech certainly reads like a translation from the Latin^ Tertullos
would be familiar with Roman law, and like a Roman is brief and
to the point (verse 4) : S. Luke however is obliged still further to
compress his concise statement, and this has caused some confusion
in verses 6-8.

Speech for the prosecution

24 And after five days the high priest Ananias came down
with certain 'elders, and with an orator, one Tertullus ; and

2 they informed the governor against PauL And when he was
called, Tertullus began to accuse him, saying,

Seeing that by thee we enjoy much peace, and that by

3 thy providence 'evils are corrected for this nation, we accept
it in all ways and in all places, most excellent Felix, with all

4 thankfulness. But, that I be not further tedious onto thee,
6 I intreat thee to hear us of thy clemency a few words. For

we have found this man a pestilent fellow, and a mover of

insurrections among all the Jews throughout the world, and

6 a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes : who moreover

assayed to profane the temple : on whom also we laid hold' :

8 from whom thou wilt be able, by examining him thyself to
take knowledge of all these things, whereof we accuse him.

9 And the Jews also ^joined in the charge, affirming that these
things were so.

2 Tertullus begins with the usual captatio benevoleniias or en-
deavour to win the judge's good will by the way of personal
compliment or flattery. It was true that Felix had secured some
peace for the country by his suppression of the brigands on his
entry into office, but what the reforms were we do not know. The

^ Gp. xzY 6. ' For the legal forms, see Oxyrhynchus papyri n p. 162 line 19.
' Bom xvi 22. ^ Thus the phrases by thy providence, of thy clemency, a pestHeiU
feliowt to profane have a Latin ring. ^ Gk preMbyt€r$. ' litenllj reform

are being carried out: for reforms AV reads very loorthy deeds (6k $uceettet),
^ Marg with AY and Bezan inserts and we would have judged him according to our
law, 7 But the chief captain Lysias came, and with great violence took kim away
out of our hands, 8 commanding his accusers to come before thee, ^ AY reads

assented.

XXIV 2-9 TERTULLUS' SPEECH 443

uorthy deeds of the AV would include the capture of Eleazar the
chief of the brigemds, and the suppression of the Egyptian impostor
(pp. 409-10).
3 In any case the gratitude of the Jews is expressed with the
exaggeration customary to orators {all... all.,. aU). The words
thankfulness axid providence^ — the latter especially, being chiefly used
of the action of the gods — indicate the flattery of tiie speaker and the
general attitude of the provincials to their rulers, most excellent^
however, is nothing more than the recognized conventional epithet.

5 Tertullus then proceeds to the charge. (1) The defendant was, as
we should say, a public nuisance — ^hterally, a pest : for he excited
dissensions^, or seditUms, among the Jews throughout the empire.
By so doing he was guilty of 'laesa majestas' or treason against
Caesar, who represented the Roman people. (2) He was moreover
a ringleader of the sect of the Nazarenes, a body which had no
legal status, being a Jewish sect and yet violating the law of the
Jews. The descnption of the Christians as Nazarenes shews that
we have returned to Jewish soil and ideas'. We also note that the

Ereeminence of Paul in the church is no exaggeration of S. Luke's :
is enemies, taking a figure from the army, acknowledge him to

6 be a front rank man or head of the file. (3^ In particular, he had
actually attempted — for the Jews had now oiscovered that the cry
raised in the temple (xxi 28) was false — to profane the temple, by
taking Gentiles wiuiin the barrier. In the actual speech no doubt
Tertiulus had to give some account of the origin of the present case
with the Jewish version of the action of Lysias, whose eviaence would
be the most important element in the trial (verse 22). This is
represented in the AV and the Bezan text, where Lysias is the

8 antecedent of the relative pronoun in verse 8 {from whomX This
passage may have been original, but afterwards cut out by S. Luke,
m his desire for compression. The result is that Paul becomes the
antecedent to the pronoun, instead of Lysias, and is to be the
subject of the judge's own eaxtminatioii*. At the conclusion of the

9 speech the accusers, the Jewish deputation, made themselves parties
to the indictment by emphatic assertions of the truth of Tertullus'
statement".

The indictment of S. Paul, then, contained three counts : one
political (A), one religious (B), and a particular breach of the law (C).
These correspond to o. Paul's summary in xxv 8 : neither against the
law of the Jews (B), nor against the temple (C), nor against Caesar
(A) have I sinned at all. (A) The first charge, viz. of disturbing
the public peace, had been brought against him at Philippi and Thes-
salonica. And, although S. Paul himself was perfectly innocent of any

^ in the Greek — eueharUtiat pronoia (=LAt. providentia). ' xy 2, zxiii 7.

' fi 14, cp. ii 22, iii 6, iv 10 : so also the way in verse 14. ^ But even in the

AV and Bezan texts the from whom of verse 8 probably looks back to S. Paul : for
examining is a word much more applicable to Paul the prisoner than to a witness
of the rank of Lysias. ^ Cp. vii 1.

444 S. PAUL BEFORE FEUX xxivio

seditious intentions, his preachinc; had certainly been attended bv public
disturbances, which were very mstasteful to the Roman autnorities.
This then was the most dangerous charge, suggestive of conspincy
against the imperial government. The mention of Caesar had terrified
the provincial maj^strates at Thessalonica; and at Jerusalem it had
finally overcome Pilate's reluctance to condemn the Lord. It is signi-
ficant that Tertullus does not actually speak of Caesar, and the reason
was no doubt the same as at Corinth (p. 330) : S. Paul had been very
careful in his utterances about the kingdom, and the question of loyalty
to Caesar was a dangerous weapon for the Jews to handle. {B) The
religious charge had been brought forward at Corinth, but it was

Jeculiarly irksome and tedious to the Romans. It concerned the
e¥dsh law which the Romans did not attempt or desire to understand.
Such questions they left to the Jews to be settled among themselves.
But if the Jews repudiated the Nazarene sect, it was thereby rendered
an * unlawful religion,' having received as yet no independent official
recognition firom me state. By the strange irony of events, at Fhilippi
Paul had been attacked by the Gentiles for spreading Jewish customs.
(C) The third charge, if proved, would have been fated. Even a Roman
was liable to the penalty of death for trespassing beyond the barrier in
the temple. But there were no witnesses to prove the trespass (verse
19); nor could the actual trespasser, the Gentile in question, be pro-
duced,— unless indeed S. Luke was accused on this ground and stood
with S. Paul at the bar; but, except for xxvii 1, the narrative is silent
as to 8. Luke's share in the proceeaings.

It is possible to make a similar distinction in the various accusa-
tions brought against the Lord himself. There too was (A) a political
charge — ^he was a mover of insurrections among the people, and had
actually made himself a 'king' as against Cae&^ur: (^B) a religions
charge — he was guilty of blasphemy, an oflfence against the Jewish
law : and (C) a particular charge — he had spoken against the templet

8. PauPs defence to the Roman governor

After hearing the case for the prosecution, Felix with a gesture called
on the prisoner for the defence; and for the third time Paul stands np
to speak before a Roman governor. But the Greek freedman, who after
all was but a procurator, was a very different person from the aristo-
cratic proconsuls Gallio and Sergius Paulus (pp. 200, 329). P&id
conforms to usage in beginning with a captatio benevolentiae^ and
then answers the charges. The first (A) he denies : the second (B)
he admite in a sense : against the third (C) he indignantljr prot^
giving his version of the affair. Brief as this summary is, we can
yet detect the customary lines of 8. Paul's thought in the mention
of faith and hope, in conjunction with his example of charity ; and the
indignant conclusion, wmch breaks up the grammatical construction in
verses 18-20, is characteristic of his usual vehemence.

1 (A) Lk zxiii 2, 6, Mt xxtu 11, Mk xv 2, Jn xviii 83. IB) Lk xxiii e6*71t
Mt xxYi 65, Mk xiY 64, Jn xiz 7. (C) Mt zxvi 61, Mk xiv 58.

XXIV 11 PAUL'S SPEECH 445

10 And when the governor had beckoned unto him to speak,
F&nl answered.

Forasmuch as I know that thou hast been of many years
a judge unto this nation, I do ^cheerfully make my defence :

11 seeing that thou canst take knowledge, that it is not more
than twelve days since I went up to worship at Jerusalem :

12 and neither in the temple did they find me disputing with
any man or 'stirring up a crowd, nor in the synagogues,

13 nor in the city. Neither can they prove to thee the things

14 whereof they now accuse me. But this I confess unto thee,
that after the Way which they call 'a sect, so * serve I the
God of our fathers, believing all things which are "according

15 to the law, and which are written in the prophets : having
hope toward God, which these also themselves ^look for,
that there shall be a resurrection both of the just and utvjusi

16 Herein do I also exercise myself to have a conscience void

17 of ofience toward God and men alway. Now after many
years I came to bring alms to my nation, and ofierings:

18 ^amidst which they found me purified in the temple, with no
crowd, nor yet with tumult: but there were certain Jews

19 from Asia — who ought to have been here before thee, and to

20 make accusation, if they had aught against me. Or else let
these men themselves say what wrong-doing they found, when

21 I stood before the council, except it be for this one voice,
that I cried standing among them, Touching the resurrection
of the dead I am "called in question before you this day.

Though S. Paul's lips were apparently unable to frame the
words most excellent Felix however conventional, yet he still finds
cause for congratulation. Felix had been a judge for the Jews
several years^ viz. as procurator since 51 or 52 and before that as a
prefect m Samaria. This continuance in office, in itself an advantage
to a province, gave to Felix an acquaintance with Jewish customs,
— and in particular with the history of the Nazarenes (verse 22^, —
which in its turn gave S Paul more heart for his defence. Felix
11 would be able to understand not only the reason of Paurs visit to
Jerusalem, but his loyalty to his nation. Paul had come up aa a,

* AV reads the more cheerfully. ' AV reads raising up the people. • Gk

kerety. * or worship, ^ AV reads written in the law and the prophets,

* Marg accept, AV allow. ' Marg in presenting which : AV reads whereupon

certain Jews from Asia found me,., with tumult: [who ought, * Gk being judged.

A

446 S. PAUL'S DEFENCE xxnr 11-16

pikrim to take part in the great national festival of Pentecost:
ana he had come, not only to worship with his fellow-coontTymen,
but also to bring them alms.

(A) Tweke days had elapsed since his arrival — ^it could be
verified by the date of the festival And in that short space of
time (which was itself preceded by an absence of num^ y^ors)^ 90
12 fax from 'moving an msorrection/ nowhere — neither in temjph,
synagogue^ nor street, — had he been guilty of causing a crowd to
collect (verse 18)^ Nor had he even reasoned or discussed with
individuals on any provocative topic, such as 'the sect of the
Nazarenes.' It is evident that in Jerusalem Paul had abstained
from any evangelistic work : since the compact made with the other
apostles at the council of Jerusalem (p. 246), he no longer reckoned
that city as lying within his province .

14 But (B) he admitted that he belonged to the so-called *8ect of
the Nazarenes.' The word sect (6k heresy), which means 'choice'
and so was used for a ' choice ' of opinions, i.e. a school of thonght,
is evidently acquiring the bad sense of a self-willed 'choice or
' heresy'.' But 8. Paul will not allow the feith in Jesus to be so
definitely a sect among the Jews as the sects of the Pharisees and
Sadducees*. It was only a tcay, or manner of living. In that vxiy
(i) he worshipped the same God as the rest of the Jews; and to
serve the ancestral Chd was as sacred a tradition among the Gentiles
as among the Jews'. Further, in this service he had the same

15 entire faith in the Jewish scriptures', and the same hope in God, as
his accusers here present. But when S. Paul goes on to define this
hope as the expectation of a resurrection of the dead, the Sadducees
would part company with him ; and, when he further adds both of
the just and the unjust, or the righteous and the wicked, it is doubtful
how far he would carry all the Pharisees with him. Daniel xii 2
certainly taught the resurrection of the wicked, but whether this
extended to uie Gentiles — and it was evidentlv the thought of his
Roman judge which prompted Paul's remark, verse 25 — was a
matter of discussion among the doctors, (ii) Further, apart from

16 the doctrinal aspect of the Way, its moral requirements were audi
as to make S. Paul more than ever anxious, even at the cost
of diligent self-dvicipUne, to avoid giving offence to God or man (U

^ There Ir no exaot parallel to the phrase in the Greek, the literal translation of
which is making a stopping of a crowd. The noun {irlffToffu) is used for the haltiȤ
of soldiers, and for a stoppage in medical language. S. Paul bad not stopped the
passers hy and so collected a crowd. As nsed in II Maco vi 3 and II Cor xi 2S, the
word has a more active sense, viz. of the pressure of anxiety or the onset of mil*
fortune ; and so here it might denote the pressure exercised by the crowd upon thd
authorities. But S. Paul is instancing the least, and not the greatest, oaoses of
offence. Indeed, a passage in Polybius (xl 5. 4) might make as ask whether the
phrase could not mean attracting the attention of the crowd, ' as he had done

before, ix 29 : cp. II Cor x 14-6, Rom xv 20. ' as in I Cor xi 19, Gal viSl:

see p. 44. * xxvi 5, v 17. » Cp. I Pet i 18. « Taken strictW the BV

denotes faith in {1) the customs, ritual, observance of the law (with its fulmoient in
Christ), and (2) tne scriptures of the prophets.

XXIV 16-22 BEFORE FELIX 447

any time\ Certainly his conscience acquitted him of having cansed

17 any offence to his countr3rmen. Indeed, life in the Way had called
out into more active exercise his charity towards them. For he had
come up to Jerusalem to bring alms to his nation. As he had
denied the Nazarenes to be a sect, so the apostle refuses to acknow-
ledge that those of the Way, to whom he had brought the alms,
viz. the Christian poor, are a whit less Jews than his accusers.
S. Paul adds that he had also come up to make offerings. The next
clause seems to identii^ these offerings with the sacrifices for the
Nazirites (xxi 26), which had not in fact formed i>art of the object
of S. Pauis visit. But, bearing in mind that this is only a com-
pressed report of S. Paul's actuid speech, we can readily understand
that the word offerings is simply an abbreviation for S. Paul's fuller
account of the events of xxi 26-7, which S. Luke considers it un-
necessary to repeat. If, however, we still wish to press the literal
meaning of the phrase to bring offerings, it will imply that, as has
been suggested above (p. 414\ S. Paul came up to Jerusalem with
the additional intention of fulfilling a vow of his own, or of making
some thank-offering in the temple.

18 (C) So far from profaning the temple, the Jews had found him
duly observing their national customs therein, as described above,
p. 419. But at the recollection of the riot S. Paul's indignation
at the utter fiJsity of the charge causes him to break off suddenly'

20 and turn round on his accusers. Even they, the Sanhedrin, had
been unable to pronounce him guilty, when standing be/ore them ;
and now he challenges them to say what crime they found in him,

21 unless indeed they reckoned as such his faith in the resurrection, of
which the Pharisees themselves were ardent supporters (verse 15).

Felix adjourns the case

22 But Felix, having more exact knowledge conceming the
Way, deferred them, saying, When Lysias the chief captain

23 shall come down, I will determine your matter. And he gave
order to the centurion that he should be kept in charge, and
should have indulgence ; and not to forbid any of 'his friends
to mmister' unto him.

22 To S. Paul's indignant question his accusers could give no
answer : there was no evidence whatever against him. His real
crime was simply that he was a consistent Christian. Felix, owing
to his residence in Palestine, had for a Roman a very accurate
knowledge of this new Way, and he perceived tliis. He knew also

^ The whole of life falls ander the interrogation of conscience, because God is
%lway present (ii 25). Cp. xxiii 1, p. 432. > There were (RV) is not in the

Greek, and the sentence is left unfinished: cp. xxiii 9. ^ literally hia awn

[Jn i 11). ^ AY adds or come.

448 THE CASE IS ADJOURNED xxiv 22-24

that this was no real crime ; the other Christians were left nnmolested
even by the Jews, and Paul ought to have been set free. Nerer-
theless he adjourned the case. He had already had difficaltieR
with the Jews ; an influential deputation had now come down, whick
represented the whole nation, and he did not want to offend them.
Tnere was a good excuse : die accusers and accused contradicted
one another, and the obvious course was to wait for the evidence of
Lysiots. Accordingly Felix pronounced the word 'Amplius,' and

23 the case was adjourned. Meanwhile Paul was to be keni in charge^
viz. in *' free custody.' He was probably chained by tne aim to a
soldier, and placed under the surveillance oi b, centurion; but other-
wise he enjoyed his * liberty' (AV), and his friends had free access
to him\

Lysias however did not come. Nor did Felix seem in a hurry to
sit for the second hearing. The Jews would not press for it They
knew that they had a bad case ; and their relations with Felix were
becoming more and more strained. Accordingly, although unconvicted,
Paul was kept in confinement. S. Luke however avenges the injustice.
In one of his vivid pictures he portrays, and so condemns, tlie character
of Felix, like that of another unjust judge — Agrippa I (xii 20-23).

Pavl and Felix

24 But after certain days, Felix came with Dnifiilla, 'his
wife, which was a Jewess', and sent for Paul, and heard him

25 concerning the fidth in Christ Jesus. And as he reasoned of
righteousness, and ^temperance, and the judgement to come,
Felix was "terrified, and answered, Go thy way for this time;
and when I have a convenient season, I will call thee unto

26 me. He hoped withal that money would be given him of
Paul': wherefore also he sent for him the oftener, and
communed with him.

27 But when two years were fulfilled, Felix was succeeded
by Porcius Festus ; 'and desiring to gain favour with the
Jews, Felix left Paul in bonds.

24 The recent events at Jerusalem, as well as the rapid growth of
Christianity, had aroused much curiosity as to S. raid— «moDg
others in the governor's toife. His present wife Drusilla (for Fdix

^ This indulgence may be iUustrated by Josephas* description of the oonfinenMot
of Agrippa I who was imprisoned by Tiberias for uttering some rash words {Ant,
XYiii 6. 7). After his liberation by Galignla he dedicated a chain of gold in tb*
temple. > Gk his own wife. ' Bezan adds who asked to see Pami sMi

hear ths word. Being willing therefore to satisfy her, he [sent. * Man? »^'

control. B or alarmed. ^ AV adds that he might loose him. ' fiestf

reads hut Paul he left in ward for the »ake of Drusilla.

KXiv 24-26 FELIX AND DRUSILLA 449

was thrice married) was a Jefwess, Drusilla was the daughter of
the Herod (Agrippa I) who slew James and would have dain Peter,
and the sister oi the Agrippa f II) of ch. xxvi. Her brother had
given her in marriage to Azizus king of Emesa, who had for her sake
submitted to circumcision. But, as we have seen (p. 409), Drusilla
abandoned Azizus for Felix, out of jealousy Tit was alleged) of her
sister Berenice, a rival beauty. At the deatn of her father in 44
Drusilla was 6 years old, so she would now be about 17 or 18.
According to the very probable version of some Bezan authorities,
it was in order to gratify her curiosity that Felix sent for Paul^
to sive account of his faith. This was probably to be given in the
aumence chamber ; and the scene was an anticipation, on a smaller
scale, of that described in ch. xxvi'. Felix however was a man of

25 a different moral fibre to Festus. Paul read his character well ; he
would also know that Drusilla waj9 another man's wife. Therefore,
instead of delivering an oratorical 'apoloda,' S. Paul, like another
John the Baptist', reasoned concerning tne firat principles of the
Christ, viz. righteousness, continence, and the judgement to corned
The first two chapters of the Epistle to the Romans shew us how
the apostle could treat the subject. Felix was alarmed (as he had
reason to be) and broke off the audience saying that when he found

26 another opportwnity he would summon him again for a (public)
audience. For in private Felix had frequent conversations with
him. Felix' conscience had not been very deeply stirred, and he
hoped that Paul would purchase his liberty by a bribe. In this
expectation S. Luke gives us his estimate of Felix' administration
of justice*. We cannot help being surprised at the little effect
produced upon Felix by his intercourse with S. Paul. The case
nad been very different with the governor of Cyprus. But in the
servile character of this Greek adventurer there was not any depth
of soil in which the word could germinate.

Work at Caesarea

S. Paul remained in confinement at Caesarea, waiting for the
second hearing, ttvo full yea/rs. This note of time marks an epoch.
After Antioch, Corinth, and Ephesus, Caesarea now in its turn becomes
B. Paul's head-quarters. As a capital Caesarea was not equal to the
other cities: but as the scene of the reception of Cornelius into the
church by S. Peter (ch, x), it could be considered as the mother-city
of the Gentile churches ; and, having S. Philip the Evangelist for an
intermediary, it forms a link between the two 'front-rank' apostles.

1 from his place of confinement, which need not have been in the Praetoriam.
s Cp. also xiii 7. ' who told Herod Antipas that he might not have his brother

Philip's wife (Lk iii 19). Hie emphasis in the words hU own wife may therefore be
an instance of irony, anless they are meant to oonyey a reproach to the Jeweu
DnisiUa for marrying the Gentile Felix. * Cp. Hebr vi 1. ' Similarly,

when Albinas, the sacoessor of Festus, left the proyince, ' only he who did not giye
was left in prison as a criminal * (Josephus B. J. n 14. 11).

R. A. 29

460 TWO YEARS AT CAESAKEA xxiV27

S. Paul's confiuement was not harsh. It was the 'custodia Uben'
described above; and very likely, as afterwards at Rome, he lived in a
lodging of his own^ He would enjoy the society of S. Phihp and iJie
Christians of Caesarea, and his own cusciples would quickly gaUier rooikL
8. Luke and Aristarchus were at his side, sharing in some wav his
captivity'. Further, communication with his churches of Maceaonia,
Achaia^ and Asia, would be reopened. Indeed there is some mund for
supposing that the Epistles to the Ephesians, Colossians, and Philemon,
were written from the apostle's prison — not at Rome but — at Gaesarea.
It is almost certain that he must have written during this period to the
churches *in Asia' — and who so fitting a messenger as Tychicus, who
had come up with him to Jerusalem'? He must also have been count-
ing on restoration to liberty as soon as Felix would hear his case\
Nevertheless, though some circumstances would suit Caesarea very well,
the general situation implied in the letters, together with their style
and theology, has decided most critics in feivour of the Roman im-
prisonment.

Other literary works however, we may be confident, were in progresa.
Precluded from active work by his attendance on S. Paul, tne mind
of S. Luke must have turned to literary occupations, for which he was
so well fitted. The development of affairs and the contact with
governors and Roman personages shewed that the Roman world was
readjr for a literary presentation of Christianity. Besides, there were
pressing needs at home within the church. The churches of Asia,
Achaia, and Macedonia, now deprived of their founder, stood in sore
need of some authentic account of the word he preached. His own
literary instincts must have convinced S. Luke of tne necessitv of some
permanent record of 'the matters which had been frdfilled amoDg^
the passing generation, if they were not to be wholly lost In &ct
there had already been a number of attempts at such records.
But these had been fragmentary, and not wholly successful Indeed
they could hardly have been otherwise, until sufiicient time had
elapsed to enable the eye to take in the past as a whole. Now
however the moment haa come to draw up an orderly narrative 'of
all thin^ from the firsts' For carrying out such a work the evangelist
had unrivalled opportunities at Caesarea. The apostolic cycle of onl
teaching must have assumed a more or less fixed form some years
earlier, oefore the Twelve had left Jerusalem: this form would corre-
spond to the groundwork of S. Mark's Gospel, and so much may have
already been conmiitted to writing. At a,ny rate in Palestine S. Lake
would have access to the apostolic tradition in its purest form; as also
to^ many of the original authorities, who had been * eye-witnesses and
ministers of the word from the bediming.' If not the Blessed Viigm
herself, there were members of the Lord's family still livinir: such
was James the Lord's brother. There were also * early disciples,' like
Mnason, who could recollect incidents of the Lord's ministry, and

1 xxviii 30. » xxvii 1-2 : Col iv 10 Aristarchus my feUffW-jprinm*

» XX 4, Eph vi 21-2, Col iv 7-y. * PhUem 22. « Lk i 1-4.

XXIV 27 FESTUS SUCCEEDS FELIX 461

give an account of the early growth of the church. Preeminent
among these would rank Philip the Evangelist; and from him S. Luke
might have obtained most of his information for the early part of the
Acts. Besides this, S. Luke had his own notes of S. Paul's work
on the shores of the Aegean and of the recent journey and the trials :
these could now be written out at leisure. The Acts of course could
not have been completed as yet; but there seems no ade(^uate reason
why the Gospel may not have been substantially compiled (if not
actually published and sent to Theophilus) in tne course of these
two years.

All this however is matter of conjecture. From Josephus we can
learn something of the political events that were taking place outside
S. Paul's prison. Caesarea was oridnally a Syrian city ; but after it
had been refounded and rebuilt by Herod the Great, Jews and Syrians
enjoyed equal rights of citizenship. This led to constant friction and
disturbance. The Jews formed the wealthier and more influential
class of citizens; but the Syrian populace was supported by the Roman
mrrison, which was largely recruited from the Syrian inhabitants.
While Paul was at Caesarea, the party jealousies at last broke out in
an open fight between Jews and Gentiles in the market-place. Felix
ordered the Jews to return home; and when they refused to go, he let
loose his soldiery, who slew many of them and pillaged their houses.
This resulted in appeals to Rome, and Felix himseJi was recalled to
answer for the riot. The Jewish deputation at Rome then accused
Felix of misgovemment, and it would have gone badly with him but
for the influence of his brother Pallas (p. 409).

27 When he left Caesarea, having now good reason to conciliate the
Jews, Felix left Paul in bonds^. The Bezan text informs us that
he did so at the special request of Drusilla, who can have borne no
greater love for Paul than Herodias for John the Baptist. Felix'
successor was Pordus Festus, of whom we know little. In com-
parison with his predecessor Felix and his successor Albinus, he
seems to have been a just and ffood governor. His name has a
genuine Roman sound ; Roman ideals of justice were his guiding
principles (xxv 16) ; and S. Paul treats him with evident respect
(xxvi 25). Unfortunately for the Jews he died after a short term
of office.

§ 2 The trial before Featus and appeal to Ca£9ar

One of the first duties of a new governor would be to settle all
causes left undecided by his predecessor. The Jews too were quick
to seize their opportunity with a new and inexperienced governor : no
doubt the presence of the apostle at Caesarea had proved a ^eat source
of strength to the 'sect of the Nazarenes,' and so inflamed their hostihty.

^ Gp. zii 3. Albinos, having similar reasons to onrry fayour with the Jews when
he left Jndaca, executed the most gailty of his prinoners, bat set free those aconsed
of lighter charges (JoHephas Ant. xx 9. 5). For the exact meaning of the phrase
translated to gain favour^ see on xxv 9, p. 455.

29—2

452 a PAUL APPEALS xxv l-il

Accordingly thev at once lodged a firesb indictment against S. Paul
Festus on his side displayed the qualities of a just judge. He appealed
to tiie Roman traditions of justice; he made no delay; and there is no
suggestion of bribery. But he was evidently perplexed by these
questions about Jewish law, which were entirely new to him. Tlie
unanimous feeling of the Jewish nation must have had great wei^t
mih him, and their Sanhedrin was obviously the natural court to
settle such matters. His attitude decided S. rauFs^ course of acti(HL
S. Paul had waited two years for the hearing of his case ; and now
with a good governor, who admitted his innocence bom the point of
view of a Roman judge, he finds that all that he can expect is to have
his case sent back to the Sanhedrin. What their sentence would be
he knew very well, viz. that he ought not to live any longer (verse 24).
Here was but one alternative left, and this he adopted ; it was an
appeal unto Caesar.

This appeal was originally to the Roman people, but since the days
of Augustus, the Caesar had stepped into their place. This chaDge
made the power of appeal one of the most valuable i>rivilege3 of a
citizen of the empire. For the Caesar's jealousy for ms own power
made him very scrupulous to protect this right of appeal to himselt
There were certain restrictions to prevent abuse of the privilege, as, for
instance, in the case of brigandage or sedition when prompt measmeB
were necessary. But otherwise, the moment the appellant uttered tlie
words Caesarem appeUoy all proceedings in the provincial court were
stayed and his case was remitted to Rome. Till he was heard thoe^
he was treated as uncondemned, and protected from any violent treat-
ment by the severest penalties. Thus by uttering two words S. Paol
was able to deliver himself altogether out of the power of the Jew&
This utterance (in verse 11) is the critical moment in the whole process.
The final issue was probably still uncertain when S. Luke was peDDing
this narrative^; but for the present the apostle was secured against
all attacks of the Jews, and transferred to another arena.

For this very reason, however, it was with great reluctance that
S. Paul made his appeal. It was the final and complete assertion of bis
Roman citizenship and acceptance of Caesar as his king : to die Jevs
it meant repudiation of the theocracy and apostasy from Moses. But
the apostle in the past two years must liave thoroughly weighed the
question. The Lord himself in the vision at Jerusalem (xxiii llj might
almost be said to have suggested it; for it seemed at the time tne only
possible method of reaching Rome. And lastly, the Jews were quitfl
accustomed to making appeals themselves. This very year deputations
had gone to Ropae from Caesarea : the difficulties, wmch arose out of
the Samaritan disturbance mentioned above, had been settled at Boise
by Claudius : before that the Jews had been obliged to appeal against
their procurators Cuspius Fadus and Pontius Pilate : and we have the
&mous account of the embassy of Alexandrine Jews to Caligula written

^ See Introd. ch. ill § 5.

XXV 1-11 UNTO CAESAR 463

by Philo, himself one of the delegates. But all these appeals were
against the Roman officials or Gentile violence. The Jews had not
appealed against one another on matters of their own law. Therefore
8. Luke endeavours to make it clear, by an accurate narrative of the
facts, that in this matter of the appeal Paul was acting under the
same compulsion as the Jews themselves, viz. the compulsion of in-
ipstice : 1 vxis constrained to appeal unto Caesar^ says uie apostle at
Kg

me%

25 Festus therefore, having "come into the province, after
2 three days went up to Jerusalem from Caesarea. And the

*chief priests and the ^principal men of the Jews informed
Shim against Paul; and they besought him, asking &vour

against him, that he would send for him to Jerusalem ;

4 laying wait to kill him on the way. Howbeit Festus answered,
that Paul was kept in charge at Csosarea, and that he himself

5 was about to depart thither shortly. Let them therefore,
saith he, which are "of power among you, go down with me,
and if there is anything amiss in the man, let them accuse
him.

6 And when he had tarried among them 'not more than
eight or ten days, he went down unto Caesarea ; and on the
morrow he sat on the 'judgement-seat, and commanded Paul

7 to be brought And when he was come, the Jews which had
oome down from Jerusalem stood round about him, bringing
against him many and "grievous charges, which they could

8 not prove ; while Paul said in his defence. Neither against
the law of the Jews, nor against the temple, nor against

9 Csesar, have I sinned at all. But Festus, desiring to gain
&vour with the Jews, answered Paul, and said. Wilt thou go
up to Jerusalem, and there be judged of these things before

10 me? But Paul said, I am standing before Caesar's 'judge-
ment-seat, where I ought to be judged : to the Jews have

1 1 1 done no wrong, as thou also very well knowest If then I
am a wrong-doer, and have committed anything worthy of
death, I refuse not to die : but 'if none of those things is truc^

^ zxriii 19. See alBO pp. 405-6. ' Marg entered upon hit province.

* Ok high-prietU: AV reads high-prietU * Qkfartt. « AV able. • AV

omits not and eight or; bat AY marg agrees with oar text. ' Gk bima,

« Gk heavy. * AV translates the Gk literaUy if there be none of thete tkingt
(omittiiig it true).

454 S. PAUL APPEALS xxvM

whereof these accuse me, no man can ^give me up nnto them.
12 I appeal unto Caesar. Then Festos, when he had conferred
with the council, answered, 'Thou hast appealed unto CsoBar:
unto Csesar shalt thou go.

1 Festus probably landed at Gaesarea in the early snmmer of 57;
and after a day's rest', went up, like an active and consdentioiis
governor, to Jerusalem, the real capital of the country. At Jerasalem
there was a new high-priest^ Ishmael ben Phabi having taken the

2 place of Ananias, but the change meant no change of policy. For
the high-prints and the first men of the Jews, i.e. the Saddacean
fieu^on and the leaders of the Sanhedrin^ at once lodged an mm^
911^^ against Paul. This was endorsed by the whok people, who
in a tumultuous throng demanded his death (verse 24). Festns
refused to condemn him without a proper trial and hearing his

3 defence^ Then the Jewish authorities asked as a favour that he
might be brought to Jerusalem for trial before the Sanhedrin, their
object being to procure his assassination on the way. This would
be no difficult matter in the unsettled state of the country' : and
two years ago forty men had taken a vow to kill Paul (zxiii 12l

4 Festus replied that, as the prisoner was a>t Caesarea, and be himself
was returning thitiier (to receive Agrippa and the other magnates

5 of the province), the trial should take place there; and an in/^mtiaP
body of the Jews should come down and accuse him, if he had done
anything amiss,

6 Festus only stayed at Jerusalem eight or ten daus^; and after
his return to Caesarea he held his court without delay (verse 17),

7 and Paul was brought in for trial. The prosecutors from Jeru-
salem surrounded him and made up for their want of eridfflioe
by the violence of their outcries, declaring that is was vnfa
to live^, Festus was surprised to find that the grievous m»*
demeanours of which he was accused were not m a criminal
character, but concerned their religian^^ their temple and law, and
in particular one Jesus who was dead and whose claims were

8 supposed to affect the position of Caesar. Paul denied the chaiges
hwt affirmed more than once that this Jesus was cdive. Festus, not
having Felix' acquaintance with 'the way,' was completely bewildered;

^ Gk grant me by favour. ' or, as AV, Ha$t theu appealed tmto Caeter^

* after three days = on the third day ; op. xxviii 17. * For Uie * Krst Tm ' fl«

S. 222 n. *. On a later occasion Festus allowed Ishmael and * the first ten ' of ^
ews to go on a depatation to Borne (Joseph. Ant. xx 8. 11). Here, as in xiiifiO
and xvii 4, we see the first becoming a general term for the leading men of i
place. ' We have Festns* account of the proceedings in vr. 14-21, 244.

* Festus* first occupation was to try and dear Judaea of the neont and hrigm^
(Joseph. Ant. xx 8. 10). ' The Greek word (Ut. pwoerfuX^ is regularly used in
Josephus for the ' influential ' : as also in I Cor i 26 mighty. * The expnaooo
Khews S. Luke*s care to be accurate, and that we can depend apon his figuns sIm-
where. > Cp. Lk xxiii 10 stood, vehemently aeeueing him, » Tens 19:
for this word see on xrii 22, p. SOS.

XXV 8-12 UNTO CAESAR 465

and the obvious solution was to refer the matter, as the Jews had
9 requested, to the Sanhedrin, Besides, he wa« not indisposed to seize
the opportunity of gaining popularity with the Jews^, while his own
presence at tne sitting of tne Sanhedrin would be a guarantee
against injustice. But Paul was a Roman citizen and his case
could not be submitted to a provincial tribunal without his own

10 consent. This he refused to give. He was already in Caesars
court, for the procurator was Ciiesar's representative, and in that
court judgement ought to he pronounced. Festus could very clearly
perceive, m fact he had admitted, that he was guilty of no crime

11 against the Jews. If it could be proved that he had oeen guilty of
any specific injury, he was ready to be punished : but he refused, as
a confessedly innocent man, to he made a present of to the Jews*.
This he once for all made impossible by uttering the two words

12 Caesarem appelto, I appeal unto Caesar, Festus first conferred
with his council, the officials and legal advisers who formed a
Roman governor's 'court,' and then declared that the appeal was
allowed. *7b Caesar thou hast appealed^ To Ca^esar thou shalt go.'
By these solemn and decisive words the Jews, who had been
thronging Paul like hungry wolves, were balked of their prey.
Festus' difficulty however was not at an end. With the prisoner
he would have to send 'letters dimissory* containing a statement
of the case (verse 26), and how was he to present this affair in a
Roman dress? Circumstances solved the difficulty by the intro-
duction of a new personage.

§ 3 Paid and Agrippa

On the arrival of a new governor the dependent princes of the
neighbourhood and other magnates would hasten to pay him their
respects, and accordingly Aarippa the king and Berenic^ came doum to
Caesarea. This Agrippa (II) was the son of the Herod Aprippa who
had been king of Judaea and died in 44 (ch. xii). At the time of
his Sebther's death Agrippa II was at Rome, where he was being brought
up at the court of Cfaucuus. As he was then only 17 years old, Claudius
did not give him his father's kingdom, but kept him still at Rome.
About eight years later, Herod king of Chalcis', who was Agrippa's
nncle and had married his sister Berenice, died, and Claudius gave
Chalcis to Agrippa. At the same time he gave him the prerogative of

^ The literal sense of the Greek is lay up favour oi a depotit, ie. la^ the
Jews ander an obUgation. ' as had been the case with the Lord (iii 14).

* The verb may be affirmative or interrogatiye. The order of the words in the Greek
is in fiayour of the former alternative ; I Cor vii 18, 21, 27 of the latter. The in-
terro^tive translation rather detracts from the solemnity of the sentence and gives
it a rmg of annoyance, as if Festus was not pleased with being appealed against in
his first trial. In I Cor i 18 there is a similar uncertainty. ^ The Bemiee of

the text is a popular abbreviation of Berenice, which is the Maoedonian form of the
Greek Phereniee {«* carrying off t9te victory). Veronica is another form of the same
name. * Chalcis was a principality of Coele Syria in Mt Lebanon, NW of

Damaions.

456 AGRIPPA THE KING xxvi5

appointing the high-priests of the Jews, together with the snperyision
of the temple. In 53 Claudius gave him, in exchange for Ghalcis, some
principalities in Northern Palestine with the title of king. This wm
the cause of Agrippa's leaving Rome, and he returned to Palestine,
where we now find him at the age of thirty. Besides this son,
Agrippa I had also left behind him three daughters — Berenice, Mari-
amne and Brasilia. Brasilia's fortunes we have traced. Berenice, on
the death of her uncle and first husband Herod, had joined her broths
Agrippa at Rome. When scandalous reports began to be circulated in
Roman society as to their mutual relations, Berenice left the city to
marry Polemo, a Cilician potentate. It was not long, however, befcve
she aeserted him, and returned to her brother, in whose company sh6
was now visiting Caesarea.

The arrival of Agrippa was a godsend for Festus. On the one side
he was a real Jew and held an authoritative position in the Jewish
religious polity. He was therefore fully conversant wi^ Jewish
customs and theology. When at Rome, he had on two occasions used
his influence with Ckudius on behalf of his countrymen with success.
Against one goveraor, Cuspius Fadus, he had secured for the Jews
the custody of the high-priest's vestments ; he also procured for them
the condemnation of another governor, Cumanus. On the other side^
like all the Herods and their partisans the Herodians, he was thoroughly
Roman in tastes and sympathies. He had been educated at Rome and
before his accession had hardly seen Judaea. On his coins he calls him-
self PHILOCAESAK and PHiLOROMAios. Further, at the present moment
he was not on good terms with the high-priestly party. He had deposed
Ananias from the high-priesthood \ and an open rupture was immment
In his palace at Jerasalem Agrippa was building a tower which over-
looked the temple courts ; to cut off his view the high-priests raised
a counter-wall; and the quarrel which ensued had to be settled at
Rome. When the Jewish rebelUon was on the point of breaking out
in 66, Herod did his utmost to avert it; as did Berenice, who at the
time of the outbreak was in Jerasalem in fulfilment of a Naadrite vow.
But when the war actually broke out, Herod sided with the Romans
and remained loyal to them to the end.

This double character of Agrippa made Paul also the more ready to
make his defence before him. Agrippa would thoroughly understand
the points at issue, and at the same time was no bigot; rather, his
actual relations to the high-priests would dispose him to give Paul an
impartial hearing. Accordingly the apostle made a jnreat effort and
d^vered the speech which is evidently intended by S. Luke to form
a chmax in his work. The solemnity of the occasion is marked by
its elaborate setting, and the repetitions which it involves*. Three
times over we read the account of Festus' dealings with the Jews ; and
thereby three times is the apostle's innocence msinuated'. For the

1 So in later years he deposed Ananus after his illegal murder of 8. James.
' There is similar repetition in chapters x-xi, which also centre round Caesarea.
» w. 10, 18, 25.

txv IS AGRIPPA THE KING 467

hird time we heax the story of S. Paurs conversion. That £unous
episode is now told by the apostle in a scene of pomp and before
i distinguished audience of Jewish and Gentile magnates, before a
Eloman governor and a Jewish king, — in a word b^^e the Gentiles
2nd kings and the children of Israel (ix 15).

The emphasis lies on the word king(y. 13)\ Christianity is the religion
3f fflad tidings to the poor, and it be^an with them^ But as it a£^t8
ill numau Ufe, sooner or later it reacnes the highest ranks and royalty
itself. Since the Incarnation all kings and ruling powers within the
sphere of Christian influence have had to. make their reckoning with the
cnurch. They cannot avoid it, for the life of the church is mtimately
C50imected with the welfare of their subjects ; and because of their
public character and the widespread consequences of their actions, the
attitude of rulers towards Christianity is at once most conspicuous and
most pregnant with results for good or evil. Thus with good reason
S. Luke, whose sympathies on the side of poverty are most evident, is
careful to sketch for us the appeal which the gospel makes to the great
and noble of the earth. We have already noticed some aristocratic lean-
ings'; and this scene shews us the catholic character of his interests,
which can take in all, both great and small (xxvi 22). In the political
world indeed Agrippa was only a petty potentate, but socially he
represented a great influence. The Herodian family stand out con-
spicuous for their intimate connexion with the family of the Caesars,
which gave them a leading position in Roman society. Herod the
Great had been a favourite both of Antony and Augustus. His
grandson A^ppa I was educated in the imperial household, and it
was his intimate friendship with the young Gains Caesar, afterwards
the Emperor Caligula, which brought him under the displeasure of
Tiberius (p. 173). His son, again, Agrippa II, was brought up at
the court of Claudius. Even when the Julian fine was displaced by
the feunily of the Flavians the connexion still continued. For Berenice
attracted the attention of Vespasian, and became the mistress of his
son Titus. She aceompanied Titus to Rome, but when he succeeded
his father, the scandal became too great and Berenice had to leave
the city.

And now Paul the apostle is brought into contact with this worldly
and philo-roman family of the Herods. It is striking how the fortunes
of tnat family were bound up with the origins of the church, but it was
an ill-starred connexion for the Herods. Their founder, Herod the
Great, had tried to destroy the in£mt Jesus. His son Antipas, the
tetrarch of Galilee, behead^ John the Baptist, and won from tne Lord
the title of ' fox.' His grandson Agrippa 1 slew James the son of
Zebedee with the sword. Now we see raul brought before Agrippa's
son. As die Lord before Herod Antipas, so Paul stands before Herod
Agrippa II ; and on each occasion the trial served to cement the friend-

1 It ocoon in these chapters 11 times, elsewhere in the Acts only 9 timet
altogether: cp. also the Augu$tui in tv. 21, 25 and the lord { = donUnut) in 96.
• Gp. Lk lY 18, Ti 20, yii 22. * See p. 292.

i

468 AGRIPPA AND BERENICE xxvis

ship between the Herodian prince and the Roman governor. 8. Peter
also had the honour of being arrested by a Herod : and the pomp
of this scene is an evident connterpicture to the ostentatious display
made at Caesarea by the first Agrippa \ Of all these Herods, Agrippa II
comes out tiie best. The Lord would not open his lips before Antipas;
nor would Paul rive an exposition of his faith before Drusilla. But
before Agrippa II the apostle makes his most elaborate ' apologia pro
vit4 su£ ; he bears witness to the king's Jewish feiith; he had erai
hopes of winning him to Christianity. It is true that Agrippa some-
wlMit cjmically warded ofiF S. Paul's advances, but had he been as
morally worthless as the other Herods, we feel sure that the apostle
would have adopted a different tone'.

Agrippa^s visit to Festus

13 Now when certain days were pajssed^ Agrippa the king

14 and Bemice arrived at Csesarea, 'and saluted Festos. And
as they tarried there many days, Festus laid Paul's case
before the king, saying, There is a certain man left a prisoner

15 by Felix : about whom, when I was at Jerusalem, Hhe chief
priests and the elders of the Jews informed tne, asking for

16 sentence against him. To whom I answered, that it is not
the custom of the Romans to give up any man% before tbat
the accused have the accusers fauce to fieice, and have had
opportunity to make his defence concerning the matter laid

17 against him. When therefore they were come together here,
I made no delay, but on the next day sat down on the
"judgement-seat^ and commanded the man to be brought

18 Concerning whom, when the accusers stood up, they brought

19 no charge of such evil things as I supposed ; but had certeffl
questions against him of their own ^religion, and of one Jesus,

20 who was dead, whom Paul afiirmed to be alive. And I, being
perplexed how to inquire concerning these things, asked
whether he would go to Jerusalem, and there be judged of

21 these matters. But when Paul had appealed to be kept fen*

1 zii 20-3. For the Herods see Mt ii, Lk ui 19-20, ix 9 (Mt ziy 1-12), ziii SS,
xxiii 7-12, Acts iv 27, xii, xiii 1. * Agrippa was also a firiend and patron of

Josephos ; and, in order to give employment to the workmen thrown oat ol work at
the completion of the temple, he paved the city of Jerusalem. ' Biarg haoM

saluted : AY with the later mss reads to $dlute. * Gk the hifh-priatt end iht

presbyten, * AV and Bezan add to die (lit. to degtruetion viii 20). * ^

bema. ' Marg tupentition (p. 808).

XXV 13-14 VISIT CAESAREA 459

the decision of Hhe emperor, I commanded him to be kept

22 till I should send him to Csesar. And Agrippa said unto
Festus, I also 'could wish to hear the man myself. To-morrow,
saith he, thou shalt hear him.

23 So on the morrow, when Agrippa was come, and Bemice,
with great pomp, and they were entered into the place of
hearing, with the chief captains, and the principal men' of
the city, at the command of Festus Paul was brought in.

24 And Festus saith, King Agrippa, and all men which are here
present with us, ye behold this man, about whom all the
multitude of the Jews made suit to me, both at Jerusalem

25 and here^ crying that he ought not to live any longer. But
I found that he had committed nothing worthy of death :
and as he himself appealed to Hhe emperor I determined to

26 send him. Of whom I have no certain thing to write unto
•my lord. Wherefore I have brought him forth before you,
and specially before thee, king Agrippa, that, after examination

27 had, I may have somewhat to write. For it seemeth to me
unreasonable, in sending a prisoner, not withal to signify the
charges against him.

13 After some days Agrippa and Berenice came daum to Caesarea
from their territory in Northern Palestine', and paid Festus a
ceremonial visit. The past participle (translated m the margin
hamng sainted) early proved a difficulty, and most copyists altered
it into the fdture — to salute (AV); but the translation in the text

14 and saluted seems to be in accordance with S. Luke's usage^ They
made a stay qf some days at Caesarea, and Festus seized the oppor-
tunity of rrferring Pauts case to Agrippa. How S. Luke ascertamed

^ QiktheSehattOiiJjsX.Augasttu), ' li9X%w<u wishing, ' A Bczan aothority
has who had come down from the province. * Bezan raeicU that I $hould deliver

him up to them for torture [or death] without any defence. But I could not deliver
him up because of the orders which we have from the Augustus. But if any one was
wHUng to accuse Aim, I said that he should foUow me to Caesarea where he was in
custody. And when they had come, they cried out that his life should be taken away,
85 But when I had heard both sides, I found that in no respect was he worthy of
death. But when I said Wilt thou be judged with them in Jerusalem f he appealed
to Caesar. [26 Of whom etc. * Gk the lord, ' Had th^ been at their

palace in Jernsalem, they woald probably have saluted Festus there. ' For

8. Luke's treatment of participles see pp. 1S3-4. In this part of the Acts we have
the following instances, where the words in italiot stand for past participles whioh
come after uie finite verb : xxii 34 * commanded him to be brought into the castle
and bade,* xxiii 23-5 * and he called... and said...aiui wroU a letter,' xxiv 22-8 * Felix
...deferred them and said.. .and commanded,*

460 FESTDS AND AGRIPPA xxv 16-22

what transpired between them is not obvious ; Festns' commnnica-
tion may have been made at some public interview ; at any rate the

16 account before us has every mark of truthfuhiess. The proud boast
of the custom of the Romans is very characteristic of an honest Roman
judge, contrasting Roman and oriental ideas of justice. The Romans
do not sell their verdicts for money or for popularity^; nor do they
condemn a man unheard. Justice was one of the virtues of the
early Romans; and even in later days, compared with the corrupt
administration of eastern countries, 'the Roman custom ' must have
seemed ideals But Roman virtue had not been proof against the
temptations of power and avarice, and the oppression of the pro-
vinces with the repeated trials of their governors proves that the
actual practice had &llen far below the theory. The Acts itself
affords a somewhat ironical commentary on this boast. Pilate
'made a present of Jesus to the Jews: Felix expected a bribe
from S. Paul and left him in prison in order to curry &vour
with the Jews: Festus himself, tnough convinced of the apostle's
innocence, kept him in prison, also to please the Jews — a motive
which he naturally suppresses in the account he gives Agrippa*.

19 Festus' words ofne Jesus who was dead whom Paul affirmed to be
alive exactly represent the idea which a Roman would have aboot

21 the Lord. Further, in addressing a native king, he uses instead of
' Caesar ' the more imposing title the Augustus, This word was not
originally a personal name, but a Latin adjective applied in religious
usa^e to things venerable or sacred. In B.G. 27 Octavian Cfl^r,
having made himself master of the Roman state, adopted it as a
surname. This was a device for securing a regal position in the
imagination of the populace, without adopting any title which
would arouse popular prejudices because of its despotic associations.
As his successors likewise adopted the title, Augustus (like Caes(xr
which was originally a private family name) became the official
designation of the supreme ruler of the empire. In its Greek equi-
valent Sebastos the religious conception was still more evident It
was derived from the word for worship, which is used in the Acts for
the worshippers of God or devout proselytes*; and being akin to
sebasma (an object of worship, xvii 25), it would help on the worship
of the emperor and pave the way for another title which occurs
below {Lord). Paul having appealed to the Augustus^ Festus had
nothing to do bat to wait until police and postal arrangements
admitted of Paul's despatch to Kome. He was however at a
loss to describe the case and^ api)lied to Agrippa for assistance.

22 This application entirely fell in with Agrippa's own desire. Like
his sister Drusilla, he also had been curious to see Paul and had

1 yerse 16 give a* a favour or preterit : 00 in verse 11 and iii 14 ; qs. alBO ▼▼.
8, 9, and xxiy 27. ' Gp. Jn vii 51. * See Lysias' letter for a dmiUur

iuppresBion (xxiii 27-30). * in xiii 43, 50, xvi 14, xvii 4, 17, xviii 7 : the verb

ftlso occurs in xix 27. Gp. the cohort Augusta (Gk SehattS) of xxvii 1. When
Herod rebuilt Samaria he gave it the name of Sebatte.

Kxv 22-26 IN THE AUDIENCE CHAMBER 461

intended^ to ask Festus for an opportunity of hearing the man — a
somewliat contemptuous expression when compared with the more
polite word (for man) used by Festus in verses 5 and 14.

A^ppa's wish was gratified. Festus decided to make Paul's
'hearmg' an occasion for a compliment to the king. In compensation
for their loss of liberty and real power, the dependent prmces and
wealthy provincials found scope for their ambition in tne outward
show of dress and ceremonial, of decorations and grand titles. So
Festus gave the young Herodian prince the opportunity of making
a public display with the semblance of power ; for he conceded to
him (it would seem) the judge's seat, Agrippa permits Paul to
speak, takes precedence of the governor in rismg firom his seat, and
pronounces tne final verdict. The scene was to be in the Palace
(p. 440) ; not in its Basilica or hall of lustice, but in the Auditorium
or hall of hearing, lliis would be the hall devoted to matters of
public ceremonial, oratorical displays, and similar shows, so corre-
sponding to the ' schools ' and ' porches ' in the public gymnasia'.

23 Agrippa and Berenice accordingly came to the palace in royal state,
with much splendour of apparel' and escort; and then, together with
the procurator and the chi^ captains of the Boman garrison^
the chitf men of the city, both Jews and Syrians, and the notables
who had accompanied iliem from the province, they entered the
Audience-chamber and took their seats. Then Paul was brought

24 tn, still wearing his chain*, and Festus presented him to the king
and assembled ma^gnates.

Festus' speech is given with fuller detail in the Bezan text ; its
26 conclusion was that he had no safe or reliable information about
Paul to write to the lord, viz. the emperor. The Greek word kyrios
is here the translation of the Latin dominus; and the significance of
both words is the same. Dominus denoted the master of the house
(domus) ; and as the authority of the Roman paterfistmilias over his
household or 'family' of sons and slaves alike was well-nigh absolute,
an idea of absolutism attached itself to dominus^ which made it a
term especially appropriate to the deity. Hence both Augustus
and Tiberius refused tne title when pressed upon them : the latter
sharply rebuked those who spoke of his work as ' divine ' and styl^
him *lord*.' But the ready adulation of their subjects prevailed,
and after Tiberius' reign dominus, i.e. the lord, became the regular
designation of the emperor. Similarly the Greek kyrios denoted
mastership or ownership (as in xvi 19); and while on the one hand

1 In comparison with the different expression for a wish in xxvi 29, the Greek
▼erb mast be taken literally, as in the margin, / w<u wishing, i.e. it had been his
mind or intention. If it is simply the expression of a present wish, the form in the
text should properly denote a wish whicn was incapable of folfilment, as in Rom
ix 3. Cp. the cariosity of Herod Antipas in Lk xxiii 8. ^ See p. 851.

' not 80 splendid however as Agrippa I's royal apparel of silyer (xii 21). * This
consisted of 5 cohorts, each of which was under a military trilmne or ehiliareht of
the same rank as Lysias. ^ In verse 29 Paul nses the more dramatic and

oratorical expression thae bondi. * Tacitos Ann, n 87.

a

too

462 S. PAUL'S DEFENCE xxvii

it was used in polite conversation as equivalent to Sir (xvi 30, Jn
XX 15), on the other kyrios most fitly designated the master of all
thin^. Thus in the (xreek OT Kyrios is Jehovah, while in the NT
the title is shared with Jehovah by Jesus of Nazareth, who was to
his disciples the Lord\ Festus, then, in order to solve his difficulty,
26 submits Paul to the examination of king Agrippa, who thereu^n
gave Paul permimon to apeak on his own hehaif. Strictly speahng
there was no need for S. Paul to make any defence, naviog
appealed to Caesar, his civil position remained unimpaired (his
'status' was 'integer'); and this preliminary examination was not
legal, but an informal, hearing. The apostle however was only
0 ready to accept the opportumty of bearing witness before such
an assembly and would not insist upon his technical rights. The
scene was one well calculated to call out his characteristic eowroM^
and boldness of speech; and inspired by the contort of tie Hd§
Ghostf he stretched forth his arm, with the chain hanging from it,—
as it were to call Gfod to witness' — and began his * apol^gitL^

PaaCs dffmce to tJie world, and 'apoloffia pro vitd suA^

This speech marks the supreme effort both of the speaker and of
his reporter. It is one of tne most finished passages m the Acts',
adorned with rare words' and with an elaboration oi style, not to say
grandiloquence. However much of this mav be due to S. Luke's
editing, the voice of S. Paul makes itself heard throughout the ^eecL
We recognize his tact in the polite but strictly truthM compument
with which he wins the king to a patient hearing. More evide&t
than his tact is his emotion — as in tne frequent personal appeals to
Agrippa (2, 13, 19, 27), and in the rush of feeling whidi, as in
his epistles, carries him away into parentheses and digressions. Efen
at the beginning he turns on his audience with a direct question (8);
and towards the end three times his zeal draws him from his nairatiTe
into making a statement of his gospel. Similarlv the suppression of
links in the argument shews the same rapidity of uiou^ht which we find
in the Epistles : and the harping upon a word is a Pamine trait, e.g. ctt

^ The disciples called him Master and Lord, Magiiter and Dondmu (Jn xiii 13).
Cp. ii 36 ' made him Lord.' In many places in the Acts it is impossible to distin-
gnish whether Lord stands for Jehovah or the Christ: see Introd. p. IxxiL
' This and the following mention of the Spirit are from the Bezan text. Th^ an
very characteristic and appropriate. For the former cp. xxvi 26 Bpeak-freely; for
the latter cp. iv S and the solemn word in xxvi 25 tpedk-forth^ which was nsed in
ii 14 for utterance inspired by the Spirit. * Like the Christ before Pilate, ba

* witnesses the good confession * before Festus and Agrippa ; and also in the 8i|^
of God and Christ— the only Potentate (I Tim vi 13-5). « There is hardly my

variation here between the Bezan and BY text. StiU in one or two places tb«i
remains an unevenness, e.g. in w. 3, 20, 22. " There are 13 words which ait

found here alone in the NT, viz. expert^ patiently ^ manner of life, twelve-triki,
earjiestnesSj being mad against ^ commiitsion, brightness ^ kick, help, mutt-tuff er, twn^
madnest. We also notice the if for that in w. 8, 23, and several rare forms in the
Qreek.

KXVi TO THE WORLD 463

'2-4), many (^11). The order of the words in the Greek makes
3lear the frequent rhetorical emphasis — *I lived.. .a Pharisee!' *I am
i€cn8ed...&y JewSf 0 kingT 'I saw, 0 king, from heaven... flashing
round me a light!* 'I am Jesus... for this cause I appeared unto thee
...by the faith which is in me!* * me... they endeavoured to slay!* (5,
7y 13, 18, 21). The last sentence, as also verse 7, is marked by barely
suppressed irony — * for these things JewsH) endeavoured to slay me.'
Yet again the speaker's ardour seems to oetray him into an orator's
license of exaggeration, e.g. (several) being put to death, all the syna-
gogues, foreign cities, all the country cf Judaea.

The clearest evidence that the speech is S. Paul's is given by the
way in which he adapts his witness for the gospel both to the People (i.e.
the Jews) and the Gentiles (ver. 23) ; and these concluding words are the
keynote of the whole speech. Ostensibly it is a defence to the Jews,
addressed to a Jewish Idng, and the argument is the same as before.
The apostle shews his thorough Judaism in blood, in education, and in
feeling. As a patriot he beaxs witness to the Jews' zealous service of
God, and he takes his own firm stand upon the national ho^. It was
by the very God of the Jews that he was converted ; and ms mission,
which has aroused their hatred, was undertaken solely in obedience to
the divine command.

But when he reaches his commission S. Paul discloses its content,
which was a gospel for all nations ; and his enthusiasm altogether
carries him beyond the task of vindicating his conduct to the Jews.
To the recent events which had led to the present hearing he only
makes a momentary allusion (21), because any personal injustice to
himself is of no account in comparison with the glory of the gospel.
For the same reason probably he is silent about his blindness^ So also,
having in mind the Gentiles, Festus and his court, he says nothing of his
baptism — a Jewish ceremony, — and he uses familiar Greek sayings such
as kicking aaainst the goad and doing things in a comer. He speaks
of God simply as God, not as *the God of our fathers' ; nor does he use
the Jewish name of Lord (i.e. Jehovah). In the latter half of the
speech the dominating thought is that of Light ri3, 18, 23) — ^an idea
fiMniliar to all men, and, as 'darkness' was the conoition of the Gentiles,
specially associated with their conversion in scripture*. In correspond-
ence with this, the Jews are regarded not as a nation {the Jews) but in
their religious aspect. In contrast to the Gentiles they had been the
people of God (23) : and S. Paul has in view the whole * Israel of God/
the twelve tribes (7). When he does use the word Jew it is as denoting
a type of character — not the Jews, but Jews\

like the speech, the 'gospel' with which it ends, is the climax oi all
former utterances. At Antioch we had S. Paul's gospel to the Jews, at
Ephesus to the Christians. To the Lycaonians and Athenians he had
Doreached the elements of natural religion in preparation for Christianity.
Wow we have a dogmatic gospel for all the world, Jews and Gentiles

^ except for a possible allusion in verse 18. ' ziii 47, Lk ii 32, Isai ix 1-2,

Klii 6, xlix 6, Ix 1-8 ; £ph iv 18, v 8 ; cp. Jn i 4-9. * as in Rom iii 0, 29.

464 S. PAUL'S DEFENCE xxvi

alike. It is indeed the same gospel that the Twelve preached, but
now unfolded in S. Paul's manner ; and in this brief summary an
comprised all the characteristic ideas of his teaching. (1) The
foundation of the gospel is faith in Jesus, verse 18. This foundation is
laid — such was S. Paul's personal experience — in a turning or comxmm.
On man's side conversion means a turning of the will or repefUanc$j
which is sealed by admission into the new life of holiness or sanctifi-
cation in the church. (2) On the divine side, this rep^itance can be
made acceptable, and the gift of a new life made possible, only tluroadi
t^e passion and resurrection of Jesus, who is the Christ : and on the
latter fstct, or the resurrection of the dead, the whole &bric bancs.
(3) From it issues the specially Pauline doctrine wluch crowns the
speech, viz. the catholic character of the gospel which is offered to all
men alike. For the resurrection demonstoited the catholic character
of the ^rson of the Christ, who as the Son of God and Son of Man
stands m an equal relation to all mankind. Thus the doctrine of
verse 23 is but the outcome of the message S. Paul had first prodauned
to the Jews at Damascus, viz. that this (Jesus) is the Christ, and tkii
(Jesus) is theSonofGod. ThsXJesusis the C%m^hehad alsopreacbed
at Thessalonica and at Corinth*. And now the name of the Ckrisli
which is not found in his earlier sermon (xiii^ or his defence (zzii) to
the Jews, comes in to crown his last speecn*. In chapter ziii llie
apostle had spoken of Abraham, of Samuel, and of David : here as
the Christ, Jesus stands over against Moses. To the Gentile world it
was Moses who was the founder and patron of Judaism : and now, lib
a second Moses, the Christ is set forth as the head of a new body,
the society of Christians. S. Paul began his defence by asserting lus
identity with the true Israel, but as the contemporary Jews had rejected
the hope of Israel, so S. Paul rejects them : and the recurrence of this
word Christian^ will help to make clear to the Roman world the dis-
tinction between the real apostates fix)m Moses, the Jews, and the trae
followers of the Christ, the Christians.

Besides the style and doctrine, there is an unmistakeable stamp of
genuineness in the personality of the speaker, what we may venture to
call his egotism. It is on his own personality that he stakes t^e whole
issue. His defence begins with my manner of life ; the crisis of lie
argument is his own conversion, marked with the emphatic /(w. 9, 15);
the gospel is the message which he bore ; and at the end we are m
with the picture of Paul standing as it were * contra mundum.' Inci-
dentally, for Christian readers, the authority of the apostle, which bad
been so severely questioned, is vindicated. His vision of the Christ (16),
the words from the beginning (4), and the title of the office he receive,
minister and witness (16), raise him to the first rank of ChiistiaJi
authorities, viz. those who from the beginning were eye-witnesses and
ministers qf the word (Lk i 2). Lasuy, it is not without interest

^ iz 22, 20, zvii 8, xviii 5. ' yerse 82 ; as also in the last vene of tbs

^hole book. ' which thus marks the oloso of the 2nd as of the 1st part c^ lbs

Aots (xi 26).

txvi 1-13 TO THE WORLD 465

Jiat we again discover, as in the speech before Felix, the triad of
theological virtues — Hope (verse 6), Faith (18) and Charity (in spirit,
19; cp. Rom ix 3).

26 And Agrippa said unto Paul, Thou art permitted to speak
for thyself. Then Paul^ stretched forth his hand, and made
his defence:

2 I think myself 'happy, king Agrippa, that I am to make
my defence before thee this day touching all the things

3 whereof I am accused by 'the Jews : ^especially because thou
art expert in all customs and questions which are among 'the
Jews : wherefore I beseech thee to hear me patiently.

4 My manner of life then from my youth up, which was
from the beginning among mine own nation, and at Jerusalem,

6 know all 'the Jews ; having knowledge of me from the first,
if they be willing to testify, how that after the straitest sect

6 of our religion I lived a Pharisee. And now I stand here to
be judged for the hope of the promise made of God unto our

7 &ther8 ; unto which promise our twelve tribes, earnestly
^serving God night and day, hope to attain. And concerning

8 this hope I am accused by 'the Jews, O king i Why is it
judged incredible with you, if God doth raise the dead?

9 I verily thought with myself, that I ought to do many things

10 contrary to the name of Jesus of Nazareth. And this I also
did in Jerusalem : and I both shut up many of the saints in
prisons, having received authority from the 'chief priests, and
when they were put to death, I gave my vote against them.

11 And punishing them oftentimes in all the synagogues,
I ^strove to make them blaspheme ; and being exceedingly
mad against them, I persecuted them even unto 'foreign
cities.

12 Whereupon as I journeyed to Damascus with the authority

13 and commission of the 'chief priests, at midday, O king,
I saw on the way a light from heaven, above the brightness
of the sun, shining round about me and them that journeyed

1 Bezan inierts taking courage and receiving comfort (i.e. paracUsit) in the Holy
Spirit. ' Gk blested. ' There is no the in the Greek. * Marg

^eeauie thou art especially expert. ' or worthipping. < Gk high-pritMtt.

' or compelled (AY), or wot trying to compel. * v^k outside,

B. A. 30

466 & PAUL'S DEFENCE xxvi2-8

14 with me. And when we were all fidlen to the earthy I heard
a voice saying unto me in the Hebrew language, Saul, Saul,
why persecutest thou me ? it is hard for thee to kick against

15 the 'goad. And I said, Who art thou, Lord ? And the Lord

16 said, I am Jesus whom thou persecutest But arise, and
stand upon thy feet : for to tliis end have I appeared unto
thee, to appoint thee a minister and a witness both of the
things * wherein thou hast seen me, and of the things wherein

17 I will appear unto thee ; delivering thee from the people,

18 and from the Gentiles, unto whom I send thee, to open their
eyes, ^that they may turn from darkness to light, and firom
the '^power of Satan unto God, that they may receive re-
mission of sins and *an inheritance among them that are
sanctified by faith in me.

19 Wherefore, O king Agrippa, I was not disobedi^t unto

20 the heavenly vision : but declared both to them of Damascus
first, and at Jerusalem, and throughout all the country of
Judsea, and also to the Gentiles, that they should repent and

21 turn to God, doing works worthy of repentance. For this
cause 'the Jews seized me in the temple, and assayed to kill

22 me. Having therefore obtained the help that is from God,
I stand unto this day testifying both to small and great,
saying nothing but what the prophets and Moses did say

23 should come ; 'how that the Christ 'must sufier, cmd 'how
that he first by the resurrection of the dead should proclaim
light both to the people and to the Gentiles.

2 I. S. Paul begins his captatio benevol&ntiae with words con-
cerning all the charges brought against him. (1^ This word all is
a hint of the completeness of his gospel which is to be the main
ground of his defence. (2) In beinfi^ able to lay this b^are img
Agrippa the apostle, in spite of his bonds and station at the bar,
esteems himself blessed^\ To proclaim the gospel to such an audience
is all the happiness that he can desire : and, by so conmtulating

3 himself, he pays a most delicate compliment to the King. For
(3) the special ground for his self-congratulation was the king's

^ Bezan inserts /or /«ar, I alone [heard, » Gk goads {AY prieki), • Mtig
with AV reads which thou hast teen, * Marg with AY to turn them, ' 6k

authority, * Gk a lot. ^ There is no t^ in the Greek. " Gk if.

* Marg is subject to suffering, ^'^ For a similar ' beatitade ' or eetimato of

happiness see Phil iii 7-8, and cp. zx 85.

XXVI s-10 TO THE WORLD 467

acquaintance with Jewish life and thong^ht, which will enable him
to appreciate the apostle's answer to Jevoish accusations.
4 Ir. S. Paul then vindicates his own Judaism by an appeal to
his early life, education, and devotion to the observances of religion^
at Jerusalem — matters notorious to all Jews, unwilling as they
were to admit his loyalty to their nation. The evidence of this
has been already recounted, to the Jews in the temple (xxii 3);
the special emphasis here is laid on the long range bacKwaros of his
appeal— /r<w7» my youth up, from the beginning, knawing'(ine)'bqfore
from the first: an emphasis which may hd due to me motive
suggested above, viz. the importance of original witness in the

6 church^ From the beginning S. Paul passes on to the present,
thus shewing the continuity oi his religious &ith. For his £Eiith is
still grounded, and at the bar he takes his stand, upon the hope of
the promise made unto our fathers, i.e. the promise oi the regenera-

7 tion of Israel, which was the aim and object of the unceasing worship
and eager ea^pectation (not of Judah only but) of the twelve-tribes^^
the whole Israel of Ood. In Romans viii the apostle draws a
picture of the expectation of Nature, stretching out her head for
very eagerness; so here we see Israel stretchmg forward in the
intense expectation of its worship, intense like the prayer in 6eth-
semane and the prayer of the church for S. Peter\ Such worship
found a symbol in the prophetess Anna of the tribe of Asher, who
never left the temple but worshipped God with fasting and praj^er
night and day, and spake of the Christ to all who were expecting
tiie redemption of Israel'. And now concerning this very h(^pe, by
a strange irony, he is being accused by Jews ! For * the promise
made unto the fathers, God hath fulfilled the same by raising
up Jesus ' (xiii 32). The regeneration of Israel is bound up with
the resurrection of Jesus, wnich the Jews denied. This is the
link in the argument which leads to the abrupt question which

8 follows. S. Paul recollects that he is addressing an audience
largely Gentile ; and to the Gentiles, as he had learnt at Athens
(xvii 32\ the idea of the resurrection of the dead was not merely
incredible, it was absurd. But if there was any disposition to levity
in the present audience, it was crushed at once by an appeal to the

9 almighty power of God From this sudden digression the apostle
returns to the final and convincing proof of his Jewish patriotism.
That proof was his persecution of Jesus in the persons of the
Nazarenes — a course of action* which he had felt to be a religious

10 duty. He gives here the severest picture of that persecution; and
his self-accusing conscience may have led to some exaggeration, if
by the cities outside (the holy land) is meant Damascus alone, and

> The Oreek word here used for religion refers rather to the external oalt, than
the inner faith. * Cp. p. 4 for references to the beginning. * Jas i 1.

^ Lk xxii 44, Acts xii 5. ^ Lk ii 86-8. ' There is the same distinction

between habitual practice (yerse 9) and actual deeds (verse 10) as in Bom i 82,
vii 17-21; so in yerse 20 doing {^practising),

30—2

468 S. PAUL'S DEFENCE xxvi 10-16

by their being put to death the martyrdom of S. Stephen. Takea
literally, however, this account will better explain the complete
dispersal of the church in viii 1--4, and give special point to his
pleading, before the Roman governor, the authority ana eommisgm
of the high-priests as the excuse for his illegal conduct. In any
case the persecution would make it obvious to his hearers, both
Jew and Gentile, that to arrest such a career of frenzied zeal
required a very real and adequate cause. To that he now passes,
viz. to

12 III. His conversion. The cause was nothing less than a divine
epiphany. It is the same story as before, only delivered in a more
oratorical form. It begins with a long sentence which reaches its

13 climax in the word light:.,. at midday on the way I saw^ 0 kingj
from heaven, above the bright-shining of the sun, shining around m
— a light : then as an afterthought he adds and those that jaumeyei
with me. The comparison with the brilliance of ike sun would
suggest to his audience, both Jews and Gentiles, the divine character
of me light, which flashed around him like lightning ; inst as the
glory of the Lord had once flashed upon the shepheros of Beth-
lehem ^ In the Acts the use of the word liaht is almost confined
to the light of the divine glory fyii 2) and of the spiritual rioiyof
Jesus — *the light to lighten the Gentiles'' ' ; and when S. Pam writes
to the Corinthians' that * it is God, that said Light shall shine out
of darkness, who shined in our hearts to give the light of the biow-
ledffe of the fflory of God in the fece of Jesus Christ,' he is in spirit

14 still contemplating this shining. For his Gentile hearers he adds
an explanatory note — in the Hdrrew tongue; as also the illustration,
in the Lord's saying, of the ox kicking against the spiked goad vith
which it is driven and so wounding itself This proverb was a veiy
femiliar one, and is found both in Greek and Latin literatiire\ It
supplies an apt figure for resistance to God ; and here it convep ^
important intimation that Saul's zeal for Judaism had not been
according to knowledge, but rather against the driving of the divine
will. Now however when the divine goad has, as it were, even

16 felled him to the earth, he is bidden to arise and stand upon his
feet\ This was in order to receive the divine message ; but the
expression is symbolical of the spiritual meaning of his sudden
'apprehension,' which was to issue in resurrection to a new life,
and to give him that new and firm foundation upon which he still
continued to stand (w. 6, 22).

Whether it is aue to S. Luke's compression or to the rash
of S. Paul's enthusiasm, the utterance of the Lord, which the
apostle now reports, sums up the whole meaning of the office to
wnich he had been appointed* by the divine will : although in bd

1 Lk ii 9, zvii 24. » Lk ii 32. > n Cor iv 6. See Aots ix 8, xzii 6, 9. U,

xxvi 13; metaphorically xxvi 18, 23, xiii 47; and elsewhere, xii 7 a Ught §hmed.
* e.g. in AesohyluB Agctm, 1624, Euripides Baeeh, 795, Terenoe Phorm. i 8. 37.
» Uke Ezekiel (U 1-3). « iii 20, x 41, xxii 44, and p. 184.

sutvi 16-18 TO THE WORLD 469

the full extent of his commission was only gradually unfolded to
him. His office, then, was to be (1) a minister of the word* — ^which
denotes the humble, personal service, in which Paul reioiced to
labour as 'the slave of the Lord'; and (2) a witness — ^by which
he was raised to the level of the Twelve^ For the witness which
constituted an apostle, and which S. Paul was to bear, was witness
to the resurrection of the Lord, whom he had now seen in the vision,
and was to see a^in. In his epistles' S. Paul speaks of the ffreat
visions and revelations of the Lord which he haa seen, and of the
unspeakable words which he had heard; but the context here in-
dicates that he had specially in view the vision in the temple when
the Lord gave him his definite mission to the Gentiles (xxii 17-21).

17 The witness, however, which S. Paul had to bear would not always
be acceptable to men, whether Jews or Gentiles. Indeed in his
pro^ihebc office Paul greatly resembled Jeremiah\ Each of them
was appointed a prophet to the nations as well as to the Jews; and
each of them was destined to meet with opposition and strife. But
to each was given a promise of deliverance. The Lord repeated
to the apostle the words spoken to the prophet — ' I am with thee
to deliver thee'; and having thus prepared and strengthened him,
he dves him his special commission, viz. to be (3) the Apostle
of the Gentiles — to whom I send theeK And tiie final end of his
appointment was the conversion of the Qentiles (xv 3\

18 The conversion of the Gentiles was the result ot opening their
eves to see the Lord; and the spiritual experience which this
(lenotes was symbolized by S. Paul s own boduy experience, when
sight was restored to his blinded eyes and he passed from the
authority of the high-priests to that of Jesus of Nazareth. ^ Con-

-version means the turning of the whole life to Gk)d, and so it is the
external counterpart of the inner change of mind or repentance
which S. Paul adds below in verse 20 — repent and turn , To be
converted, then, is to be taken out of one sphere of life into
another; and the two spheres are here characterized by two anti-
theses. (I) They are the spheres of Light and Darkness"^. Here
the primary thought is that of mental light and darkness, or of
knowledge and ignorance. But mental darkness is closely asso-
ciated with moral darkness; and in Bom i the apostle shews
tliat it is the 'senselessness of the heart' or will that originates
the darkness of the mind, which in its turn issues in yet deeper
abysses of moral darkness. So the Gentiles who ' had been dark-

^ Lk i 2. The word denotes humbler service than that of the deacon: ep. Acts
r 22, 26, xiii 6 ; and also xz 19. ' Cp. p. 7. > U Cor xu 1-4. « See

Fer i 5 (Oal i 15); xv 10; i 8, 19: and above p. 128. • Jn xx 21. * so in

iii 19. Conversion is used of the taming of the Gentiles to the tme God in
civ 15, XV 19, 1 Thess i 9 : op. ix 85, xi 21. The verb is UBoally intransitive, as in
rerse 20 : but in verse 18 the parallel to open the eyet and the aorist tense are in
Gavoor of a transitive sense (as m AY). ' This antithesis is found in S. Paul —

[ Thess V 4-8. Bom xiii 12, 11 Ck>r iv 6, vi 14, Eph v ail: S. Feter— I U 9 : S. John
'i 4-9 and throoghont : qk. Bom ii 19.

470 S. PAUL'S DEFENCE xxvi 18-19

ened in their understanding' had fallen under the dominion d
idols^ For (2) these spheres are two kingdoms, under the autkaritu
of God and Satan respectively. At the head of tiie kingdom of
darkness stands a personal ruler, whom S. Paul calls by his Jewidi
name of Satan, ana who has his hierarchy of 'authorities and world-
rulers of this darkness'/ Ultimately of course all authority is
derived from God; but so long as Satan's power is economically per-
mitted, he can say that ' all the authority of the world is committed
unto him.' S. Paul also agrees with S. John that the antithesis is
absolute; outside of the kingdom of God 'the world lies in the eril
one,' of whose kingdom the Roman empire afterwards appeared in
the eyes of the persecuted Christians to oe the visible embodiment'.
Over against the kingdom of darkness is the kingdom of light or of
God, At its head is the Son of God, and its citizens are those who
have been consecrated to God, the saints or sanctified: in other
words, it is the church. Conversion is then the translation from
one kingdom to the other, as S. Paul has expressed it in Col i 12 :
the Father made us sufficient for the portion 0/ the lot 0/ tie saints
in the liglU, who delivered us out qf the authanty of the chriness and
translated us into the kingdom of the Son of his love\

Such a translation must have a visible expression in time and in
outward act; and this 'visible sign' is the sacrament of baptism,
in which the baptized is sanctified or consecrated to God, and so
made a saint or 'holy.' This brings us to the divine side of con-
version. For at baptism are received the divine gifts which make
this translation possible and a reality, viz. (1) the forgiveness of
sifis, i.e. deliverance from the authority of darkness ; and (2) the lot
or portion among the sanctified, i.e. the promised inheritance or gift
of the Spirit which enables the baptized to walk in holiness and
newness of life. Below, in verse 20, S. Paul describes this new
life as doing works toorthy of repentance^ and this phrase introdnoes
another &imiliar antithesis, viz. that between Faith and Works. But
there is no real contradiction between them. Doing works is the
outward expression of the inward life or character; the works are
not the cause, but the fruit of this new life. And the principle of
this inward life is faith in (Jesus); faith being that secret and
inward surrender of the will whicliplaces the life of the believer in
the sphere of the life of Jesu8^ Thus these last words of the Lord
give us the instrumental cause of the whole spiritual process : the
opening of the eye, the turning of the life, the transference from
Satan to God, the gift of forgiveness and of the inheritance in the
church — all these are by the faith which is in me.

IV. From this doctrinal digression S. Paul returns to tk
19 heavenly vision and describes his subsequent life. It had been a

^ Cp. Bom i; Eph iy 17-9; I Thess i 9. * Eph vi 12, Gol ii 15. > Bom

xiii 1-2; Lk iv 0; IJn y 19. * Cp. also zx 82 and p. 895. » Cp. xiii24,

Lk iii 8. • The Greek preposition {in) properly means into.

XXVI 19-23 TO THE WORLD 471

life of obedience to the divine command \ spent in fulfilling his

20 mission. In his account of his preaching there appears to be some
exaggeration, when we compare iz 26-30 and Gal i 22. But just as
the Acts contains the potential fulfilment of the apostolic mission
to bear witness *unto the uttermost part of the earth' (i 8), so
S. Paul had potentially and in effect preached to all the Jews and

21 to the GentiJes^ This preaching, or rather the jealousy of the
Gentiles which it excited, was the cause of the continuous attempts

22 made by Jews to murder' him. So determined were their efforts,
that it was only by the succour of God that S. Paul had been
delivered ; but by the grace of (Jod he was at this moment still
standing*, and able to deliver his witness (potentially) to all the
world, both to small and great.

The witness which he now delivers discloses (1) the source of the
divine gifts mentioned above, — ^how the forgiveness of sins and the
heritage of the new life were won for man : and (2) the ground of
* the faith in Christ.' For the witness is indeed * the gospel ' itself,
which is the declaration of the facts of the death and resurrection
of the Christ. First, however, the apostle preserves the unity of
his speech, and vindicates the continuity of the divine purpose or
plan of salvation, by shewing that this gospel is not inconsistent
with Judaism. On the contrary it is the fulfilment of the whole
Jewish dispensation; both of the utterances of the prophets, i.e.
the scriptures, and of the whole system of law and worship which
was represented by the name of Moses\ (1) Both of these had fore-
J3 shewn — what was the scandal to the Jews — that* the Christ (himself
the hope of Israel) should suffer. The expression in the Greek,
literally is passible , would in later theology mean capable of suffering,
i.e. as man, in distinction from the impassibility of the divine nature.
Here however the apostle is not dealing with the theological problem
as to the union of the divine and human natures in Chnst, but
meeting the difficulties of the Jewish mind. For, in spite of such
prophecies as Isai Hii, the idea that the. Christ should suffer was to
the Jews inconceivable. (2j Death however is the necessary prelude
to resurrection; and by 'raising up Jesus God fulfilled the promise
he had made unto the fathers.' According to this promise the Christ
was to be the first — like a second Adam — to proclaim light to all
mankind, Jew and Gentile alike, by the resurrection of the dead.
We should have expected by his resurrection from the dead : but
the expression shews how S. Paul identified in his own mind the

^ Contrast the disobedient Jews in ziy 2, xix 9. ' The constrnotion in the

!>reek is somewhat irregular : we should have expected him to say — both at Danuu-
ru$ first and at Jerusalem and then in every country, both to Jews and Oentiles.
' The word, which is also used in v 30, is a strong one and emphatic in its position
it the end of the sentence. * I Cor zr 10, x 12. * For the parallel

)etween Moses and the Christ, cp. iii 22, yii 20-40, esp. 87. * The if in the

>reek is either (a) a softening of dogmatic abruptness, characteristic of the refine-
nent of Greek speech, or (b) the protasis to the preceding sentence I say notMng,,,
f I do say th(U,„ 8o in yersc 8.

472 FESTUS* ASTONISHMENT xxvi28

resurrection of Clirist, the firstfruite, with the resurrection of 'them
tliat are his^' Ilis resurrection was not only the first instance, bat
the pledge, of the resurrection of the dead. The same connexion
had fiJso been taught bjr the Twelve (iv 2), but the ph^^^^se tk
resurrection of the dead is characteristic of S. Paul*. The resur-
rection brought light, because it brought (as we have already
learned*) the gift of the Spirit, the power of &ith, the forgiveness
of sins, and the resurrection of the dead. But to S. Paul the

freatest ligkt was the proof it afforded of the divine sonship of
esus (Rom i 4); for the gospel which the apostle proclaimed to the
Gentiles was * Jesus ' himseli, the Light of the World, the Light to
lighten the Gentiles — Christ in them the hope of glory*.

Tlie verdict of * not guilty '

S. Paul had thus laid a good foundation, but his gospel was by no
means complete. Nothing had been said (except inferentially) of the
gift of the Spirit and the practical confession of the name of Jesus
in baptism, when, at this point, he was interrupted* by a hud ex-
clamatiofi.

24 And as he thus made his defence, Festus saith with a
loud voice, Paul, thou art mad ; thy much learning doth

25 turn thee to madness. But Paul saith, I am not mad, most
excellent Festus; but speak forth 'words of truth and

26 soberness. For the king knoweth of these things, unto whom
also I speak freely : for I am persuaded that none of these
things is hidden from him ; for this hath not been done in a

27 comer. King Agrippa, believest thou the prophets ? I know

28 that thou believest And Agrippa said unto Paul, 'With
but little persuasion thou wouldest fain make me a Christiao.

29 And Paul said, I would to God, that whether "with little or
with much, not thou only, but also all that hear me this day,
might become such as ^I am, except these bonds.

30 And^^ the king rose up, and the governor, and Bemice,

1 See pp. 319, 407 and I Cor xv 20-3. So in zyii 81-2 raiting him from the dead
passes into the raising of the dead. ^ xvii 82, xxiii 6, xxiv 21, Bom i 4, I Gof

zv 12, 18, 21 : so Heb vi 2. ' in ii 33; iii 16, iv 10; iii 26, v 81, ziu 38; it 1

Cp. n Tim i 10. * Cp. xvii 3, 18, Phil i 18; Col i 27. & So Peter's

preaching was cut short on two occasions iv 1, x 44. 'A Hebraism for matttn.

7 literally In a little thou perauadest me to make a Christian : AV Almmt thoa per-
Muadest vie to he a Christian, A reads tJiou-persuadest-thutelf {art-eof^fident) : lata
IDBS, followed by AV, have to become for to make, " literally in Uttle and m

great : for great (BV Gk text) AV and most later uss read much : AV tranalatos were
both almost aiid altogether such a^ I am. ^ Gk even I. ^^ AV and BeaaD

add when he had thus spokeiu

XXVI 24-28 AGRIPPA'S RAILLERY 473

31 and they that sat with them : and when they had withdrawn,
they spake one to another, saying, This man doeth nothing

32 worthy of death or of bonds. And Agrippa said unto Festus,
This man might have been set at liberty, if he had not
appealed unto Csesar.

24 Festus had not been able to follow much of S. Paul's speech,
but he was startled by his enthusiasm. That enthusiasm for the
'persuasion^' or conversion of men had before now laid the apostle
open to the charge of being * beside himselP ' ; and now Festus cries
out Pauly thou art mad. The charge of madness is one to which
enthusiasts have been liable in all ages ; the Lord himself was not
excepted'. But we must also remember that in the ancient world
madness was closely associated with inspiration : a madman was
supposed to be possessed by some supernatural power and was
looKcd upon with awe*. Festus must have had some such feeling.
The mention of Moses and the prophets suggested to him that
through excessive study of Jewish lore the apostle had become

25 possessed of a religious fretizy. But of his sanity the apostle's
courteous and reaay response gave decisive proof. He admits
that he is making an inspired utterance'^y but, not in Festus' sense;
for it is about serious matters of fact : soberness or sound-minded-

26 ness being the exact opposite of ecstasy'. For support he turns to
Agrippa, but again his enthusiasm carries him into his characteristic
boldness of speech^. He was convinced that his story appeared per-
fectly sane to the king; for the facts of the crucifixion and the
p'owth of the church had not happened in an obscure comer, but
m broad daylight before all the Jews at Jerusalem; and his theology
was taken out of the Jewish scriptures. At this personal address
Agrippa probably shewed some sign of discomfort. S. Paul, whose
chanty bslieved and hoped all things, may have taken it for the

27 dawning of faith; and he drove the cnarge home by a direct appeal.
Agrippa must assent, for he believed the scriptures. King Agnppa,
believest thou the prophets f I know that thou believest Tins was too
much. As it was, tne young king had no doubt found the practice
of Judaism irksome enough in the scoffing society of Rome, and it
was too much to expose him to the astonishment of the Roman
governor and the distinguished audience by extorting from him the
patronage, if not the profession, of this new faith. His courtly
oreeding was equal to the occasion, and he passed it off by a piece

28 of raillery : A little more persuasion and you will make me too a
Christian, Agrippa uses the term by which the followers of *the

^ Paul's oharacteiistio persuanon (see p. 220) reappears (verse 2S). ' II Cor

V II, 13. * Both his own family and the Jews esteemed him mad (Mk iii 21,

Jn z 20). ^ See the quotation from Plato on p. 20. The Jews said of the Lord

*He hath a deril and is mad.' In verse II S. Paul savs he was exceeding mad,
* ipeak-forth is used in ii 4 of the result of being fiUed with the Spirit. * U Cor v
13. ^freely represents the Greek participle translated preaching boldly in ix 28.

474 *NOT GUILTY' xxvi28-S2

Christ' (verse 23) were known to the Gentile worid*. At once

29 S. Paul falls back into his soberness, but with intense eanestn^
he takes up the king's word: I would to God thai, whether xoitl littk
persuasion or with great\ not only thou but even all who a/re Ustening
to me to-day might become just such as even I Paul — except for thm
bonds.

The general sense of the two utterances is quite clear, bat
A^ppa's saying is a well-known crux. It is certainly not to be
taken in a serious sense, as in the AV; for nowhere else \AdlmoA
the equivalent of the Greek words used here — in a Utile. This
phrase usually means in a little time; but if it is so taken here, the
correspondence in S. Paul's answer — in little and in great (whick
cannot apply to time) — will be less exact. Probably it takes its
complexion from the verb, as in the RV, — with but little persuctsim
or effort. Besides this difficulty, the rest of the sentence is not easy
to explain. Taken literally, it runs : me thou-persuadest — to make
a Christian, Here we should have expected to become a Christian^
as the AV reads ; but that is too much like a later correction. One
early ms reads thou-persuadest-thyselfy i.e. art-confident : this in-
volves a change of only one or two letters, and corresponds to
S. Paul's I-am-persuaded in verse 26. Even then the sentence
does not run naturally in the Greek : me thou art confident to make
a Christian, The same must be said of a similar suggestion of
Dr Hort, which by a slight change alters me thou-persuadest into
one word thou-art-confident. We must be content to leave the
problem to wait for further light.

30 This incident broke up the hearing. Agrippa and Festus had
alike had enough : Paul was getting into t^ close quarters, as he
had done with Pelix and Drusula. So together mHi their * council'

31 and Berenice, they withdrew for private consultation. All agreed
that S. Paul's doings, i.e. his manner of life, made him in no way
liable to punishment, not even to detention. Then they return to the

32 auditorium, and to give a formal close to the proc^eoings Agrippa
makes a public answer to Festus* enquiry: Tnis man* might haw
been dismissed, had he not appealed to Caesar. Thus, however

frudgingly conceded, the whole process of two years €uid more, at
erusalem and Caesarea, ended m a public ana decisive acquittal
of S. Paul. Claudius Lysias, Festus, and Agrippa, had each declared
him innocent ; three times was it publicly announced of the apostle,
as of the Lord, that he had done nothing worthy ofdea^h*.

> See zi 26 and pp. 169-70. ' Cp. the smaU and great above (verse 23).

' Sec OD XXV 22 and cp. Lk xxiii 4, 14. PerhapB it is the translation of the Latin.
cp. Mk XV 39, Lk xxiii 47. « xxiii 29 xxv 25 (10, 18), zxvi 82: Lk zxiii 4, 14, 31

xxvn THE SEA 476

SECTION III A ( = Ch. 27— 28. 10)
The going down into the deep

The modem joy and delight in the sea was a sentiment ahnost
unknown to the peoples of antiquity. One Greek poet, Aeschylus, could
write of ' the many-twinkling smile of ocean, hut to the ancients
generally the sea only inspired emotions of dislike and dread. The in-
commodious ships and the possibilities of long delays owing to contiary
winds made a voyage an3rthing but a pleasure : the lack of nautical
instruments and the imperfect Knowledge of navigation made the perils
of the sea ten times worse than they are to-day. Hence the allusions
to the sea in classical literature are generally prompted by the violence
of storms and the horrors of shipwreck, or (in private correspondence)
by the tediousness of a voyage or the unexpected good luck of a quicK
passage. During the winter months the sea was practically closed for
navigation ; ana the present narrative is an illustration of what a
traveller who ventured too near that season might expect. The party
start from Palestine in August or September and do not reach llome
till the following March, having in the meanwhile lost their ship with
all their belondngs.

If the sea had perils and drawbacks even for bom sailors such as
the Greeks and Phenicians, to the agricultural Israelites the Medi-
terranean which formed their western Doundary must have indeed been
an object of awe. This aspect of the sea was part of their most ancient
heritage. In Babylonian mvthology, before the earth was created there
had existed chaos, a waste of waters, the realm of disorder and confusion.
From this the earth or kingdom of order had been won, and the existing
ocean was a remnant of the original waste, and therefore it was the
symbol and the sphere of evil both physical and spiritual*. These
ideas we find reflected in the OT. There was the primeval chaos
when 'darkness was upon the fisice of the deep and the wind of
God was brooding upon the face of the waters. In prophecy and
apocal\7)se the raging waves were the symbol, as of confusion in general,
so of the restless and tumultuous surging of the nations. The passage
of the Red Sea made the sea the estabhshed type of the greatest peril
through which man must pass on his way to the promised land, — the
peril of death. Lastly, as the home of evil, the ocean represented the
pit : it was the abyss, and the swallowing up of shipwrecked men in
its cruel billows was the fittest picture of man's ffoing down into the
deep. Turning to the NT, it is true that in tne uospels the sea
of Tiberias casts a halo of beauty over the Galilean ministry. Yet
it was but a lake, and to the apostles was chiefly associated with

^ Cp. Dr Smythe Palmer's Babylonian Influence on the Bible (Nutt) for an
accouat of Uie sea in early cosmology.

476 THE VOYAGES xxvn

nights of fruitless toil, with storms and sudden squalls. S. Paul's
experience of the sea was similar: some years before now he could
wnte tliat he had Hhree times suffered shipwreck and been a ni^ht
and a day in the deep ' (II Cor xi 25). In the Bevelation one condition
of the ideal heaven and earth is that ' there shall be no more sea.'

It comes upon us, then, somewhat as a surprise to find in the Acts
full and picturesque accounts of two yovages. Thk is indeed an
illustration of the all-embracin£^ sympathies of Christianity, which
extend to those also ' who go down to the sea in ships and occupy
themselves in great waters.' The narratives seem specially written t«
sea-faring and sea-loving nations like our own : it is said that Nelson
was reading this 27 th chapter on the morning of the battle of Gopenhag^
If S. Luke was a Greek, the fulness of the narrative might be put down
to his national instincts : but, as we shall see, such a hypothesis is not
needed. In these voyages the chief interest, as is natural, centres on
the shipwreck. The story is told with such a wealth of detail that in
all classical literature tnere is no passage which gives ns so muck
information about the working of an ancient ship. Accurate as it is,
nautical critics tell us that it is the account not of a sailor, but of a
landsman — of a landsman, however, familiar with the sea and with a
&culty of careful observation, who must have been himself on board.
This being so, the terrible experience he went through must haTO
indelibly impressed the details on his memory. To have been not one
day but fourteen days in the deep, driven by a tempest along an
unknown course, without light of sun or stars, unable to take food
and expecting at any moment to founder — such an experience in itself
is sufficient to prompt the pen of a ready writer.

But we shall strangely fail to understand S. Luke, if we suppose
that the vividness of me picture is simply due to the traveUer's im-
pulse to tell over his adventures to the public. We cannot but see how
the whole narrative, the very desperateness of the situation, throws into
the strongest relief the personality of S. Paul. At the moment of utter
despair, he rises up in tne midst and is found to be a rock on which all
can trust, the inspirer of hope and the master-mind which is able to
direct and command as the crisis requires — in a word their saviour.
Nowhere in the Acts is there a finer display of sympathy and stren^
Thus the very passages which glorify the apostle — and are for fliat
reason suspected by some critics — ^are those which contain S. Luke's
motive for relating the history of the voyage, and the multitude of
details supply the necessary background. S. Paul is the main subject
throughout. The narrative begins with his own physical weakness.
Then he appears as a counsellor and a prophet^ with ms warnings and
foresight of danger. In the crisis, like the rest he too £^ into the
deep of despair (though for others rather than himself), but as an
intercessor ne has recourse to prayer. Strengthened by a heavenly
vision, he rises up to inspire his companions with courage. Li the
hour of danger he commands like a captain, like a priest he offen
thanks to Gk)d, and like a deliverer brings them into a naven of safety.

XXVII IN THE ACTS 477

The Maltese, in the words which conclude the history, unconsciously
express its true lesson — they said that he was a god^.

Besides the personal element, there is the inner spiritual meaning.
There is one scene in the OT of which this is the most
obvious counterpart — the shipwreck of Jonah. If S. Paul in some
respects resembled Jeremiah, the parallel between the NT prophet
and Jonah is still more striking, — all the more so because of the
equally obvious contrast in character. Jonah is the prophet in
the OT who more than any other might, like S. Paul, be called
'the prophet of the Gentiles.' Jonah indeed received his mission
in a very dififerent way : he fled from the presence of the Lord and
took ship for Tarshish. But in their voyages the e^roerience of the
prophets coincided. Both suffered shipwreck; and although Jonah,
unhke S. Paul, brought the storm upon nis vessel, yet in each case the

Erophet won the salvation of his company, — Jonah by the sacrifice of
imself. Finally both alike experienced deliverance, Jonah from the
deep, Paul from the peril of death; and after this they fulfil their
respective missions to the great cities of Nineveh and Kome.

Jonah, however, was above all the sign of one greater than either*,
viz. of the Lord, who afforded the supreme example of the law
tliat suffering goes before victory, going down to the deep before
deliverance or resurrection. This experience had been realized by
S. Peter in chapter xii. Now in S. raul we have here another and
a conspicuous instance. For if in the scheme of the Acts the last
chapters correspond to the last chapters of the Gospel, this chapter
forms the parallel (as is fairly evident) to the crucifixion or Lk xxii-
xxiii. Of this a hint is given by one of the incidents of the shipwreck,
viz. the breaking of bread on the last morning of the wreck before
they committed themselves to the sea. No doubt S. Luke's medical
experience made him appreciate S. Paul's sagacity in insisting on the
partaldng of food*. But the very words wim which he descnbes the
apostle's action recall at once the picture of the Lord breaking bread
before his apostles on his last evening (Lk xxii 19). It is ditfacult to
believe that this meal was what we should call a celebration of the
Holy Eucharist ; yet we cannot but feel that S. Luke wishes to remind
his readers of the Last Supper. Without, however, insisting upon this
or noticing many resemblances which might be pointed out in details,
we can (&aw attention to the parallelism in the general scheme.
The storm and darkness correspond to the spiritual storm and dark-
ness on Calvary, as the actual wreck and plunging into the deep
to the death upon the cross (Lk xxiii 26-49, Acts xxvii 14-44).
The rest and peace of the three winter months at Malta, when the
apostle was entirely cut off from the outside world and his old life, is
like the rest of the three days in the grave (Lk xxiii 50-6, Acts xxviii
1-10). The voyage to Rome in the spring, which was to the apostle

1 Cp. the similar conclusion of the itorm on the Sea of Galilee— YFAo U thU that
he ecmmandeth even the windi and the water, and they obey himf (Lk viii 25).
= Lk xi 2^82 j Mt xU 89-41. » Cp. pp. xx, 37 n. •.

478 THE VOYAGE TO ROME xxvu

the entrance into a new life, will correspond to the i03rfdl period after
the resurrection (Lk xxiv 1-49, Acts xxviii 11-28) ; ana lastly tiw
picture of quiet and expectant work at Rome is like tnat of the praying
and waiting church at Jerusalem (Lk xxiv 52-3, Acts xxviii 30-1).

But the application of this law is universal and not confined to
S. Paul. The keynote to the interpretation is given in verse 34 in the
word galwUion, This and cognate words occur altogether 7 times:
hope to be mvedy ye cannot be samd, to be completely^scwed (RV e9cape)\
miile tiie contrary fote is no less richly depicted — if^ury^ loss, thrmping
awav (22), perish, kill, and to be cast atcay\ The history, then, is a
parable of the great salvation, by which man is brought tliroagh death
to life. It is the comnanion to the picture in chanters iii-iv*; and in i?
12 S. Peter has abreacly given the means by whicn the salvation is won.

Of all the narratives in the Acts uiis chapter bears tibe most
indisputable marks of authenticity. In one passage (verses 9-13)
there is some obscurity due to editing or revision, but the attempt of
some critics to remove as interpolations those passages which bring
out the spiritual power of S. Paul (e.g. verses 21-6, 31-2 or 31-6) is
as impossible as it is to eliminate the miraculous element from the
Gospels; for, as we have seen, it was S. Paul's action which inspired
the writer to pen the narrative. Historical research and inscriptions
have confirmed S. Luke's facts, while the accuracy of his nautical
observations is shewn by the great help he has given to our nnder-
standinff of ancient seamanship. None have impugned the correctness
of his phrases; on the contrary, fix)m his description contained in a few
sentences, the scene of the wreck has been identified. Its traditional
identification with S. Paul's Bay has been tested and, we may say,
satisfactorily proved by Mr James Smith, of Jordanhill, who also
thoroughly examined the whole narrative from the seaman's point of
view\ Into such nautical investigations we need not enter, but it is
quite easy for an ordinarv landsman to follow the general course of
ttie voyage, which we will proceed to do.

§ 1 The voyage. Caesarea to Fair Havens

S. Paul's appeal to Caesar having been allowed, the matter now
rested with the imperial police. Recent researches of Prof. Mommsen
and others have thrown great light on this branch of the imperial
administration and so upon the Acts'. As the empire extended, tlie
commissariat of the legions, which were generallv stationed in distant
provinces, necessitated regular communication witn the capital; and the

^ w. 20: 31: 43, 44, xxviii 1, 4. The Bezan addition in verse 29 and the
reading of B in ver. 39 will make 9 times. * This word ooeors fonr times, tt.

17, 26, 29, 82: op. Bom ix 6, zi 11. 'in which salvation is the leading thought,
see p. 49. * in his Voyage and Shipwreck of 8. Paul, 1S48 <4th ed. 18S0.

Longmans). See also Breusing Die Nautik der AUen, Bremen, 1886. * See

Mommsen SitzungsberichU der Berlin. Akad, 1895, pp. 495-503 : Bamsay PamL
the Traveller pp. 314-5, 347-8 : Bendall AcU p. 340 : Hastings BibU Did, imda
Julius.

Kxvii JULIUS THE CENTURION 479

business was entrusted to a body of lemonades who had a camp at
Kome on the Caelian hill. These soldiers were called Frumentarii
''corn-men'), or, as they were generally recruited from legions on
iistant service, Peregrini (* foreigners'). Such a body in constant
movement to and from the provinces was evidently suited for other
services; and as the emperors preferred as a rule to adapt existing
institutions for the new requirements of the imperial system, they
Qoade use of these Frumentarii both as special service messengers for
carrying out a system of espionage in the provinces, and also as imperial
[>olice lor conveying political prisoners to and from Rome. We must
idmit that our present information does not enable us to carry back
bhe fully developed system before the time of Hadrian (117-138 a.d.);
but it caUs for no unreasonable stretch of the imagination to ascribe
the first beginnings of the system to the early emperors or even, with
E^f. Mommsen, to Augustus himself. Certainly the office performed
by Julius is exactly that of a centurion of the Peregrini. If then
this was the body to whom S. Paul was entrusted, the captain of the
camp (stratopedarch, xxviii 16) to whom he was handed over at Rome
was the captain — ^not of the Praetorian guard, but — of tiie Peregrini,
the *Princeps Peregrinorum^'; and the camp was their station on the
Caelian hill. The Augustan cohort ([xxvii 1) may well have been —
if not the official, yet — a popular title of this corps or one of its
divisions. Otherwise it has not as yet been identified. The epithet
Augustan was used for a complimentary title very much as roifcU is
aow. The cohorts of the legions however did not receive distinctive
titles ; and so if this cohort was not a division of the Peregrini, it may
bave been either one of the auxiliary cohorts of the gamson of Cae-
sarea, or more probably one of the 'Italian cohorts of citizen volunteers"*
^see p. 146).

27 'And when it was determined that we should sail for
Italy, they delivered Paul and certain other prisoners to a
2 centurion named Julius, of the Augustan ^band. And
embarking in a ship of Adramyttium, "which was about to
sail unto the places on the coast of Asia, we put to sea,
AristarchuSy a Macedonian of Thessalonica, being with us.

^ This title is given in a late Bezan text (Gigas). It is said that there is no
evidence for its use before the time of Severos o. a.d. 250. Bat if the name was new,
that does not prevent the previous existence of a Captain of the camp, > An

^ngnstan cohort is mentioned in an interesting inscription from Berytns in Syria
[CIL III no. 6687), in which Q. Aemilins Secnndas, who ' took the censas of the city
Df Apamea at the command of Qoirinius* (Lk ii 2), states that he had been *p]iAxrxcT.
COB. AVG. I (prefect of the First Angnstan Cohort).' Dr Mommsen however finds the
inscription full of difficulties and mistakes, among which he would include this title.
I Bezan reads So then the governor determined that he should be sent to Caesar
and on the morrow he summojied a certain centurion of the Augustan cohort named
Julius and delivered to him Paul with the rest of the prisoners, ^ Qk cohort,

* In AV, and Blass' Bezan text, this clause belongs to the subject of the sentence —
we launched, meaning to sail by the coasts of Asia»

480 FROM CAESAREA xxvni

3 And the next day we touched at Sidon : and Jnlins treated
Paul kindly, and ^gave him leave to go unto his friends and

4 'refresh himself. And putting to sea fit)m thence, we sailed
under the lee of Cyprus, because the winds were contrary.

5 And when we had sailed across the sea which is off Gilida

6 and Pamphylia', we came to Myra, a city of Lycia. And
there the centurion found a ship of Alexandria saUing for

7 Italy ; and he put us therein. And when we had sailed
slowly many days, and were come with difficulty over against
Cnidus, the wind not frirther suffering us, we sailed under

8 the lee of Crete, over against Sahnone ; and with difficult;
coasting along it we came unto a certain place called Fair
Havens ; nigh whereunto was the city of ^Lasea.

1 After the hearing before Agrippa Festus at once' handed mt
Paul and the other prisoners bound for Rome to the custody of
Julius. The word for other should properly imply a different class';
and the other prisoners were probably not appellants but criminals,
condemned it may be to suffer then: penalty in the games of the
amphitheatre. S. Paul however was not alone in his ' bonds,' for
the first person we shews that S. Luke was with him, and S. Loke
adds that Aristarchus qf Thessalanica was with us, Le. was one of
their party ^ We have not had the first person since xxi 18, whoi
both Luke and Aristarchus went in with S. Paul to James. Now
they are despatched vrith S. Paul to Rome. The obvious inference
is that they had been shmng his captivity in the interval, and we
have had reason to suspect S. Luke's presence more than once^. In
the Epistle to the Colossians, which was written from Rome, tihe
apostle calls Aristarchus his * fellow-prisoner ' (iv 10). There is no
reason whv this should not be taken literally. Aristarchus was a
Jew. Pernaps he was with S. Paul in the Nazirites' chamber on
that memorable day of the riot and was involved in the conseauent
charga S. Luke was a Oentile. The Ephesian Jews had no aoubt
seen him also close to S. Paul in the city, and they may have sub-
stituted him for Trophimus as the Oentile who had actually polluted
the temple*. In Col iv 14, however, S. Paul does not call S. Luke
his fellow-prisoner but * the beloved physician'; and it is very likely
that S. Liike may have accompaniea him as an attendant in that

^ A Bezan text has gave Uave to hUfriendi who came to him to take care of Urn.
^ Gk receive attention, > Bezan adds in fifteen days. * K with mozt urn

has Laeaia (K* Lassaia), B Lasea, A AUuta: we have also Laisia (K^), and
in the Vulgate ThaUusa. > So in the Bezan text. * as in Lk xxiii 32 two

others, malefactors^ were led with him. The word for prisoner ia peooliar to this
passage in the NT. 8. Paul was in bonds hat not a (oonvieted) prisoner.
' This is shewn by the word for with, which is different from the with of Terse 84.
« p. 403. » gee pp. 419: 420-1, i34, 436.

Kxvii 1-6 TO MYRA 481

capacity. As S. Paul was evidently suffering from ill health,
Julius would have been glad of the services of a doctor. What
is certain is that Julius would not have taken Luke and Aristarchus
simply as passengers. If not * in bonds/ they could only have been
taken with Paul, as Prof. Ramsay points out^, as his personal atten-
dants (i.e. slaves) : but S. Luke's lan^ruage here, taken in its natural
sense, would suggest that he as weU as S. Paul was a subject of
Festus' decision.

2 It was the end of August or beginning of September before
Julius was ready to start ; the sailing season was far advanced and
there was no ship in port sailing direct for Rome. So he put his
prisoners vrith their guard of soldiers on board a ship of Adramyttiwm
(a Mysian town near Assos, xx 13) which was making the return
voyage to the coast of Asia Minor. The vessel would be certain to
touch at Ephesus, where Julius would find a vessel crossing to
Corinth ; or going on to Adramyttium, he could quickly march from
there to Troas, and crossing to Philippi traverse Macedonia along
the %natian Road. This was the route along which fifty years
later S. Ignatius, bishop of Antioch, was taken by his guard of
ten soldiers, when he was sent to Rome to be thrown to the wild

3 beasts in the Coliseum. Julius' party started with a favourable
wind, for the next day they put in at Sidon, — a run of about
70 miles. Here the centurion nad an opportunity of doing Paul an
act of kindness or humanity. The centurions of the NT strike us
generally as a class of men of a high stamp of character, and Julius
IS no exception. He makes a wormy match to that other centurion
of Caesarea, Cornelius. We do not know whether he became a
Christian, but it is evident that S. Paul made a great impression
upon him and even won his personal affection. The apostle was now
suffering from depression or illness, and Julius permitted him to visit
his frimds and obtain the requisite rest and attention. The Greek
word implies that these were ^rsonal friends or relatives rather

4 than simply * brethren ' in the faith. When they started again fit)m
Sidon, the Etesian winds had already begun to blow. These are
westerly winds which blow regularly in the Levant in the late
summer or autumn. They were consequently prevented firom cross-
ing the open sea, as Paul had done in coming to Caesarea (xxi 3) ;
and after sailing under the lee, i.e. to the east, qf Cyprus^ tney had
to work their way, with the aid of currents and land breezes, along

5 the coast of Asia Minor, off CUicia and Pamphylia. It took them
fifteen days to reach Myra, whose harbour — ^for the city itself was
some way up the river — was the great port for E^3rptian and Syrian

6 traffic. Here they were fortunate enough to find in port a ship
of Aleaxindria bound for Italy. Bv tms time the vast city of
Rome had become almost entirely aependent upon foreign corn-
fields for its bread. Egypt was the chief source of supply and

^ Paul the Traveller (pp. 816-C).
R. A. 31

^

482 FROM MYRA xxvn 6-9

ever^ year an enormous quantity of ^in was shipped at Alexandria
for r uteoli or Ostia. The vessels wmch carried it were of a speciaUy
large build', and the Alexandrian corn-fleet was the most strikiDg
feature in the commerce of the eastern Mediterranean. As any
delay in the arrival of the fleet was the source of great anxiety at
Rome, so it was hailed at Puteoli with great rejoicings. Sigxudmen
were on the look-out to announce its approach, and they were able
to recognize it by the privilege these vessels possessed of entering
the bay of Naples with their topsails set One of these ships now
lay in the harbour of M3rra. It had started late, and the same
Etesian winds which had delayed Julius, had driven it across the
Mediterranean, perhaps to Phenicia whence it would have coasted
along like the Adramyttian. The centurion thought it a veritable
godsend and at once ptit his detachment on boards which raised the

7 complement to 276 souls in all^ The greater commodiousness of
the vessel however was not matched by an improvement in the
weather. The wind continued to blow from the nw, and it took
them many days, probably another fortnight, to reach Cnidus, the
SE point of Asia Minor. From Cnidus they ought to have crossed
the open sea to Greece, in order to round Cape Matapan, but when
they lost the shelter of the land the wind would not allow them to
go cmy further in its £su;e. So turning southwards to Cretej—d
which island Cape Salmone was the ne point — they sailed under its
lee, i.e. along its southern side, being partiallv sheltered from the

8 wind by the mountains. Even then they had difficulty in getting
so far as the roadstead, which still bears its ancient name of Fair
HavensK Two leagues beyond Fair Havens lay Cape Matala,
where the coast makes a sharp turn to the north, wnich would
again expose them to the full force of the gsde. So they gaye up
further attempts and waited for a change of wind.

The storm. Fair Havens to Malta

9 As a long time passed and the wind did not drop, it became
necessary to take counsel as to their course of action. S. Luke has
so compressed the account of what happened as to cause some
obscurity*, but the Bezan text again hems us. There were two
questions before them : (1) the question of continuing the voyage
to Italy. They were now in the dangerous season for navigation,
for the Fast (of the Atonement) was passed. This day mimt fall
towards the end of September or in tne banning of October : in

^ A dialogue of Lucian's (Navigium seu vota) gives an armiBing acooont of the
astonishment caused at Athens by the arrival of one of these vast ships, drivcD
thither by stress of weather. • See however below on verse 87. ■ KaUm

Limionas, according to Captain Spratt, B.N. (Travels and ResearcheM in CreU^ 1S65).
Mr Tennent in 1S56 writes Calolimumnoi (in Smith Voyage etc. p. 251). Capt
Spratt, who surveyed Crete in 1853, identified Phoenix with Lutro and durns to
have discovered the site of Lasea. * Thus the voyage in verse 10 we dioold

naturally take to be the voyage to Italy, but from w. 12-3 it wonld appear to be
the voyage to Phoenix. It probably oovers both voyages.

KXVII9-12 TO FAIR HAVENS 483

A.D. 57 its date was September 27. The autumnal equinox was
generally reckoned to put an end to navigation, but one writer*

S'ves as a definite date Nov. 11, adding that from Sept. 14 to
ov. 11 was 'dangerous.* (2) If the voyage to Italy was given up,
they would have to settle on their winter quarters. Fair Havens,
however fair as a haven, was a very unsuitable place to winter in :
it was an open roadstead, there was no town there, and the CTeat
variety in tne spelling of the name of the nearest city, Lasea, snews
that it was but a small place. Further along the coast however,
])ast Gape Matala, there was a ^ood harbour at Phoenix'; and this
city, which was no doubt famihar to the Alexandrian sailors', was
much more suitable for winter quarters.

Julius as a Roman ofiicer would be the chief authority on board
and accordingly he held a council. To this he summoned PatU;
for besides his evident spiritual and prophetic power, thq apostle
had had great experience of the sea. When admitted to the
council, S. Paul's personality at once brought him to the fi*ont;

10 and speaking with prophetic wisdom, he strongly dissuaded them
from any idea of continuing the voyage to Italy. To this all

12 agreed. Then, passing to the question of winter quarters, the
officers of the snip advised that they should make lor Phoenix,
thou^ they were not very sanguine as to their beitif^ able to reach

11 it These officers were the helmsman, who was captam of the crew,
and the owner of the ship, or his agent; and their opinions naturally
had most weight with the centurion. Even this attempt, however,
Paul strongly resisted, but he was out-voted, with what conse-
quences we shall see.

The Fast was that of the great Day of Atonement*. Its use by
8. Luke as a mark of time is striking. It is hardly likely that
Christians would have retained the Jewish system of fast and festival
simply as marks of time without any other observance. Besides,
we should rather have expected mention of the Feast of Tabernacles
which occurred five days after the Day of Atonement and was
reckoned by the Jews to close the sailing season*. S. Luke's
expression then may indicate a date which fell between the Fast
and the Feast. But a very natural explanation would be that
8. Paul's comp.ny did fast at Fair Havens and that S. Luke
recollects the circumstance. If this was the case, we have another
sign of S. Paul's normal observance of the Law, on which see p. 332.

^ VegetiuB. See the references in Wetstein. ' S. Luke says the harbour

looked agairut the SW and NW (windi). Bat the harbour of the modem Latro,
irhioh is identified with Phoenix, looks NE and SE. We most then, either translate
nrith the margin looking down (i.e. oZonp) the SW and NW winde ; or with Dr Field
Rilipose that 8. Lnke is speaking from the point of view of the harboor, facing
landwards. > At Latro there has been foand a dedication to Jupiter, Sarapis,

uid aU the gods, * erected under the supervision of Dionysius an Alexandrian and
captain of the ship whoie tign wa$ Isopharia' {CiL m 1, no. 8). The italicized
ivords occur in the Acts (yerse 11 and zxviii 11). * Lent xyL * Sohoett-

gen Horae Hebr. i p. 482.

31—2

484 THE STORM xxvn9-22

9 And when much time was spent, and the voys^ was nov
dangerous, because the Fast was now already gone by, Paul

10 admonished them, and said unto them, Sirs, I perceive that
the Toyage will be with injury and much loss, not only of the

11 lading and the ship, but also of our lives. ^But the centurion
gave more heed to the master and to the owner of the ship,

12 than to those things which were spoken by Paul. And
because the haven was not commodious to winter in, the
more part advised to put to sea from thence, if by any means
they could reach Phoenix, and winter there ; which is a

13 haven of Crete, 'looking north-east and south-east And
when the south wind blew softly, supposing that th^ had
obtained their purpose, they weighed anchor and sailed along

14 Crete, close in shore. But after no long time there 'beat
down from it a tempestuous wind, which is called ^Euraquilo :

15 and when the ship was caught^ and could not face the wind,

16 we gave way ^to it, and were driven. And running under
the lee of a small island called 'Cauda^ we were able, with

17 difficulty, to secure the boat : and when they had hoisted it
up, they used helps, under-girding the ship ; and, fearing
lest they should be cast upon the Syrtis, they lowered ^tbe

18 gear, and so were driven. And as we laboured exceedingly
with the storm, the next day they began to throw theJreigM

19 overboard ; and the third day ^they cast out with their own

20 hands the * tackling of the ship. And when neither sun nor
stars shone upon vs for many days, and no small tempest lay
on tis, all hope that we should be saved was now taken away.

21 And when they had been long without food, then Paul
stood forth in the midst of them, and said, Sirs, ye should
have hearkened unto me, and not have set saU from Crete,

22 and have gotten this injury and loss. And now I exhort yoa

^ A Bezan text has But] the mcuter and the owner of the thip counselled to soil,
if by any means they could reach Phoenix a harbour of Crete, {and) the centurion
gave more heed to them than to the things which were spoken by PauL And when
the S wind blew softly they weighed anchor and with speed [began to sail along,
3 Gk looking against the SW wind (Gk Libs, Lat. Africusj and against the NW wind
(Gk ChSrus, Lat. Caurut) : bo marg with down instead of against. > AY aftw«

against it, ^ AY with late uss reads Euroclydon. * Bezan inserts to the

wind and reefing the sails [were driven, * Marg with AY reads Clauda.

' A Bezan text has a certain weight to drag, ^ AY reads we cast out ; Besan

adds into the sea, * Msag furniture.

xxvn 13-17 IN THE SEA OF ADRIA 486

to be of good cheer : for there shall be no loss of life among

23 you, but ordy of the ship. For there stood by me this night

24 an angel of the God whose I am, whom also I ^ serve, saying,
Fear not, Paul ; thou must stand before Gsesar : and lo, God

25 hath granted thee all them that sail with thee. Wherefore,
sirs, be of good cheer: for I belieye God, that it shall be

26 even so as it hath been spoken unto me. Howbeit we must
be cast upon a certain island.

13 Soon after the coDncil had been held the wind changed, and a
gentle breeze sprang up from the souUh which seemed to justify the
proposal of the ship's officers. They began to coast alongj close in
shore (because the wind blew from the south). But when they

14 reached Cape Matala, S. Paul's warning came true. A sudden
gale or hurricane^ known as the Euraqutlo\ burst upon them from
the NE. It blew doum from^ the mountains of Crete and, so to

15 speak, caught hold qf the ship, which was qaite unable to continue
its course to Phoenix (nw) or look the ttind in the face. So, giving
way to it and reefing the sails, they had to let the ship be driven.

16 When they reached the island of Cauda or Clauda, now Gozzo,
they got some shelter under its lee and were able to make some
necessary preparations. (1) The ship's boat had been towed behind.
This they could now hoist on board; but it was a difficult matter,
and the passengers, or at least S. Luke, gave a helping hand, which

17 no doubt accounts for the reminiscence here. (2; Tnen they had
to use helps to prevent the ship's timbers from starting under the
strain. The method was one which has been put in practice even
as late as last century ^ viz. that of undergirdtng or * frapping ' the
ship bv passing coils of cable round the hull. In this operation
only the sailors could take part. (3) The great danger was lest
the wind should drive them on the Syrtis, the great stretch of
sand-banks off the coast of Tunis andf Tripoli, for which it was
blowing direct. Accordingly they lowered the great main sail\

1 or worihip. * Eurut is the SE wind, Aquilo the N ; so strictly speaklDg

Euraquilo is the ENE. Neither Euraquilo nor Euroelydon is found elsewhere:
nor is the form of either word grammatioallj defensible. Whiohever of them may be
the correct reading, it is probably a sailor's or local name for a particular * tempest-
uous wind.' ' Cp. Lk viii 23. It in ver. 14 can hardly be the ihipt which word
last occurred in yer. 11 and is of a different gender. ^ For instances see Smith

Voyage etc. pp. 108-9. * The Greek word (o'/cevot) is used for the great sheet in

8. Peter's Tision (x 11). Its usual meaning is a yessel of some kind, or piece of
furniture; and here it may denote the gear or the main yard-arm, Dr Breusing
[op. cit.) howerer has suggested a more probable interpretation than either this or
that given above. He has shewn that it was the custom for the ancients in a storm
to lower cables, with weights or anchors attached, into the sea, in order to retard
the vessel (Plut. Moral. 607 a^ : and o-xrvot is used of such a weight or anchor, only
to be used in the last extremity (Plut. Moral. 812 d). To retard the vessel was iha
present need: and this is how the Bezan text (in Oigas), to which Bede bears
witness, understands it — they lowered a weight to drag. The saila would have been
reefed before now, as the Bezan text in fact states in vene 15.

486 THE STORM xxvn 17-24

and let the vessel drift so, under as little canvas as possible.
(4) This phrase — lowering the saM (or aear) — ^probably covers
another operation. They must have put tne ship's helm as close
to the wind as possible and set some storm sail, in order to steady
the vessel and enable them to make some points against the wind.
The effect of this would be to change the ship's course from sw

18 to w or WNW. When they had drifted past Cauda, once more they
felt the full force of the gale which continued to increase, so m^
day to lighten the ship they had to throw the cargo overboard. The
Greek tense shews that this was not completely done; for indeed, as
we are reminded in verse 38, they had to keep some of the grain for

19 their own wants. Next day they threw overboard the tackling\ i.e,

20 all the ship's furniture that was not absolutely necessary. They
had now done all that was possible and nothing remained but to
wait. The storm lasted dav after day; and, being unable to s^
the stars, they could not tell where they were. A doud of despair
settled down upon them, and all fiope of being saved was tmn
awav'. Further, even had they had any appetite for food, the state
of tne vessel prevented its preparation, and so to their misery of

21 mind was aAded fasting of the body.

In this situation their first need was encouragement^ and
S. Paul, the great apostle of * comfort*,' was enabled to encourage
them, as he had so OTOn encouraged the disciples. But first he had
himself to experience the depression and fear*. It was small
satisfaction for his prediction to have been verified, if this was to
be the end of all — instead of Rome, a watery grave. He had indeed
the Lord's promise (xxiii 11) but depression leads to doubt; and
knowing that the fulfilment of the divine promises is not absolute
but conditioned, he praved for the confirmation of his faith. But
more than for himself he was anxious for the safety of his fellow-
shipmates; and as a great intercessor he prayed for them also'.

23 His prayer was heard. As in other moments of desperation, he
was strengthened by a heavenly vision. An anael app^^red and

24 took away his fear, by assuring him that the Lord's promise would
stand and that God had granted him, or made him a present of,
the lives of all for whom he had prayed*. Next day accordingly

21 he stood up in the midst to encourage the men and to bear witness
to his God\ It was the Grod to whom they all belonged, but whom

^ Aooording to the AY (we) the passengers again assisted in this work— -hot
landsmen woold hardly know what they might throw overboard. Cp. Jonah i 5.
3 In xiv 9 (xv 11) we had faith to be iaved. Here the hopelessness is balanced bj
faith in verse 25. ' i.e. paraelesii, * Notice the word tif not them in

verse 20. For this condition of the power of * comfort/ cp. II Gor i 4-7. * Gp.

the intercession of Christ for his own (Jn zvii) and his enemies (Lk xxiii 34) ; and
the call of Jonah to prayer (Jonah i 6). * The same word as in xr? 11, 16.

For the angel op. xii 7, and p. 71 n. * ; and Lk xxil 43. ^ So Jonah's 8hipwTed[

calls out faith in Ood (i 6, 9, 16). For the distinction between the divine lordship
over man, and man's recognition of God, cp. Dan v 28 and vi 20: of the latler
verse this is almost a qnotation. The words also recall S. Panl's witness to the
true God in the midst of the Areopagus (xvii 22).

XXVII 24-27 IN THE SEA OF ADRIA 487

Paul alone recognized by conscious worship. First he reminds them
of the truth of nis pr^ction and rebukes them for tlieir disobedi-
ence, through which they had gained — ^he adds with some irony —
this loss^. This trait of true liuman nature, always so quick to
prove itself in the right, is a sign of S. Luke's faithfulness: he

22 does not forget the man in the apostle. Then S. Paul assures them
of tlieir safety, — only, as it were in punishment, they must suffer

25 loss of their ship. Therefore he exhorts them to take heurt and
be like mm : and this because eflfort will be required on their part
There are conditions on which the fulfilment of the divine promise
depends : and God requires on man's part co-operation or corre-
spondence to his will. Of such necessary conditions or essential
means we shall find three instances.

The wreck. 8. PauPs Bay

27 All this time, they were being driven across^ the sea of Adria,
This term was not always confined (as now) to the Adriatic; at
one period it was also used of the * Sicilian ' or * Ionian Sea,' viz. the
mrt of the Mediterranean which lay between Sicily and Greece*. It
IS interesting to learn that seven years later (a.d. 64) the same sea
was the scene of the shipwreck of Josephus the Jewish historian,
likewise on his way to Rome. His ship did actually founder and,
after a night in the deep, he with 80 others — the sole survivors out
of a total of 600 — was picked up by a ship of Gyrene.

27 But wlicii the fourteenth night was come, as we were
driven *to and fro in the sea of Adria, about midnight the
sailors surmised that ^they were drawing near to some

28 country ; and they sounded, and foimd twenty fathoms : and
after a little space, they sounded again, and found fifiteeu

29 fathoms. And fearing lest haply we should be cast ashore
on rocky ground, they let go four anchors from the stem,

30 and 'wished for the day'. And as the sailors were seeking to
flee out of the ship, and had lowered the boat into the sea,
under colour as though they would lay out anchors from the

31 foreship^ Paul said to the centurion and to the soldiers,

^ The Greek words however may be translated Ye should have hearkened and to
saved (i.e. avoided) this lost. ' The arrival at Malta postulates the ship's

having held a straight oonrse under the gale. There is no need to translate, as AY
and BY, up and down or to and fro. > Strabo (flor. b.o. 24) definitely restricts

the Adriatic to its present limits: by Ptolemy (flor. a.d. 139) the term is as definitely
used in its extended sense. The period of the Acts fiUls exactly in the middle
between these two geographers. * or aerost. ^ B reads some country was

resounding (with the noise of the breakers). < Marg prayed. ' A 6ezan

text adds that they might know if we can be saved, and > to make the ship ride more
securely.

488 THE SHIPWRECK xxvn 27-29

32 Except these abide in the ship, ye cannot be saved Then
the soldiers cut away the ropes of the boat, and let her M
off.

33 And while the day was coming on, Paul besought them
all to take some food, saying, This day is the fourteenth day
that ye wait and continue fiEtsting, having taken nothing.

34 Wherefore I beseech you to take some food : for this is for
your ^safety : for there shall not a hair 'perish from the head

35 of any of yoiL And when he had said this, and had taken
bread, he gave thanks to God in the presence of all : and he

36 brake it, and began to eat*. Then were they all of good cheer,

37 and themselves also took food. And we were in all in the

38 ship Hwo hundred threescore and sixteen souls. And when
they had eaten enough, they lightened the ship, throwing out
the wheat into the sea.

39 And when it was day, Hhey knew not the land : but they
perceived a certain bay with a beach, and they took counsel

40 whether they could Mrive the ship upon it And casting off
the anchors, they left them in the sea, at the same time loosing
the bands of the rudders ; and hoisting up the foresail to the

41 wind, they made for the beach. But lighting upon a place
where two seas met, they ran the vessel aground ; and the
foreship struck and remained unmoveable, but the stem b^an

42 to break up by the violence of the waves. And the soldiers'
counsel was to kill the prisoners, lest any 0/ them should

43 swim out, and escapa But the centurion, desiring to save
Paul, stayed them from their purpose ; and commanded that
they which could swim should cast themselves overboard,

44 and get first to the land : and the rest, some on planks, and
some on other things from the ship. And so it came to pass,
that they all escaped safe to the land.

27 On the fourteenth night the practised ears of the sailors detected
the sound of breakers, and they concluded that they were nearing

28 land\ This was proved by soundings; and so, to prevent being cast

29 on rocksy they ancnored the ship, jpbwr anchors were lowered — not

^ or talvaiixm, ' AV reads /aU. ' Bezan adds and gave dUo unto tw.

^ Marg with B reads about threetcore and sixteen, * Besan the $ailon.

" Marg vfiih B reads bring the ship safe to shore (lit. save-out-qf—ihe sea)
' 8. Luke really says some land was nearing la, as a seaman would.

XXVII 29-34 IN S. PAUL^ BAY 489

from the usual place, the prow of the vessel, hutr—Jrom the stem.
This was to prevent the ship swinging round to the wind and
to keep her &cin^ shorewasas, ready to be run aground in the
morning. Before tney could anchor from the stem, they had first
to take up and lash the two ^eat paddles which served the ancients
for rudders (verse 40). This done they remained longing for day\
Dawn would shew them their fate, for they had no idea where t^ey
were. The land was in fact the island of Malta^ and the noise
came from the breakers oflF Koura Point, the western promontory
of S. Paul's Bay. It has been calculated from the averages of
modem vessels that a ship drifting like this would in fourteen
days iust cover the 480 miles which lie between Gozzo and Malta,
and the first bay it would reach, coming from that direction, would
be that of S. Paul. Further details correspond so that there is no
reasonable doubt that this is the scene of the apostle's shipwreck*.

30 The ftilfilment of the divine will, however, depended upon the
proper co-operation on man's part Thus the crew of the ship had
not the same confidence in S. Paul as the centurion ; possibly there
was a feeling of irritation or jealousy at the interference of a lands-
man. In any case they hoped to make sure of their own escape
by selfishly making oflF with the boat instead of waiting for the
dawn. So while it was still dark, they lowered the boat (verse 17)
into the sea under the pretence of stretching out anchors from the

SI prow to keep the ship steadier. Paul, however, saw through the
flimsy pretext and warned Julius. The sailors would be wanted
next morning to run the ship aground, and without them the
soldiers would be helpless. So the apostle uttered a waming which
has ever since formed a text for mamtaining at all costs the unity
of the church : unless these (sailors) abide in the ship, ye (soldiers)

32 cannot be saved. The soldiers shewed their faith m S. Paul by
cutting the ropes and sacrificing the boat; and by so doii^ they
may have saved the lives of the sailors in spite of themselves.

33 A second condition needfrd for their safetu was to take some
food. The work of getting to shore would require all their
strength and nerve, but for fourteen days they had been in a state
of fasting. S. Paul then again assumed the office of comforter
and commander : as he had prayed for them, so now he sustains
them ; and his attitude is very much like that of the Lord feeding
the Five Thousand. Just before the point of dawn all the ship's
company were assembled (perhaps for a roll-call) and Paul exhorted

34 them to partake of food. By urging them to eat he declared his

^ The Greek word primarily means praying: here it mast denote the ardent
longing for the dawn, which they could hardly haye hoped to accelerate hy prayer.
^ The Greek form Melita caosed it once to be identified with the isle of Meleda in
the Adriatic. This idea cannot now-a-days be considered seriously. ' For thia

calculation see Smith Voyage etc. pp. 125-8. In the particular creek which Mr Smith
identifies with the point of appulse there is no sandy beach (p. 142, Acts zxvii 89).
Dr Field however shews that the Greek word is not necessarily limited to a iondy
beach.

490 THE SHIPWRECK xxvn 34-42

belief that their condition was not hopeless : he was convinced that
if they did their part, not a hair qf their head vxmld perish. He uses
a proverbial saying familiar to the Jews^. Then, in order to set an

35 example, he took a haf and said grace over it, i.e. he gave tkanh to
God, And so in tJie presence o/and in behalf of them aU he oflfered
an act of worship to the God whom he served (verse 23). TRien
breaking the loaf he first ate of it himself and then gave also to
Aristarchus and Luke his fellow-disciples'. We Imve already
noticed the correspondence with the Last Supper, but we need
not conclude that this was technically a celebration of the Holy
Eucharist. It is not likely that S. Paul would have celebrated
the holy mysteries before a company of unbelievers; nor is the
condition of a ship tossing in a heavy sea favourable for the
solemnities of religious worship. The similarity is due, not so
much to the fact that the Holy Eucharist is a meal, as that eveiy
meal has a sacred character and food 'is sanctified by the word
of God and prayer.' Thus S. Paul offered thanks to God; and this
meal, like those after the resurrection at Emmaus and on the shore of

36 the lake of Galilee, is a pattern of the Christian meal'. The effect
was proportionate. The rest were encouraged and took their Jboi.

37 In some way, as in the case of the Five Thousand, the meal was
connected with a numbering of the people. In aU they came to
276 souls. Here our desire for a perfect picture is baffled by a
discrepancy in our authorities : the Vatican MS has abaui 76.
The vessels of the ancients were as a rule smaller than ours : but
if we remember the large size of the Alexandrian corn-ships and
the 600 souls on board Josephus' ship, 276 will not be too many.

38 When they Imd eaten as much as they would, thei/ threw into tk
sea the rest of the wheat for which they had no further need and
so completed the operation begun in verse 18.

39 By this time it was full aai/f but the sailors did not recognize
the coast. Most of them had probably been at Malta before, but
they would have visited the harbour of Valetta, like tibe other
Alexandrian ship of xxviii 11. TTiey discovered however a bay
(S. Paul's Bay) with a beach, and therefore a possible place to
run the ship aground. Accordingly after a final council, they

40 decided to make the attempt. 7%e anchors were cast loose, the
rudder paddles unlashed, the small fore^l raised up (for the cale
was still blowing) and they steered straight ybr the beacL But uiey

41 had 'reckoned without their host* There is an island cut off
from the northern promontory of the bay by a narrow channel, and
the current through this channel meeting the tide in the l»y
causes sand-banks to form. On one of these the ship stuck fast,
and the heavy sea at once began to break up its stem part. At

42 this final and fatal moment S. raul had the narrowest escape of all.

1 It occurs in the OT (I Sam xiy 45, II zIt 11, I E i 62) with fall, as in the
margin ; but, as in the text, in Lk xxi 18. Cp. Mt x 80, Lk xii 7. > Bezan.

s See pp. 87, 40: and op. I Tim iT 5; Lk zxi? 30, Jn xxi 18.

XXVII 42-44 IN S. PAUL'S BAY 491

He was on the point of losing his life not by the sea but by the
sword*, and the sword not of the lawful executioner but of selfish
murderers. Human selfishness made another attempt to fhistrate
the divine purpose. Before, it was the sailors; now, it is the
soldiers. These were responsible for the prisoners with their lives';
and as the latter had now a good opportunity to make their escape,

43 the simplest plan was to kUi them at once. But Julius, however
indifierent he might be to the fate of the rest, felt a real gratitude
if not afiection towards the apostle, and forbade his men to carry out
the proposal. Instead, he ordered all to make their way to the land

44 as best they could, and in the end all were saved completely^.
Like Israel they found dry land in the midst of the sea, and like
Jonah they were cast out of the deep on to the shore.

After the tvreck

After the wreck the shipwrecked company found not merely safety
but comfort and hospitality; and an incident occurred which completed
the exaltation of the apostle. With this incident we must compare
similar conduct on the part of the other 'barbarians' of the Acts,
the Lycaonians, in xiv 8-19.

28 And when we were escaped, then we knew that the island

2 was called ^Melita. And the barbarians shewed us no commoD
kindness : for they kindled a fire, and received us all, because

3 of the present rain, and because of the cold. But when Paul
had gathered a bundle of sticks, and laid them on the fire,
a viper came out by reason of the heat, and fastened on his

4 hand. And when the barbarians saw the beast hanging from
his hand, they said one to another. No doubt this man is a
murderer, whom, though he hath escaped from the sea, yet

5 Justice hath not suffered to live. Howbeit he shook off the

6 beast into the fire, and took no hann. But they expected
that he would have swollen, or fallen down dead suddenly :
but when they were long in expectation, and beheld nothing
amiss come to him, they changed their minds, and said that
he was a god.

1 The Maltese were mainly of Phenician extraction, and S. Luke
shews his Greek feeling* by calling them barbarians ; for tliat was
the summary title given by the Greeks to all non-Greek-speaking

^ like S. Peter in oh. xii. ' Cp. xii 19, xvi 27. ' or got safe through.

The use of the same verb in the Greek in w. 43, 44 may be intentional — because
the centurion saved Paul, th^ were aU saved. * Marg with B reads Melitene.

^ not that he was necessarily a Greek: S. Paul also uses the word in Bom i 14,
I Cor xiv 11, Col iii 11.

^

492 PAUL IS RBCaSIVED BY xxvmi-fi

peoples. There were colonies of Syrians and Phenicians in most
of the great commercial cities, and to their dialect would have been
intelli^ole to some of the sailors—possibly to S. Luke himself who
had visited Syris, and Phenicia; for when the shipwrecked party
got on shore, they found some of the natives waiting for them, and

2 §. Luke heard them say, The island is called maUa, Though
barbarians in speech, they were not such in conduct. Instead of
acting like wreckers, the^ treated the party with unusual kind-
ness\ As it was cold — it was now autumn — and raining hard,
they lighted a fire and received us all, even the prisoners, lib

3 brothers^ S. PauVs energy was again conspicuous'; in spite
of the exhaustion of getting to shore, he set about collecting
fuel with such zeal as to attract the notice of the Maltese, who
observed (probably from the chain on his wrist) that he was a
prisoner. As he threw his faggot on the fire, the neat made a viper

4 dart out and fasten on his hand. When they saw it, the simple
barbarians concluded that this man must have committed some great
crime \ and that, although he had escaped one death, Justice would
not suffer him to live. They speak of Justice as a goddess. There
is no evidence of the actual worship of I>iM&t Malta'. But it was
the tendency not only of the barbarian, but of the ' relirious ' Athe-
nian, mind to personify and deif^ qualities and attributes : thus
the Athenians took 'the resurrection' for a deity, and as we speak
of 'Providence,' so the Maltese spoke of 'Justice'.' S. raul

6 however did not drop down dead, nor did even any inflamnuUtM
ensue; so when the^ had stared for a long time and nothing
happened, they exclaimed that he was a god. There was the same
creaulity in the Lycaonians, who were eijuallv quick in altermg
their judgement — only in the reverse direction, from good to bad.

An ODJection is made to the story on the ground that no
poisonous snakes are to be found in Malta to-day; out it would be
much more astonishing, if any such had managed to survive after
so many centuries in that populous island^ It is of course possiUe
that the snake was not poisonous, or that S. Luke misunc^rstood
what was taking place in the barbarian mind. But the impression
conveyed by the text is certainly that of an extraordinary preservation,
as at Lystra. A^d we cannot help thinking that this incident
was in the mind of the writer of Mk xvi 18 — 7%ey shall take up
serpents... and it shall not hurt them. The teaching is the same.
The whole history of the voyage had shewn that there was a divine
Justice watching over S. Paul ; and the character to which it had

^ Thas Julias* kindnete (xxvii 3^ was rewarded. No eomnum oocnrs in xix 11.
' The Greek word implies receiving into feUowship: cp. Bom xiy 1, 8, and AotexTii5.
' Gp. xiv 19-20. * Gp. Lk xiii 1-5, Jn ix 1-2. ' Apparently there was t

temple to Justice (Gk Dik^) in the Megarid {CIQ 1080). < The peracmifioatioo

of the ' DikS * of Zeus was common in the Greek poets. ^ In mythology she waa
reckoned as a goddess, being the daughter of Zeus and Themis (Hesiod). ' WoItm
were to be found in England centuries after this yiper at Malta* bat are now extiziet

xxvni6 THE MALTESE 493

borne witness was so prophetic and inspired, that the simple-minded
Maltese could only describe it in the words that he was divine or
*a god.' These last words contain the real lesson of the narrative,
ana they resemble the similar verdict of the centurion in Lk xxiii 47 :
Certainly this was a righteous man,

§ 2 The vrinter in Malta

Malta^ or Melita as the ancients called it, was an important centre
in the navigation of the Mediterranean. The Phenicians had first
colonized the island ; Greeks followed ; then Carthage annexed it ; and
finally it passed from the dominion of Carthage to that of Rome, and
was assigned to the province of Sicily. Since 1800 it has been a
British possession; and so, while the traditions of S. Paul's having
visited England are worthless, it is some gratification to our patriotism
to know that S. Paul did set foot on British soil. The governor of
Sicily would have some representative in the island; otherwise it
retained its local self-government, which was constituted after the
Greek model with a Senate, Archons, and D^mos (People). Under
the empire we find a procurator in Malta\ Whether he was merely
the steward of the imperial revenues or the actual governor we do not
know*. Besides the procurator there was a 'First of the Maltese.'
This title has been found on inscriptions'; but again we do not know
whether this was a title of ofiice or of compliment. At the present
moment it was borne by one Publius. This is a Roman name; but
as it is only a praenomen^ and no other name is given, we should
rather infer that Publius was not of Roman blood.

The three winter months spent at Malta were for S. Paul a time
of rest and recovery and freedom from controversy. The * barbarians '
were conspicuous for their hospitality and gratitude. They justified the
statement of Vergil that * Justice when sne forsook the earth left her
last footsteps among the simple countrv-folk'.' And the apostle repaid
them — not with silver and gold (iii 6) but — with gifts of healing, wnich
take us back to the early chapters and especially remind us of the
healing of Aeneas and of the multitude firom the cities round about
Jerusfidem (ix 32-5, v 16).

7 Now in the neighbourhood of that place were lands
belonging to the 'chief man of the island, named Publius ;
who received us, and entertained us three days courteously.

8 And it was so, that the father of Publius lay sick of fever and

^ On one insoription (OIL x no. 7494) we find the name of Ckrettion, a
freedman of AugxutMs, procurator of the islands of Melita and Gaulos (Gozzo).

* Mommsen is in favoor of the latter alternative (on CIL x no. 6785). ' In
CIL X no. 7495 we read uiaj(iten8ium) psmus oiiiii{um)— first of all the Maltese
(but this inscription has di8api)eared) ; and in a Oreek inscription {CIO no. 5754)
Prudens a Roman knight, first of the Maltese. For the title cp. xiii 60, xxv 2.

* corresponding to oar * Christian name.* * Georg. n 473-4« < Qk first.

494 FROM MAI/TA xxvni7-io

dysentery : unto whom Paul entered in, and prayed, and laying

9 his hands on him healed him. And when this was done, the

rest also which had diseases in the island came, and were

10 cured : who also honoured us with many honours ; and when

we sailed, they put on board such things as we needed.

7 Publim had estates near S. Paul's Bay ; and while the c^tnrion
was securing quarters for the winter he offered hospitality to
the prisoners and their guards. This is the third instance of
kindness or courtesy which S. Luke marks on this journey'. He
would call the attention of the Roman public to the conrteons
treatment S. Paul received at the hands of all save his own country-

8 men. S. Paul shewed his gratitude to Publius by healina hs
father^ The means he employed were those in nonn^ use
among the Christians, viz. prayer and imposition of hands by the
presbyters of the church*. And accordingly we can look upon tiis
healing not as something extraordinary, like the healing of the
lame man at Lystra ; or marvellous, like the cures throu^ clo^
and napkins at E^hesus; but as the ordinary exercise of the 'gift

9 of healmg*.' Similarly in the description of the cures which were
wrought during the winter we can recognize, besides this spiritoal
method, the use of medical treatment. S. Luke was a doctor,

10 and the us of verse 10 shews that he too had contributed to de
healing of the sick. The Maltese shewed their gratitade by
honouring the apostolic company taith many honours* The usual
way of 'honouring' a benefactor at that time was to erect a statue
of him or at least a complimentary inscription. The honours of
the Maltese may have taken a form more profitable to the recipients.
The word is generally used in the Acts for price or vcUus^; and whoi
the travellers resumed their voyage, as they had lost all thrir
belongings in the shipwreck, the Maltese laded them* with mk
things as they needed.

SECTION III B ( = Ch. 28. 11—31)

BOMB

In the next spring after his shipwreck S. Paul came to the ^i
of his journey ; and thus the divine will that he should ' bear witness
at Rome ' was, m spite of the resistance of the elements and of human

^ xxviii 2 and xxvii 3. ^ His ailment is described with medioal aoeoraoy by

S. Luke ; op. Lk i? 38. > Jas ? 14, where oil is also specified (as in Mk Ti IS).

Laying on of hands and prayer was the mediom for conveyanoe of blessings both
spiritual and material, op. p. 85. * I Cor zii 9, 30. ^ iy 84, y 3-3, vii 16^

xix 19. Cp. Ecdus xxzviii 1 : * Honour a physician according to thy need of him
with the honours due unto him ' (the words in italics stand for Ghreek words, whiflh
occur here). ' The word may mean put-on them or put-on board.

xxvin 11-14 TO ROME 495

perversity, at last fulfilled. Its fulfilment was also the triumph of the
apostle, who had ever striven to identify his own with the Lord's will.
A long while ago he had prayed for a prosperous journey to Rome
(Rom 1 10); and though events had fallen out very differently firom
nis expectation, yet the prayer had been answered. The ^.hain of
circumstances is made complete by the addition of the last link : the
meeting with AquUa and Priscilla at Corinth, the plan formed at
Ephesus, the letter written from Corinth, the vision of the Lord at
Jerusalem, the delivery up to the Romans at Caesarea, the appeal to
Caesar, are now fulfilled by the arrival of the apostle himself at Rome\

On his entry into the city, S. Paul would find himself confronted
with three 'nations' or divisions of mankind.

(i) TTie Gentiles. As the centre of the world, the vast city of
Rome represented, and contained representatives of, all nations :
potentially it answers to ' the uttermost part of the earth ' (i 8). The
rest of * the nations ' had been subdued by the Romans : accordingly,
as the centre of power, the city of Rome was the visible embodiment of
* the kingdom ofme world,' with the Caesar at its head.

(ii) The Jews, The history of the Jewish colony at Rome has
been briefly sketched above (p. 23). Claudius had expelled them from
the city (p. 324). But his edict soon became a dead letter; and the
Jews at Rome were now as numerous as ever, swarming especially in
their quarter across the Tiber, the modem Trastevere. They were so
numerous as to have several synagogues. Inscriptions have made us
acquainted with the synagogues *of the Augustesians,' *of the
A^ppesians,' and * of Volumnius,' called after their patrons ; * of
the C£unpesians ' in the Campus Martis, ' of the Siburesians ' in the
Subora ; also * of the Hebrews,' * of the Rhodians/ and * of the olive'.'
Though Jewish beggars abounded, there were also Jews among the
weakny. By means of proselytism among Roman ladies, the Jews
exercised a great influence upon society : and in the society of Rome
the Herodian family, who were Jews, held a leading position. Even
in the emperor's palace the Jews were well represented by slaves,
freedmen, and others, who secured for them considerable interest with
Nero: Haliturus, his favourite actor, was a Jew, and his mistress
Poppaea a Jewish proselyte.

(joi) The Christians, The origins of the church at Rome are
wrapt in obscurity. As every movement in the empire was reflected
at tne capital which was the place of universal resort from all quarters,
as ^;ain there was close communication between the Jews of Rome and
of RJestine, we should expect the news of Christianity to find its way
to Rome as soon as anywhere. Possibly the first seeds of the truth
were carried home by some of the * Romans ' from the first Pentecost*.
Certainly in the reign of Claudius Christianity had made some progress,
for the tumults it occasioned among the Jews led to their banishment

1 See ZYi 87, xriii 2, zix 21, zzii 25, xxiU 11, zxy 11. > For faU informAtioii

fee Schfirer, especially his Qemeindeverfoitung der Juden im Rom, > ii 10: cp.

xviii 2.

496 FROM MALTA xxvin ii-u

from the city: this progress is at least confirmed by the traditions
which speak of visits of Simon Magus and of S. Peter to the city in
Claudius' days. At the b^inning of Nero's reign (a.d. 54) the Bomao
Christians were so important a body that S. Paul, although personally
a stranger, addressed to them his great doctrinal ^istla From thu
Epistle to the Bomans we can draw one or two in^rences. (1^ The
Christians were so fully established in the £sdth that S. Paul dm
not claim to come to them as more than a visitor, and he almost
apologizes for admonishing them^ (2) The Gentile dement pre-
dominated among diem. This is connrmed by the evidence of the
Acts. The speech of the Jews in verses 21-22 shews that a great
separation ban already taken place between the Synagogue and the
E^lesia. Claudius' eoict of bsmishment would fully account for such
a divorce. If Jewish Christians had to leave the city, the Gentile
Christians would have remained behind: again, when the Jews re-
turned, Jews and Christians would now form independent bodies.
(S) And yet the Roman Christians do not appear to be fiiUy organ-
ized into one body or church. The salutations at the end of the
epistle shew them to be grouped round various centres*. This is
exactly what we should expect in a ^eat city. In Rome, as at
Ephesus, Christianity would spring up m various groups, in various
localities, and from various sources' : and this is borne out by
the histoiy of S. Paul's relation to the church when he arrives. This
state of affairs would be perfectly natural if Christianity at Rome had
not been planted by one great founder or apostle. Nevertheless, it
does not exclude a previous visit of S. Peter: he may have visited
the city, and yet been prevented by the need of secrecy, or other
limitations, from organizmg the Christians into one unit^ charch\
Now, however, we are U) trace the journey and arrival of 8. Paol,
about which there is no doubt. On the opening of the sailing season
of A.D. 58 he starts upon what may be called his third voyaga It
takes about a week; and its diary is carefully marked like tliat of the
eventful voyage up to Jerusalem in 55, just tnree years ago.

§ 1 Journey to Rome. Paul mid the Christians

11 And after three months we set sail in a ship of Alexandria,
which had wintered in the island, whose sign was 'The Twin

12 Brothers. And touching at Syracuse, we tarried there three

13 days. And from thence we "made a circuit, and arrived at
Rhegium : and after one day a south wind sprang up, and on

14 the second day we came to Puteoli : where we found brethren,

1 See Rom i 11-2, xv 14-6, 24, 28. » S. Paul does not write to • the church'

at Rome; and his allusion to ministries in zii 6-8 agrees with a very democsxmtie
feeling in the church, on which see p. 610. » Compare the growth of the chnwh

at Ephesus, p. 348. * See pp. 179-80, 362. » Gk Dio$cun. • Marg

with KB reads cast loote, i.e. weighed anchor (xxvii 40).

XXVIII 11-14 TO ROME 497

and ^were intreated to tarry with them seven days : and so
we came to Rome.
15 And from thence the brethren, when they heard of us,
came to meet ns as far as 'The Market of Appius, and The
Three Taverns : whom when Paul saw, he thanked God, and
took courage.

11 Like the ill-fated vessel of Julius, another Alexandrian ship
had been prevented from reaching Rome and had wintered at Malta.
It was the Dioscuri: that was uie name of the twin gods, Castor
and Pollux, who were the patrons of sailors and whose figures
adorned the vessel's prow. As soon as the sea was again *open' for
navigation, viz. at the beginning of March', this vessel prepared to

12 start and Julius impressed it to carry his company. They first
called at Syracuse m Sicily. Here they were kept three days,

13 probably tlm)ugh adverse winds. For when they aid start they
nad to tack or fetch a compass (AV) in order to get to Ehegium
in the straits of Messina. After another day's delay, a south wind
sprang up and carried them straight to Puteoli, 180 miles distant,
which they reached the next day*. Puteoli, now Pozzuoli, in the
bay of Naples, although 140 miles distant from the city was yet
the port 01 Rome. For the harbour of Ostia at the mouth of the
Tiber suffered from the silting of the river. Claudius had done a
great deal to improve it; but Ostia could never be a rival of Puteoli.
As the port of Rome, the harbour of Puteoli would be crowded with
shipping from all quarters, and its streets with men of all nation-
alities. Among these would be a large proportion of orientals, for
here *the S)rrian Orontes first disgorged its crowds on the way to

14 the Roman Tiber*.* There was a large Jewish quarter, and quite
naturally a body of Christians, i.e. brethren. The apostolic company
were entertained by them for a week, and toere much comforted and
encouraced^ And so, i.e. with a good courage and in a spirit of
thankfrimess (as will be further explained in the following verse) ^

^ Bezan reads were comforted, tarrying [with them. ' i.e. Appii Forum and

Tret Tabemae, > or even earlier. Aooording to Yegetias (see p. 483) the sea

was ' Bhat * from Nov. 11 to March 5 ; and the festival of * the sailing of Isia ' on
liareh 5 was the formal opening of the navigation season. Bat there was another
reckoning. Pliny {Nat, Hiet, ii 47) says that the advent of spring, i.e. Feb. 7 or 8,
'opened the sea to sailors.' Pf. G. Erbes (from whom I have borrowed this in-
formation) even dates the departure from Malta on Jan. 26, and the arrival at
Borne on Feb. 12 (die Todestage der Apostel Paulus u. Petnu, in TexU u. UrUermch,
n. f. rv i, pp. 47-9). * This was the osual course for travellers. Titus, when

harrying to Borne after the destruction of Jerusalem, sailed from Alexandria in a
merchant vessel, touched at Bhegium and landed at Puteoli (Suetonius Titus 5).
* Juvenal Sat. ni 62. ^ The Bezan text is more natural than the RV. The

Greek verb, which corresponds to paraelesis, may be translated beseech or encourage:
but Julius rather than S. Paul was the person to be intreated, and the idea of en-
couragement suits the context best. ^ S. Luke may simply mean * by the osual
land route * : but for his significant use of to, cp. xvii 33, xix ^, xx 11.

E. A. 32

498 THE CHRISTIANS ESCORT xxvra 15

voe came to Bams — the Rome (so the Greek has it) which had been
so long the apostle's goal and ambition.

But now when he had at last come within sight of the goal, iihe
apostle was overcome once more bjr depression. Wonderfully preserved
as he had been by the divine Justice from the perils of the sea and the
plots of the Jews, his own spirit was now cast aown. No doubt all the
sufferings he had gone through were beginning to tell on his physical
frame. But the real burden was mental anxiety — not so much for
his own safety, as on behalf of the gospel. It would be a critical
moment when he should stand before uie Caesar, and the powers that
be would have to decide upon the quarrel between Judaism and
Christianity. Then his kinsmen, the Jews — ^would they still reiect his
offer? and yet again, his brethren of the church — how would they
receive his gospel ? It is quite evident from the Epistle to the Romans
that S. Paul had considered their attitude toward his gospel to be of
the greatest importance : and now, how would they receive him in
person ? Aquila and Priscilla, his faithful fellow-workers, were Roman
Uhiistians, and he had many friends in the city. But to the majority
he was unknown. In his letter to them he had shewn the greatest
care to avoid any assumption of authority. It was now over three
years since he had written that letter ; what response he had received
we do not know, but we can quite imagine the state of anxiety in
which he left Puteoli, under the escort of Julius and his soldiers.
15 At Capua they would join the famous Appian Way which ran
from Brincusi to Rome, and a hundred miles mim Puteoli they came
to Appii Forum, This station is £uniliar to us from allusions in
Roman writers. Horace in particular, recounting a journey to Brin-
disi, describes it as * crowded with boatmen and inn-keepers, — and
rogues*.' But a joyful surprise awaited S. Paul. Here they met
a body of Christian brethren who had come to welcome them to
Rome. At the next stage. Tree Tabemaey 10 miles further on,
another body met them. Josephus relates that, when an impostor
claiming to be Alexander a son of Herod the Great visited Kome,
the whole nation of the Jews came to meet and escort him to the
city^. The Roman Christians determined to pay the apostle the
same honour. As soon as he arrived at Puteoli, news had been
sent off, but the time had not allowed them to get further than the
40 miles to Appii Forum. They came in two bodies, which may
have represented the two sides of the church, Gentile and Jewish,
respectively : or possibly the want of a central organization had led
to independent action. However that may be, when 8. Paul saw
them, at this sign of loyalty and tribute of honour, his depression
vanished, he thanked God^, and took courage^.

1 8at, I 5. 4. 2 Ant. xvn 12. 1. • as in the Btorm, xxvii 36. * Th€

ooiira(i;e was the gift of the Lord, who had said ' be of good couaragt ' (sziii 11,
p. 435).

xxviil 16 a PAUL TO THE CITY 499

§ 2 Ewtry into Rome. Paul cmd the Jews

After leaving Tres Tabernae, the Appian Way (which can still be
trodden by those who wish to follow in the apostle's footsteps) led the
party for thirty miles straight across the Gampagna to the city ; and
passing under the Porta Capena, S. Paul, together with Luke and
Aristarchus, at last entered into Rome, The pronoun we^ which
meets us for the last time, is an indication that o. Luke shared the
feelings with which the apostle for the first time trod the streets and
viewed the buildings of the Eternal City, the Mistress of the World,
the Babylon on the Seven Hills.

16 And when we entered into Rome, * Paul was suffered to
abide by himself with the soldier that guarded him.

17 And it came to pass, that after three days he called
together 'those that were the ^chief of the Jews : and when
they were come together, he said unto them, I, brethren,
though I had done nothing against the people, or the customs
of our fethers, yet was delivered prisoner from Jerusalem

18 into the bands of the Romans : who, when they bad examined
me, desired to set me at liberty, because there was no cause

19 of death in me. But when the Jews spake against it^ I was
constrained to appeal unto Caesar ; not that I had aught to

20 accuse my nation of. For this cause therefore did I "intreat
you to see and to speak with me : for because of the hope

21 of Israel I am bound with this chain. And they said unto
him. We neither i*eceived letters from Judaea concerning thee,
nor did any of the brethren come hither and report or speak

22 any harm of thee. But we desire to hear of thee what thou
thinkest : for as concerning this sect, it is known to us that
everywhere it is spoken against

16 On entering the city, Julius' first care was to march to his
head-quarters — the Castra Peregrinorum, i.e. the Gamp of the
Peregrini on the Caelian Hill (p. 479)— and there hand aver the
prisoners to his official superior, the Captain of the Camp, or

^ Marg with AY and Bezan inserts the cerUurion delivered the prisoners to the
captain of the praetorian guard, hut [Paul, The Gk word is eaptain-of- the -camp :
Av translates captain of the guard, a Bezan Latin text (Gigas, p. xxiy) prineeps
peregrinorum, ^ Bezan adds without the camp (Hebr xiii 11). ' Marg

those that were of the Jews first. * Gk first. ^ Bezan inserts and cried out

Away with our enemy: and at the end of the verse but that I might deliver (lit.
redeem) my soul from death. ' Marg with AY call for you, to see and to speak

with yon.

32—2

600 THE JEWS GOME xxvm 17-do

'Chief of the Peregrini/ as he was subsequently called^ This
is no doubt the officer meant : the usual reference to the Prae-
torian ^ard, as in the margin, naturally originated in days when
the existence of the Peregjini had been forgotten. But the
Praetorians did not act as imperial police ; it is true that im-
portant political offenders, dangerous to the Caesar, were committed
to the custody of the Prefect of the Praetorian guard, but hardly
ordinary appellants like these Jews. The Captain of the Peregrini,
on receiving Paul, would read his 'elogium' (p. 439), from which
he would learn his freedom from guilt in the eyes of a Roman,
while the body of Christians who escorted him would testify to
his personal importance. Accordingly he (Mowed him to Uve in a
house of his own outside the precincts of the camp, with (of course)
the soldier to whom he was chained (verse 20) as nis warder.
S. Paul's anxiety as to the Christians had been set at rest. There
remained the Jews. There was constant communication between
Jerusalem and Bome, and no doubt the Jewish authorities would have
sent messengers — 'apostles' they were called at a later date — or
written letters to secure the interest of their Roman brethren in
promotiuj^ active measures against Paul. Accordingly it was im-

Sortant for him to ascertain the attitude they would adopt, and to
isarm their prdudices by assuring them of his loyalty to nis nation.
But though S. raul begins his address to them with nis emphatic /,
his personal prospects would not be his chief motive for approaching
them. The apostle had come with a readiness or zeal ' to preach the

Sospel to them also who were at Rome'; and his rule was *to the
ew first, then to the Greek*.'

17 Accordingly after a day's rest, in which he could realize his new
surroundings, S. Paul invited to his lodging those who were the first
of the Jews*, i.e. no doubt the rulers and archisynagogi of the
various synagogues. They came in a body\ and S. Paul made his
final defence to the Jews, to explain his present position. (1) He
denied that he had been guilty of any act of disloj^ty to the
People (pi Israel) or the ctistoms of the fathers, although he had
been delivered into the hands of the Romans^ and had come from
] 8 Jerusalem (as they saw) in bonds. The Romans themselves had
pronounced him guiltless and their intention had been to let kirn

19 go free, but the Jews had spoken against it\ This compeUed
raul to appeal to Caesar — not to impeach his nation but — to save

20 himself from death. His hearers however, to whom no doubt the
apostle's name was known, were aware that S. Paul's real offence
was his profession of Christianity, and would argue that there must

1 i.e. in the time of Septimias Sevems, bat the title may have been older, as
the office certainly was. ^ Bom i 1&-6. This is in Cayoor of the marginal

together

the gaintaying of Heb xii 3.

xxvni 20-22 TO S. PAUL'S LODGING 601

be some great heresy in his teaching to account for this otherwise
inexplicable opposition. To this then S. Paul at once passes.
(2) Lifting up iiis arm with its chain, S. Paul testifies before God*
that it is the hope of Israel which is in question, and for which he is
'an ambassador in chains^'; and it was in order to expound this
hope to them that he had besought them to grant him this interview.

21 The Jews assumed an impartial attitude. By their emphatic
we (corresponding to S. Paul's /) they distinguish themselves from
the Jews of Jerusalem. They assert that they had received no
official letter or messenger about S. Paul, nor had any private person

22 brought an evil report of him from Judaea. On tlie other hand
they were aware that this sect of the Nazarenes was everywhere
spoken against in the Jewish world. Still they did not wish to be

frejudiced and so asked S. Paul to give an exposition of his views'^.
t was difficult for outsiders, in the absence of an authoritative
teacher, to ascertain the real doctrines of the sect, especially the
advanced views which were most offensive to the Jews. But
S. Paul, as they knew, was *a ringleader of the Nazarenes'
(xxiv 5) : hence there was a great opportunity of obtaining infor-
mation from the teacher himself*. Accordingly a day was fixed
for a discussion, and they departed.

This short speech presents two diificulties. (1) It seems surprising
that the high-priests should not have written to Komc. It is possible
that they had done so, and that their messenger had been detained by
the same storm as S. Paul himself. Or the Jews at Jerusalem may
have felt their case to be too weak to be vigorously followed up at
Rome, especially after the fsbvourable verdicts of Festus and Agnppa.
Or they may have been too fiiUy occupied with anxieties at home.
(2) We should have thought that the Koman Jews could have obtained
some information about ' this sect ' at Rome. But in this speech they
entirely ignore the Koman Christians. There seems to oe a deep
gulf between the Syna^gue and the Ecclesia in Rome, such as was
not the case in other cities, in Corinth or Ephesus. But, as has been
suggested above, the edict of Claudius may solve the difficulty. The
expulsion of the Jews would liave caused the Gentile element in the
church to predominate, and resulted in a complete divorce from the
synagogue. After the edict the Christians would have b^un to meet
for worship in their own houses, as is evident from the ^istle to the
Romans. When the Jews returned, the tie of common worship Iiaving
once been broken, there would be no reason for the renewal of inter-
course. And in a vast city like Rome the separated bodies would soon
lose sight of each other.

1 See xxvi 1, p. 4G3. > Eph vi 90, Col iy 8. * Cp. Bom viii 6,

zii 3, 16, xiv G, xv 6. ^ Cp. the intereft of the Ephesian Jewi in xTiii 20,

p. 884.

502 THE PROBLEM xxvin23

Conclusiofi of the Acts

The day appointed — ^by God*, as well as by the Jews — ^has arrived.
The goal is reached. The kingdom of God has grows like the mustard
seed. From its cradle in the upper chamber at Jerusalem it has
reached the capital of the world; and its herald is on the eve of
beuing his witness before the king of this world. The task of the
historian also is finished. His main purpose had been to describe the
extension of the church from Jerusalem ' to the uttermost part of the
earth ' (i 8) ; and now that Rome is reached, he concludes the Acts
with two pictures which bring before us the chief subjects of the
history. (1) The scenes at Antioch in Pisidia, at Corinth and
Ephesus^ are re-presented in a final scene at Rome where the Jews
reiect the Messiah, and the gospel of salvation is offered to the Gentiles.
(2) The series of notices which recorded from time to time the steady
growth of the church' are concluded with a picture, in which we see
Paul at work in Rome, in the undisturbed exercise of his apostolate,
as a herald and teacher*, testifying the kingdom of God*. This con-
clusion of the Acts corresponds to that of the Gospel. There (1) the
Lord expounds the message of the ' salvation of God,' which is to ' be
preachea unto all the nations, beginning from Jerusalem.' And (2) the
Gospel ends with a picture of the disciples, engaged in uninterrupted
worship and waiting m quiet expectation for the future*.

§ 3 The rejcctwii of the Jews: the mission to the Cfentiles

At the end of the (Jospel the Lord 'opened the mind' of the
disciples to understand what had been to them the supreme stumbling-
blocK, viz. the fact that the Christ had been crucified and that by 'his
own^' At the end of the Acts we are brought face to &uce with the
same difficulty, in a later sta^e of development. The coming of Jesus
liad been followed by the coming of the Spirit and the establishment of
the church. But as the Jews had crucified the Messiah, so they would
have none of his kingdom : consequently, as thev rejected the kingdom
of God, so God rejected his people firom their imieritance. This, then,
was the intellectual and spiritual problem of the early church — the
utter failure of God's chosen people to recognize their calling, and
consequently the seeming failure of God's promises to tibiem. At this
moment the problem was weighing heavily on S. Paul's mind and
heart : and in nis Epistle to the Romans he had made the most deter-
mined attempt to grapple with it^ The difficulty was also felt by
S. John, and by the Evangelists, — indeed by the whole church. But
the Lord had answered it, giving the answer which the church could
then receive : and that answer, which is contained in the words ' it is
written,' is here repeated. Both the crucifixion and the unbelief were

1 Cp. xvii 31. > xiii 44^, zTiii 6, six 9. » i 13-4, U 41-7, i? Sl-3.

V 42, vi 7, ix 31, xii 24, xvi 6, xix 20. * xi 26, xiv 7, xv 35, xviu 11, xix 8.

» i 8. viii 12, xix 8. « Lk xxiv 44-9 : 62-3. ' Lk xxiv 46. • Bom
ix-xi.

XXVIII 23 OF UNBELIEF 503

recogmzed in the divine plan, as revealed in scripture : and the passage
of Isaiah which the Lord quoted is recorded by all the Synoptists, and
again by S. Luke in the Acts, by S. Paul in the Ep. to the Romans,
and at the close of the century by S. John, who concludes the strife
between belief and unbelief (in which form he presents to us the Lord's
ministry) with the same divine judgments

23 And when they had appointed him a day, they came to
him into his lodging in great number ; to whom be expounded
the matter^ testifying the kingdom of God, and persuading
them concerning Jesus, both from the law of Moses and from

24 the prophets, from morning till evening. And some believed

25 the things which were spoken, and some disbelieved. And
when they agreed not among themselves, they departed, after
that Paul had spoken one word, Well spake the Holy Ghost

26 by Isaiah the prophet unto your others, saying,

'Go thou unto this people, and say,
By hearing ye shall hear, and shall in no wise understand ;
And seeing ye shall see, and shall in no wise perceive :

27 For this people's heart is waxed gross.
And their ears are dull of hearing.
And their eyes they have closed ;

Lest haply they should perceive with their eyes,
And hear with their ears.

And understand with their hearty and should turn again.
And I should heal them.

28 Be it known therefore unto you, that this salvation of God is
sent unto the Gentiles : they will also hear*.

23 On the appointed day the Jews came to his lodging in great
numbers, and raul made a great exposition of his faith, which
lasted from early morning till the afternoon and reminds us of his
day's work at Ephesus\ He spoke as an apostle, fulfilling the

mony ^ , _. f. .

capital of the world. The Messiah was king of this kingdom ; and

Jesus was the Messiah. (2) So Jesus was the object of his

1 Isai vi 9-10: Mt ziii 14-^, Mk iv 12, Lk yui 10: Acts zxviii 26-7. Bom zi 8:
In zii 39-40. > Isai yi 9-10. * Marg with AV and Bezan adds And when

fu had aaid these words the Jews departed^ having much disputing among themselves.
^ xix 9 (Bezan): oar afternoon (8 to 5 p.m.) best represents the andent evening.
» Lk xxi? 48, Acts i 8, zxu 16: u 40. Tiii 25, x 42, xviii 6, xx 21, 24, xxiii 11.
i xiu 48, xviii 4, xix 8, 26, xxvi 28, U Ck>r ▼ 11, (HI i la

604 THE JEWS DEPART xxvni2S-27

persnasion — Jesus who inspired both his personal devotion and his
public preaching\ What S. Paul persuaded concerning him is
contained in Lk xxiv 46' — viz. that 'the Christ should suffer and
rise a^in from the dead the third day.' (3) The Idngdom of
the Christ is the fulfilment of iJl that was contained in the law
of Moses and the prophets, i.e. the old covenant : it was in bjd the
hope of Israel (verse 20)*.

24 This exposition caused a division among the Jews. Some were
persuaded, others disbelieved; so — to keep up the metaphor con-

25 tained in the Greek word for offreed-not-amang-themsehes — ^there
was a discord or breach of harmony between them*. This iras a
sign of the fall of the kingdom of the old covenant; for a kingdom
divided against itself cannot stand. This division relieved Paul
from the necessity of further ' reasoning.' He was raised bom the
position of advocate to that of arbitrator, who declares the award
of God in a divine iDord. He had proclaimed the kingdom of God
in Christ Jesus ; now through him speaks the living voice of the
Spirit. The event of the day has given S. Paul a still deeper insight
into the truth and meaning of the Spirit's utterances in the prophets
of old, and he exclaims Well spake the Holy Ghost, As flie spec-
tator in the amphitheatre, at the sight of a great victory of strength
and skill, exclaims *Well done'; so in the arena of the world's
history the apostle, overcome by the wonderful progress of the
divine truth, exclaims *It was well spoken.'

26-7 In repeating the divine utterance (1) S. Paul, like Isaiah,
another messenger of God unto this people, pronounces tiie divine
judgement upon them. Again, in so domg he resembles S. James
who pronounced judgement at the council at Jerusalem in another
divine word. But mat word foretold the calling of the Gentiles,
this word the rejection of the Jews ; and from the unbelieving Jews
S. Paul now finally dissociates himself — he says your, no longer *our,'
fathers. (2) In lus Epistle to the Romans the apostle, in seeking to
vindicate the ways of God to man, takes a wiae outlook over the
history of the world : he sees how good is brought out of evil, how
it is the divine method to work for the many through the few, and
how the rejection of the Jews led to the conversion of the Gentiles.
But these thoughts are no explanation of the ultimate mystery —
why does one individual beheve and another disbelieve? If we
answer that the one believes through the grace of God, this only
drives the problem further back — why is divine grace given to one
and not to another ? This question must remain insoluole to finite
intelligences: as Dante perceived, it is so hidden *in the abyss of
the eternal law ' that it is * cut ofi* from all created sight'.' But the

^ XX 19, 24, xxi 13 : ix 20, xvii 3, IS, op. iv 2. > Gp. Acts XYii 8, xzyi 23.

' ii 16, iii IS f., x 43, xiii 27, 32 f., xv 15, xxiv 14, xxvi 22, 27 : hope xxiii 6,
xxiv 15, xxvi 6, 7. ^ The corresponding noon {=z symphony) oeonrs in its

literal sense in Lk xv 25 : the use of the verb in Acts xv 15 suggests that the new
kingdom is in true harmony with the old. '^ Farctdiso xxi 91-6, zix 61-a.

icxvin 27-28 THE GENTILES WILL HEAR 505

believing Jew could find satisfaction for his intellect and peace for
his heart, in the thought that the unbeUef was foreseen oy God :
•known to the Lord were these things from the beginning' (xv 18).
This knowledge (rod had revealed to man in the scriptures; and
the fulfilment of the scriptures in the crucifixion of the Messiah
and the rejection of the Jews only disclosed the fulness of the
foreknowledge and of the forbearance of God. (3) Further, their
rejection was a moral judgement on the Jews. Difiiculty is
caused to modem thought by the form in which the prophecy is
clothed in the original (and repeated in S. John) : Make the heart
of this people fat... lest they see.... This suggests a Calvinistic
interpretation as if men's hearts were deliberately hardened by the
divine will; but this idea is due to a misunderstanding of the
Hebraic idiom. The Hebrew form of expression is really the
prophetical (or poetical^ description of the result of disobedience;
and the Greek translation in the LXX, which is given here, is a
fidr equivalent : This people's heart is waxed gross. Where there
is the power of choice, there the presentation of new light or truth,
if it is rejected, becomes a judgement. Before the coming of the
light or truth, the darkness is not felt, the sin is dormant: when
the light and truth come and are rejected, then the sin becomes
alive, the darkness conscious. Accordingly, the eflFect of the
preaching of the gospel is to harden the hearts of those who will
not receive it: and this hardening is not to be thought of as a
fsktQ predestined for certain individuals, but as a judgement allowed
by, and in feet the expression of, the divine law. Thus S. Paul's

J reaching was for Ufe or death ; wherever he went, he divided the
ews into two : they had either to believe or disbelieved
28 But the divine will must ultimately prevail, although the wilful-
ness of man may make its path crooKed. The will is that men
should be saved ; and if the Jews reject God's counsel for them,
the salvation of God will be sent to the Gentiles, This too was
written down in one of the Psalms (Ixvii 2) which S. Paul here
quotes. This salvation is the gift of the Holy Spirit^ The news
of it the Gentiles shaU indeed Amr, and they will receive it with joy'.
So through the fell of the Jews came the salvation of the Gentiles.
Nor were all of the Jews rejected, some of them believed: Paul
was himself a Jew. For the rest, S. Luke pictures them here as
saying their ' Nunc Dimittis ' (i.e. ' Now art thou dismissing '), but
it is very different from the canticle of feithfiil Simeon; for they
wilfully dismissed themselves^ refusing U) see the salvation of Gody
and so fulfilled the word of the Lord'.

1 U Ck>r ii 16: op. xiv 1-2, xWi 4-5, 12-8, xix 9. ^ Cp.M 17, x 45, etc.; and
dii 26. 'as in xiii 48. * a more literal translation of the word for they

ieparUd in 7er. 25. ^ Gp. Lk ii 29-^2.

606 PAUL AT ROME xxvra so-si

§ 4 Pavl Oie apostie: the kingdam of God

Prom Jews and Gentiles we turn to those who believed. The Acts
began with the kinadom of God (i 3) and with the kingdom of God
it ends. The Lord has answered the question of the Twelve (i 6),
Dost thou cU this time restore the kingdom to Israel f The kingdom
has been * restored,' but in a manner very diflferent firona their expecta-
tions. Rejected by Israel, it has been ^ven to the Gentiles (Lk xx 16),
— ^proclaimed first in Sebaste the capital of the Samaritans, then m
Epnesus a capital of Hellenism, and now in Rome the capital of
the world*.

30 And 'he abode two whole years in his own hired dwelling,

31 and received all that went in unto him', preaching the kingdom
of God, and teaching the things concerning the Lord Jesos
Christ with all boldness, none forbidding him\

30 The work of the living church is represented in the work of
a person, and he is S. Paul. The note of time, ttoo whole years^
linKs on his work at Rome to that at Antioch, Corinth, Epnesus
and Caesarea*. At Rome he * fulfils his ministry,' which was *to
be a herald and an apostle and a teacher**': S. Luke represents
him as proclaiming and teaching, and these functions together
form the work of an 'apostle.' His method retains its catholic
character: he receives all who enter in unto him"^, both Jews Mid
Greeks^ In xix 21 he had fulfilled his ministry to the churches
of the Gentiles : now he fulfils his ministry to all the world (ix 15).

31 To those without he proclaims the kingdom : to those within he
teaches the things concerning the Lord Jesus. This preaching
comprehends the whole message of the Gosx>el and Acts which
was to record *all that Jesus began both to do and to teach'

ii 1). So the apostle's life-work ends in triumph (II Cor ii 14).
n spite of the natred and opposition of the Jews, he continnes
to proclaim his full catholic 'gospel' unth all his characteristic
boldness and plainness of utterance'; and among the Gentiles,
the Romans and the powers that be, none is found to prevent or
hinder him.

This triumph of the apostle is a figure of the victory of the church".
Her message of the kingdom has been proclaimed 'with all boldness'
from the fi^t^^ ; her fait£ in Jesus still bums unquenched within ; and
no obstacles without can impede her progress. It is true that S. Paul

1 Tiii 12, xix 8, XX 25, xxviii 23. > AV and Bezan Paul. ' Besan

adds both Jews and Greeks. * Some Bezan texts add Maying that this is Ckriii

Jesus (or this Jesus is the Christ), the Son of God, through tohom the whole world it
about to he judged. ^ xi 26, xviii 11, xix 10, xxi? 27. ' II Tim iv 5, i 11.

' i 8, ii 39, xi 43, xiii 39, xv 17. ^ This is Bezan and very charaoteristic: q>.

xiv 1, XYiii 4, xix 10, 17, xx 21. » ix 27, 29, xiii 46, ziT 8, xix 8, xxTi 26.

>^ Cp. the conclusion of the work at Ephesus in xix 20, p. 35G. ^ ii 29, i? 13,

29, 31.

XXVIII 31 THE END OF THE ACTS 607

is bound ; and so the church is girded about with afflictions. But ' the
word of God is not bound'; and the afflictions are but the threshold
to the further advance of the kingdom ^ Each persecution has been
followed by a time of peace, which m its turn was a time of preparation
for a step forward*. So, finally, this peace at Rome is but a prepara-
tion for a fresh development. This is one reason why the Acts does
not end in some great act, a dramatic scene before the emperor or
the martyrdom of the apostle. For there is no end, or ramer the
end is but a beginning; the whole history of the church is a succession
of beginnings^; and as such the end of the Acts resembles the end of
the Gospel, where we also find added the characteristic note of joy*.

That S. Luke intended this paragraph to form the conclusion of
his book is evident from the care with which he has composed it,
and from the existence of more than one 'attempt' or draft in its
composition, which is supplied by the Bezan texts. From them we
can restore a clause which would also form an appropriate conclusion —
saying that this Jesus is ths Christ, the Son of God', through whom the
whole world shall be judged. This clause gives the full doctrine of the
person of Jesus : to the Jews he is the Christ, to the Gentiles the
Son of God, and to all men their Judged Then it adds the doctrine
of the judgement which brings all tnings to an end. The day of
judgement is the * time ' whicn will finally close the * season ' of the
church's work on earth : it will bring in the restitution of all things
and the complete restoration of the kingdom to Israel^

Bpilogiie

S. Luke's brief summary of the two years' work at Rome makes a
fitting close to the Acts, but it does not satisfy our desire for informa-
tion as to the subsequent fate of the apostle and the history of the
Roman church. We are not indeed without authorities : there are
the remaining epistles of S. Paul, the first epistle of S. Peter (written
from Rome), the statements in Tacitus and Suetonius about the
persecution of the Christians, and the traditions reported in Christian
writers. Unfortunately the more light we get, the more difficult does
it become to restore the exact history of events.

We have seen that the trial of S. Paul, or at least the final sentence,
was delayed for two whole years, i.e. till March a.d. 60. The delay
may have been due to Jewish influence, or to the indifference of the
emperor, or to the simple pressure of judicial business. All this time
S. raul was living, chained to a soldier, in his oum hired dtoeUing^.
The emphasis on his oum implies that the apostle paid the rent. It

1 n Tim u 9 ; Acts xiv 22. > Gp. p. 223 note^ . > i 1, p. 4 note'.

_ . , , probably a more permanent

than the lodging (xxviii 28, cp. Philem 22) where he found hospitality for the first
few days. For the bonds cp. Eph iii 1, 13, iy 1, Col i 24, iv 8, Philem 1, 9.

608 THE TWO YEABS'

is true that during his confinement he received a contribution from
the Fhilippians, but his acknowledgment of it implies that, although ,
not 'abounding/ yet he had sufficient for his needs (Phil iv 10-19). 1

When the news of S. Paul's arrival had spread to the provinces, '
his intimate disciples gathered round him once more and correspondeooe
was reopened witn his churches. Of this correspondence we nave few
letters surviving, which shew that ' the care of all the churches ' sdU
pressed upon the apostle. These are the Epistles to the Ephesiaoai
the Oolossians, and Philemon, and the Epistle to the Philippians. The
first three were despatched together by the same messenger Tychiciu,
who was accompanied by Onesimus. Their style and matter shew a great
development when compared with his earlier epistles and (we may add|
with Philippians ; Bishop Li^htfoot accordingly dated them at the mi
of the two years, and English opinion has generally followed him.
Certainly the apostle was expecting a speedy release^ when they were
written. On the other hano, although the Ep. to the Philippians hfts
more in common with the subject-matter of S. Paul's earher epistles
than these, its language is much more definite and clearly implies that
the crisis is at hand. S. Paul has already appeared before me Pne-
torium, i.e. the imperial court; and there is a tone of anxiety which
hangs over the epistle'. This mav refer, however, to a preUminaiy
examination soon after his arrival and S. Paul's expectation of a
speedy decision may have been disappointed. Still the intercouise
with Philippi, implied in Phil ii 25-30, will require an interval of some
months at least smce his arrival at Rome.

Taken toffether, these four epistles give us a picture of S. Paul's
company — *the brethren who were with him' (Phil iv 21), and \^
added another group to the church in Rome. Prom the Asian Epis-
tles we learn that Timothy is with him, and he is joined with the
apostle in the inscription of the Epistles. Besides Timothy there were
three Jews who were *a comfort' to B. Paul : Aristarchus who had shared
the voyage and is called a 'fellow-prisoner,' Jesus Justus, and Mark
the cousin of Barnabas. The breach opened at Antioch (xv 39) is now
healed and S. Mark forgiven. Mark" had ^one with BamaDas to Cjnpras.
Cyprus was in close communication with E^ypt, and as tradition
makes S. Mark the founder of the Alexandrian episcopate it is not
improbable that he had crossed over to Alexandria. Between Alexan-
dna and Rome there was the closest intercourse ; and at Rome we now
find him. From among the Gentiles S. Paul had two *fellow-workeR,'
Demas and Luke. S. Luke is now ' the beloved physician,' which reids
like a grateful recognition of services received at his nands. It is evident
that S. Paul's years at Rome, as elsewhere, were marked with sickness
and suflFering. Besides these S. Paul had other visitors — Tychicus,
whom he employed as his messenger : Epaphras, who had brought him
news of Colossae and for some reason is entitled his 'feUow-prisona*':
Epaphroditus, who brought him the contribution firom Philippi and feD

^ Philmn 22. For Tychioas Eph t 21, 22, Col iv 7-9 ; and OnesimoB Phikm 11
a Phil i 12-26.

CAPTIVITY AT ROME 609

daiuEeiousIy ill at Rome\ It may have been now also that Onesiphorus
of JSdliemis son^t out S. Paul and was not ashamed of his chain
(II 'nm i 17). Lastly, among those who were drawn under S. Paul's
&tteactioD, who came to his lodging and were converted, was a runaway
daye belonging to Philemon, a Christian of Colossae. His name was
(hieshnns and S. Paul sent him back to his master.

The Epistle to the Philippians is our chief source of information as
k> 8. Paul 8 relations to the Roman Christians, and these relations are
iifficult to estimate. He speaks of 'all the saints, and especially they
yt GseBar's household' (iv 22), but there are no personal allusions;
not one of the names in Rom xyi is mentioned again. S. Paul's
bold witness to the gospel before the court had greatly encouraged the
DUjority of the brethren to speak the word of God more boldly : and
fet some of the preachers preached Christ out of envy, thinking to
oaase affliction to the imprisoned apostle (i 12-17). So the Roman
chuich was not wholly at one with him. Later on in the epistle we
find that his own company was somewhat broken up, for he complains
that besides Timothy he lias 'no one like-minded' who will really care
for the Philippians (ii 20) ^ There are hardly any si^s of such a
[mdoininant position of the apostle in the Roman church, and of
SQch an afifectionate intimacy between him and the Roman Christians,
as we should have expected. (1) This may be accounted for by his
confinement. He could not attend the public worship and meetings
of the church : he could only receive those who came to his house :
and his missionary work lay among the pubUc with whom he was
most thrown in contact, viz. 'the praetonum,' which would denote
the officials and servants of the court of appeal, together with the
imperial 'household' of slaves and freedmen'. The uncertainty of the
iasne of the trial would also have been a bar to S. Paul's taldng an
active part in the administration of the church. (2) Again, the
ritnation would be very intelligible, if another apostle had organized
the di£ferent groujps of Roman Christians into a unity; and in met the
tradition of the Roman church has always looked to S. Peter rather
than S. Paul as its founder. Tradition makes S. Peter visit Rome
veiy early, in the reign of Claudius, and a previous visit of Peter
would explain S. Paul's evident hesitation in his Epistle to the Romans
and his intention of visiting them as a guest rather than as an apostle
or ruler. Indeed S. Peter may have been in Rome at this very time.
On the other hand against these suppositions is to be balanced the
silence of S. Paul and S. Luke. S. raul's silence may be due to his
extreme tact and delicacy. But if S. Peter was in Rome in 60, the
union of the two 'chiefest' apostles in common work at Rome would
have supplied S. Luke with a very appropriate conclusion for his book*.
(3) A more probable explanation is to be found in the independent
character of the Roman church. Christianity wa^, as we might say,

1 8m Col W 10-4, PhUem 23-4, PhU ii 25-30. » s. Luke mnst have been

abflenfc on a temporary misBion. * i 13, iv 22. * Had 8. Peter been at

Bome» John Mark would more likely have been with him than with S. PauL

610 THE MABTTRDOM OF

it Borne. It spranff np almost spontaneonsly; and there
'&ther in Ghnst' (I Cor iv 15) to whom toe Christiaiis

'self-sown' at
was no one

were under a sj^ial obligation of obedience. At Antioch (under some-
what similar circnmstances^ we observed a democratic independoice
and freedom of spirit, and now much more ma^ we look for the same
amon^ the Christians of Rome who would enjoy the prestige of the
capitcQ and with the spirit of Romans would tend to look down upcm
visitors from the provmces as 'foreigners.' The Ep. to the Romans in
itself bears witness to an independence of spirit ana organization * ; and
such freedom S. Paul would cordially respect. Besides, his imprison-
ment would have hindered the assumption of any active authority
over the church. This character of the Roman church lasted on
for many years. In epistolary correspondence with Rome we read ol
'the churcn' of Rome, rather than the bishop. Bishops there were, bat
the capital lent the weight of its authority to the ^urch as a whole
rather than to its bishop".

As the result of his trial S. Paul was, in answer to his expectation,
set at libertv'; for there was no real case against him. This &ct we
infer from tne Pastoral Epistles, which are much later in style than
those of the imprisonment, and can nowhere be fitted into the mostle's
previous life. These letters shew that, after all the activity auiisuffer-
mg of his previous life, the apostle had passed the prime of his powers;
and if S. Luke was his amanuensis ([as the style suggests), he still
continued at the apostle's side. Tradition, as recordeoby 8. Clement
of Rome and the author of the Muratorian Canon, makes it
probable that S. Paul at first carried out his project of visiting
opain^ Later, we find from I Timothv and Titus that he also
returned to Greece. He visited Crete — the payment of a debt con-
tracted at Fair Havens — and Ephesus. From Ephesus he went on to
Macedonia, passing through Troas; and he was intending to spend a
winter at Nicopolis in Epirus'. But in that — or the following — ^summer,
the sky became suddenly overcast, his plans were once more broken
and he was hurried oflF to Rome. On July 19, a,d. 64, the great
fire of Rome burst out. When it had destroyed the greater part
of the city, in order to avert the suspicion and fiiry of flie populace
from himself, Nero made the Christians his scapegoats. They were
accused of having set the city on fire, and multitudes of them were put
to death with most barbarous tortures. The chief scene of execution
was the emperor^s gardens on the Vatican hill, where the Christians
were burnt as torches to illuminate games and festivities. Naturally the
emperor would remember and send tor 'the ringleader of the Nazarenes'

1 See p. 496 note ^ . ^ This position is iUustrated by Ignatius* letter to the

Bomans in 115. There is no mention of any bishop or ruleni, and the bishop of
Antioch writes to the church with great respect and humility : ' Not as Peter and
Paul do I command you : they were apostles, I am one condemned.' 3 pp.

Philem 20, Phil i 25. * Bom zv 28. The Muratorian Canon speaks of ha

tetting forth from the city for Spain, S. Clement says that he reached the bounian
of the west. » I Tim i 3, Tit i 6, iii 12, U Tim iv 13.

S. PAUL AND S. PETER 511

who had stood before him in 60. The blow surprised the apostle in
'Asia,' possibly at Miletus or Ephesus. Consternation fell upon the
Ephcfflan Christians, who dared not stand by him^ — except indeed
Priscilla and Aquila, who were now at Ephesus, — and his own company
of followers were dispersed. Demas apparently went to Thessalonica,
CreEMsens to Galatia, Titus to Dalmatia. This left Luke and Erastus,
TjTchicus and Trophimus. But Trophimus fell sick and remained at
Miletus, Erastus stayed behind at Uorinth his own city, Tychicus was
sent back to Ephesus with some message^ So only S. Luke was
left with the apostle when he reached Rome. The leading Roman
Christians ([whose names are new to us), Eubulus, Fudens, Linus
(whom tradition makes the first bishop of Rome after the apostles),
and Oaudia, welcomed him, but none dared appear at his first exami-
nation. It was an ordeal, like entering 'the lion's mouth.' But
S. Paul was delivered. He had no difficulty probably in proving his
absence from Rome. Facts however would be of little avail, and he
wrote off a passionate appeal to Timothy to come to Rome before winter
and to bring Mark with him'. The apostle knows that the end is at
hand, and he is conscious that he is wnting his last words (II Timothy).
His apprehensions were fulfilled. Whether Timothy arrived in time
we do not know, but S. Paul was condemned to death, and one day in
the winter of a.d. 64-65 he was led out on the Ostian Way and there
beheaded. Tradition marks the spot at the Abbey of Tre Fontane,
three miles from the city gate ; and his body was laid where now
stands the church of S. Paolo Fuori le Mura (without-the-walls).

The same persecution was fatal to S. Peter. This apostle, after
evanceliring the remaining provinces of Asia Minor, — Cappadocia,
North Galatia, Pontus and Bithynia, — may have come to Rome after
8. Paul's liberation in a.d. 60, and then or^nized the Christians into
an apostolic church. He may have been in Rome when the persecution
broke out, and the tradition that he was crucified on the Vatican
suggests that he was one of the first victims. Against this however
wenave to set S. Peter's first epistle, which he wrote firom Rome
and sent to the Christians of Asia Minor by the hands of Silvanus, —
probably the same as S. Paul's old companion, Silas. When this was
written, the Christians of Asia Minor were suffering persecution, and
we should naturally assume that their persecution followed after the
outbreak of persecution at Rome*. S. Peter, then, was probably lying
hid in Rome ; and if by so doing he was able to cherish the firagmente
of the broken church' and to build it up again and appoint an apostolic
successor, we shall better understand the position which S. Peter won
in tradition of being the founder of the church of Rome. Ultimately,
however, he was discovered by the authorities ; and, not being a Roman

^ n Tim i 15. ^ possibly, from Rome, with the 2nd Ep. to Timothy (U Tim

iv 12). 3 Sgo II Tim iv 9-21. * Besides, S. Mark, who was away from

Rome when S. Paal wrote II Timothy, had had time to reach Rome, and was with
the apostle (I Pet v 13). " The Roman church most have experienced a ' scattering-
abroad ' as thorough as that of the church of Jerusalem in viii 1.

612 THE MEMORY OF

citizen, he was put to death by crucifixion in the Vatican gardens
beyond the Tiber. If this happened in 67 or early in 68, it would
account for the date assigned to the martyrdom of both apostles by
Eusebius*.

So the two protagonists of the church, the apostle of the circum-
cision and the apostle of the uncircumcision, were united in death.
Their martyrdom seems pictured for us in that of the Two Wit-
nesses in the Revelation of S. John : and it filled up the cup of
Rome's iniquity, the city ' drunken with the blood of the saints and of
the martyrs of Jesus^' These passages in the Revelation reveal the
impression which their deaths made upon the Christian imagination,
and not least upon that of S. John — ^tne sole survivor of tJie 'pillar
apostles'; for S. James was martyred by the Jews in the interval
between the death of Festus and the arrival of the new governor
Albinus (about a.d. 61). But if Rome triumphed over S. Peter and
S. Paul, their deaths presaged the downfall of the heathen city, and
their tombs were to become the glory of the Christian city. The
possession of the bodies of the chief apostles was one — and not the least
— cause of the future greatness of the church of Rome. In a persecution
of the third century, the bodies were transferred for safety's sake to
the catacombs; and the date of the translation, June 29, was henceforth
observed as the Festival of the Apostles Peter and Paul*. Subsequently
the bodies were restored to their original resting-places on the Vatican
Hill and by the Ostian Way, where they now repose under the gorgeous
basilicas of S. Peter's on the Vatican and S. Paul's Without-the-walls;
the third ^eat basilica of S. John in the Lateran serves to unite the
memory of S. John with his brother apostles. The early calendar of
A.D. 336 which marked June 29 as 'the deposition of the apostle,'
marked also Feb. 22 as the accession of S. reter to * the (episcopal)
chair*.' Yet one more day celebrates the name of S. Peter— iammas

^ Of course this reconstractioD is only oonjeotoral. The diffioolty of the subject
will be seen from the Tsrioas dates given by our aathoritieB and sdiolars. Eusebiiu
puts the martyrdoms of both apostles in the 18th year of Nero, Le. about 67-6S.
But this is the date which he also assigns (wrongly) for the Fire of Borne. The
Idberian Catalogue of a.d. 854 gives a.d. 65, some other ms authorities 57. Till
recent years English writers in the main (e.g. Farrar, Conybeare and Howson)
inclined to 68 (i.e. before Nero's death in June) : Lewin gave 65-66 for S. Peter's
martyrdom, followed by that of S. Paul in 66 : Lightfoot made S. Peter die in 64,
S. Paul later in (?) 67. More recently, Hamack places both deaths in 64; Turner
(in Hastings' BibU Diet.) with a similar scheme prefers a year later, 64-65;
Bamsay gives 65 for S. Paul, and 80 (t) for S. Peter: lastly Erbes (in die Todes-
tage etc., Texte u. Untersuchtingen n. f. xv 1) maintains that S. Paul was beheaded
on Feb. 22, a.d. 63, and that S. Peter suffered later, perhaps in 65. * Bev zi

8-13, zvii 6, zviii 20, 24. In his Gospel (zzi 18) S. John alludes to the death
of S. Peter, in Bev xi 7, 8 (possibly) to that of S. Paul. * Unfortunately in oar

calendar the name of S. Paul has dropped out altogether from June 29. In the middle
ages as a compensation for his memory being overshadowed by S. Peter, June 30
was marked as the commemoration of S. Paul. * Another date, Jan. 18, was also
connected with 8. Peter's chair; and in order to remove the confusion, Jan. 18 was
made to celebrate his episcopate at Bome, Feb. 22 at Antioch. Erbes thinks
Feb. 22 marks the date of S. Panl'9 execution.

THE TWO APOSTLES 613

Day or S. Peter's Chains, on August 1. This date perhaps marks the
day of the dedication, in the 5th century, of the Church of the Apostles
on the Esquiline Hill, in which church were preserved among other relics
* the chains of S. Peter.' The memory of S. Paul did not receive so
much attention. In an early French martyrology, Jan. 25 is marked
as 'the translation of S. Paul * ' ; and the Gothic Missal has a mass for
his 'conversion.' Ultimately, by the twelfth century, Jan. 25 came to be
observed as the feast of S. raurs Conversion". But if in the memories
of the church of the south S. Peter stands before S. Paul, the balance
has been redressed in the church of the north. For while S. Paul's
of London and S. Peter's of Westminster stand like brothers side by
side, S. Paul's is the cathedral church of the metropolis of England*.

The position of the two apostles in the Roman tradition was assured
from the first. About the year 95 S. Clement, the bishop of Rome
and their own disciple, when writing an earnest appeal to the Corinthian
Christians to heal their factions and divisions, holds up the two apostles
in tiie forefront of the Roman martyi^ as a splendid example. As this
is tie earliest reference to them outside the JIT, the passage will form
a fitting close to S. Luke's Acts of the Apostles*.

'But,... let us come to those champions who lived very near to our
time. Let us set before us the noble examples which belong to our
generation. By reason of jealousy and envy the greatest and most
righteous pillars of the church were persecuted, and contended even
unto death. Let us set before our eyes the good apostles. There was
Peter who by reason of unrighteous jealousy endured not one nor two
but many labours, and thus having borne his testimony went to his
appointed place of glorv. Bjr reason of jealousy and strife Paul by his
example pointed out tne pnze of patient endurance. After that he
had been seven times in bonds, haa been driven into exile, had been
stoned, had preached in the East and in the West, he won the noble
renown which was the reward of his faith, having taught righteousness
unto the whole world and having reached the mrthest bounds of the
West ; and when he had borne his testimony before the rulers, so he
departed from the world and went unto the holy place, having been
found a notable pattern of patient endurance.'

DEO GRATIAS

^ The meaning of this is not explained. ^ For the information given above

I am mainly indebted to Daohesne's Origine$ p. 265 1 It mast be remembered that
the explanation of the data mainly rests upon the inferences of scholars, who do not
agree on all points (e.g. as to the meaning of 'the deposition* on Jane 29).
> The cathedral church of York is dedicated to S. Peter. ^ Clem, ad Cor, 6

(Bp Lightfoot's trans.).

n. A. 33

1

1

METHUEN &. CO.,

INDEX

Abraham Ixxiii, 40, 55, 93, 99-100,
102, 130 n, 211-4, 317 n, 895

Aohaia Iviii, 301: Ixiv, 22, 196-7,
272-3, 296, 301-33, 335, 361, 372 n,
450

Acts xl-xU : xlviii, Ixii-iv, 4, 171, 186,
342; — of Peter 3, 141; — of Paul
124. 187; — of Stephen 81; — of
PhiUp 112 ; — of the HeUenists 163 ;

— of Apollos 341

Aet$ of Paul and Thecla 198 n, 226-7
Africa Iviii, 23, 40, 189, 337-8
Agabui xcv-vi, 172. 400-1, 411
agap6 87-40, 43, 135, 290, 877-9, 418
agora 809: 287, 297, 807-11, 830;

agoraioi 297
Agrippa, ue Herod
Alexander, — the Great 121, 276, 837 ;

— the Asmonean 121; — the priest
58; — of Ephesofl 368; — the pre-
tender 498

Alexandria xxviii, 129, 842, 348,
481-2, 508 ; Jews of — Izi, 23, 142,
165, 240 ; philosophy of — 88, 101,
105, 341

Alexandrian. — synagogao 89-90 ; —
ship 482, 497

almsgiving 148, 172-3, 183, 188 : see
collection

Ananias and Sapphira 64-7 : 12, 42,
111, 118, 354

— of Damascus Izzxiii, 117 n,
129, 183-5, 424

— the high-priest 428, 430, 438,
441,454

Angel, the — of the LORD 71-2, 101-2,
104, 121, 128, 177-9, 181-2

angels 91, 101-2, 149. 178-9, 486

Annas 44, 56, 58, 480

Antioob Iviii, 165 : xxix-xzx, Ixiii, 22,
81, 84. 117, 129, 162, 179, 183-4,
237-8, 256-61, 271, 882-6 ; church
of — Ixxxiii-iv, 79-80, 164-70, 171-8,
186-98, 243-5, 255-6, 259, 268, 857,
877

Antioch of Pisidia 205-6: xxx-xxxii,
195-8, 204-22, 225, 226, 230, 235-6
274-5, 33a-4

Apocalypte of Baruch 7 n, 53, 61 n

Apollos xli, Ixi, Ixiv, Ixxxv, 23, 340-4,
348—9 859

apologia Ixiv, 92, 239, 371, 383, 404,
421, 462 : see defence

apostasy 208, 221, 350 n, 411, 414,
421, 435, 452

Apostles, the — xli, 4-5, 7 ; see Twelve,
the; Ixxix-lxxxii, Ixxxix, xo-xoiii
qualiacation of — 7, 12, 131, 185,
192, 469 ; appointment 4, 12-4, 184,
192, 424-5, 46a-9; authority 12,
66-7, 83. 117, 160, 192, 228, 372 ; —
and the council 244, 249, 254, 268.
267-9

functions of — , bear witness 31, 62,
73, 107, 120, 158, 215, 508 ; speak
the word 60, 72, 88; pray 60-1,
83-4; lay on hands 84-5, 116-8,
237, 346,— conveying the Spirit
Ixxxiii, xci; preside 89, 42, 65;
work signs 41, 68, 228, 827, 853;
judge 66-7, 118-9, 201 ; cp. 68, 148,
383

— the foundation of the church 10,
14, 356; fellowship of— 83, 187;
doetHne o/— 33-4, 187, 267
apostolic college 60, 61, 68; extension
of apostolate 68, 118, 181, 189, 198
(see Paul); pillar apostle 48, 246;
apostU of the Oentiles 193, 425
= messenger 245, 255, 500

Apostles* Creed, the — xliv, Ixix-lxxi,
Ixxvi, 24

appeal to Caesar Ivii, Ixv, 406, 427,
485, 452-5

appearances and visions of the Lord
5. 6, 107, 180-1, 184, 189, 822. 827,
423-5,435,468-9; divine epiphanies
16, 18, 61, 102

Aquila, see Priscilla

Arabia 24, 186, 188, 141

33—2

516

INDEX

arehiiynag6go§ 207-6, 228, 826, 881»

384, 500
Areopagus 272, 802, 809-20
Aretas Ix^iii, 24, 188
Aristarohns zvi, xlii, 196, 295, 850,

367-9, 874-5, 436, 450, 480, 499, 508
anstooracy 222, 292, 299, 820, 444; see

hake
army, Boxnan — Ivii, oxvi, 146-7, 417,

479, 499-600
Artemis 838-9, 848, 851, 864-9, 886,

395-6
ascension, the — Ixz, 5, 6, 8, 18, 24,

80, 78, 107
Asia, province of — Iviii, 837: Ixiy,

22, 90, 195-7, 204, 272, 274-7,

882-70, 875-97 ; church of — 877
anarch 363 : 840, 352, 868, 888, 896
Attumption of Motes 58, 54, 94, 99 n,

211 n
Athens 801-8: zzix, liz, buy, czvi,

272-8, 800-20, 467
atonement, doctrine of — Izxiv, 104,

122-8, 888, 892-3
attendant cy, 199, 469
Augastns 24, 126, 146, 195. 200, 205,

280, 276, 280, 426, 452, 479
Augustus, the — 2B0n, 288, 459 n,

4(50; see Caesar
Augustan cohort zIt, 479

Baptism, sacrament of holy — Izzi,
Ixxvi : 17, 30, 32-3, 34 n. 115-8, 123,
138-5, 159, 167, 193, 199, 202, 220,

288, 290, 826, 846, 424, 470, 472 ;

— of John 5, 10, 13. 30, 157. 340-6 ;

— in the name 82-3
barbarians Iz, 224, 229. 230. 491-2
Barjesus zcvi, 65. 113, 198-203, 223
Bamahas, ue Joseph
Barsahbas, see Joseph

beginning, the — zxzyiii, zlii, 4, 13,
52, 157-9, 248. 252, 413, 464, 467

believe IzztU, 56, 68, 115, 121 n, 146,
167, 201, 218, 221, 290, 800. 320,
826, 344, 355, 414 ; believers Izzvi,
77; seettkith

Bemioe (Berenice) zxziii, 449, 455-6,
459 461 474

Beroea 298: 292, 298-300, 372

Bezan text zziii-yi ; readings of — 4,
47 n, 58, 60, 86, 99 n, 123, 142 n,
154, 162, 169 n, 172 n. 178, 186 n,
192 n, 198, 199 n, 218, 220, 228,
229, 243-4-5, 249, 256. 263. 266.

289. 290-1, 300-1, 321. 326 n. 331,
343-5-6, 351, 355, 367. 375 n, 381 n,
413, 420 n, 438-9, 448, 449, 451, 462,
479, 480, 482, 485 n, 497, 499-500,
500-7

bishops Izzziz, cit, 143, 180, 190,

284, 383, 387, 410, 510; see epU-

copus
Bithynia 274, 276, 879, 410
blasphemy 90-1, 94, 108, 127, 220,

288 n, 325, 419
blood 12; 264, 266, 269; 316; 326,

891 ; — of Christ 72, 392-3, 396
boldness 29, 59, 73, 139, 220, 229,

843, 889, 482, 473, 506
bonds or chains 374, 390-1, 401, 420,

426-7, 462, 466, 474, 501
breaking of bread, the — 10, 35-40,

43, 135, 188-90, 290, 377-9, 477,

490
Brethren, the— 9, 12, 77, 135, 139,

160, 179-80, 188, 214, 217, 244,

413-4; — of the Lord Izxiz. zciii,

10 ; false — 246 ; — of Jews Iz, 77,

255, 424, 501 ; spirit of brotherhood

zzziii-iT, Izziz
burial 29, 67, 100, 103, 110; — of

the Lord Izz, 215

Caesar, the — 136, 297, 330, 405-6,

408, 443-4, 452, 457, 460, 479 ; see

appeal, Augustus
Caesarea 146: Ixii, Izt. 124, 139,

146-60, 164, 179-82, 334, 399-401,

413, 439-80, 449
Caligula Ivi, 23, 142, 173, 452, 457
captain, — of the temple 56, 72, 417 ;

— of the camp zlv, 479; cliief —
(chiliarch) 147, 417, 461 ; — of life 52

catechize, etc. zzzvii. zliii, zliv, zcviii,

34. 342. 411
catholic character. — of the person of

Christ Izz-lzxiii, 167, 319, 464;

— of the gospel {for aU) zxxviii,
15, 19, 31, 55, 125, 155. 158, 217,
240, 316, 818, 849, 390-1, 424. 471;
realized in the histoiy Ixii-lxiv, 8,
112, 125, 141-2, 149-63, 166-9,
218-21, 238-70

Cenchreae 821, 328, 332-3, 373

census, the— of Quirinius zlv, 74,
479 n

centurions Ivii, 147, 426, 439, 448, 479

charges brought against, — the Twelve
72 ; Stephen 90-3 ; 176 ; Paul 222,
229, 235, 288. 297. 310-1, 330, 362,
367-9, 419, 421, 443-4, 454

chief men zcix, 255

Chrestus 169-70. 297 (23)

CHRIST, the — lT^U 30, 31, 49, 61,
58, 61, 75. 76, 93. 157. 169, 295,
825. 424. 464. 471-2, 507; see
Messiah

Christian Iziii, czvi, 76-7, 169-70.
186, 464, 478-4

INDEX

517

chronology of the Aots lxv-!x, oxii-v :
xUv, 172, 180, 183, 301, 329, 369,
405 ; 512 ; notes of time 169, 821,
327, 352, 889, 449, 506; tee diary

chnrch, the — 67, 75-80; baptism of —
14-6; history of — xxxviii-xl, 9,
110-1, 143, 164, 177-8, 187, 271-2,
326-7, 339-40, 847-50, 356, 883,
602, 606-7 ; — in oounoil 266-270 ;
life in — 31-43, 62, 273; doctrine
of— Ixx, Ixxi, Ixxvi, 66, 849. 892-

8, 396, 470; marks of — 82-40,
187-8, 877; tee catholic, ecclesia,
kingdom

CUioia Iviii, 90, 126, 139-40, 195,
265, 256 n, 261, 306, 334, 420,
440

circomoision 102, 162, 242-6, 252,
411; — party 160, 242; — of Titus
245-6 ; — of Timothy 261-3

citizenship 281, 420, 432; Boman —
xxviii, Iv. Iviii, 125-6, 147. 202-3,
256, 280. 288, 290-1, 417, 426-7,
462, 511-2

Claudius, Ixviii, 23, 119, 17*^, 179,
181, 225. 291, 301, 324, 329, 408-

9, 426, 456, 497

cleave tUdfattly 10. 33, 43, 114 n, 148
Clement, — of Alexandria xiv, xvi,

176 ; — of Philippi 284 ; — of Rome

XT, 13, 396, 513; the Clementines

xl, xciii, 119
collection for the church of Jerusalem,

the — 42, 171, 246-7, 335-6, 371-

2, 374, 414. 447
'collegia' (guilds) 34. 36, 280
colonies, Roman — Ivii, 205-6, 280,

276 280-1 321
Colossae 275,' 337, 346, 352, 508-9
CologfiaTU, Ep. to the — , see Ephesians
common 150. 162-3; *the common

(council) ' 209, 363
communion, the — of the church

(common life) xxxiii, 34-6, 41-2

(common goods). 62, 171-2, 187 ; —

of the apostles 33, 377; — of saints

Ixxi, 35 ; see brefJting of bread
commxmity of goods, see communion
confirm 236, 267, 261, 334-6
confirmation, rite of — 117, 346 ; tee

laying-on of hands
conscience 429, 432-3, 447
conversion (turning) Ixxvi, 53, 145,

167, 233, 469-70 ; —of Saul 127-8,

133; — of the OentUes 194, 245
Corinth 321: lix, Ixiv, 269, 271-3,

301, 321-338, 836, 348-4, 359, 862,

372-6, 378
I, II Corinthians, I Cor 859, II Cor

371: Ixxxvi, xci-ii, cvi, 19-21,

38-40, 261, 264-5, 820. 322, 328,

340, 369-60, 371-2, 400
ComeUus Ivii, Ixii, 117, 120, 142,

147-59, 162-3, 241, 252, 283, 481
council at Jerusalem, the — 247-256,

262-4, 266-70, 410, 414
covetousness, see money
creation, doctrine of — Ixx, 61, 152,

233, 315
Crete 24, 482-5, 510
crucifixion, the — 28, 52-8, 58, 78,

94, 106, 157, 214-5, 477, 502 : see

suffer
Cyprus lix, Ixviii, 28, 68, 81, 189,

164-5, 19&-203, 261, 898, 409, 413,

481,508
Cyrene 10, 28, 81, 88-90, 165, 189

Damascus 129: Ixii, Ixvii, 81, 101,
129-39, 181, 467

Daniel liii, 72, 150, 179, 312

David kxiii, 11, 29, 105, 191, 209,
212-7, 253

day, the — of the LORD 27; — of
judgement 818-9; 602

deacons civ-vi, 42, 86, 199,284. 360, 862

defence, the — of the church xxxix,
404-5; — of Stephen 92-106; — of
Paul Ixiv-v, 382-96, 406-7, 421-6,
444-7, 462-74, 500-1; see apologia

Derbe 195, 235-6, 262, 875

devout (Jews) 16, 110, 424; (Gentiles)
147, 219, 295

Diana, see Artemis

diary of journeys 876, 881, 402-8,
413, 415 n, 440-1, 482-8, 497

Didachi xcii, xcvn, xcvi, cii, CY, 82,
120, 190, 255 n, 399

Dionysius the Areopagite 292 n, 820

DUeipUs, t*« — xxxii-iu, 77, 83, 87,
188, 145, 164, 221, 228. 286, 262,
834, 345, 850, 418; Paurs — 188

discrepancies, etc. 12; 74, 420; 128,
132-3; 239-40

Di^rsion, the — 22-4, 111 ; see Jews

divisions in the church xxxiv, xl;
murmuring 88, contention 160, con-
troversy 238-57, provocation 261

Dorcas xxxiii, cvi, 144-5, 283

Drusilla xxxiii, 409, 448-9, 451, 456

Earnest {intense) 177, 467

Easter 177, 191, 876-7

eating xx, 5, 86-7. 48, 135, 158, 290,
878, 477, 489-90; — unclean and
idol-meats 150, 152, 240, 266, 264-
6; — with GentUes 162, 259

eecUsia 77-80. 108-4, 286-7, 327. 848,
860, 392; (assembly) 249, 257, 268;
(Greek) 297, 868, 867-9; see choroh

518

INDEX

eciUuy 189, 151, 277, 424

edify 148, 395

Egypt zeiv, zcix, 28, 29, 40, 58, 99-

100, 108-4, 211, 213, 481
Egyptian, the — 409, 420
election and appointment of officers

18, 88-4, 287, 262, 886;— of dele-
gates 116, 168, 178, 244, 255, 874;

the divine choice 4, 134, 211; — of

S. Paul 184, 198-4, 424
BUjah (and Elisha) zlyiii, 16, 58-4,

112, 121, 186, 144-5, 880, 881, 897
Ephesian, — preshyters 382-97; Jews

416, 419; magic 389, 358
Epheiiam, Ep. to the — 450, 508:

Izzxyii, zoi, zovii-viii, 847, 849,

856 n, 861, 884, 889-96
Ephesus 838, 863 : IviU, Iziv, 197. 204-

5, 271-3, 832-4, 337-57, 862-71,

381-2, 385-6. 510-1
epiicopus cii-iv: Izzzvii-iz, 12, 190,

284, 851, 886; ue bishop
ErastQS zvi, zlii, 828, 350, 362, 511
Essenes 42, 75-6, 189
eucharist, ue breaking of bread ;

eucharittia 448
Eonice 230, 235, 262, 283
eonnoh, the Ethiopian — 88, 112,

120-3, 241
evangelists zoviii-iz: 112, 164, 278,

891, 399; evangelize 75, 111, 124,

166, 215, 233, 236, 257, 277, 310
Ezekiel 16, 72, 127, 152, 468 n

Faith Izzvii, 48-9, 52. 77, 123, 126,
155, 158, 218, 231, 237, 248, 253,
264, 313, 819, 390, 464, 470; see
believe ; — , hope, and charity 444,
465; the— Izzvi, 77, 87, 236, 264

fasting 17, 27, 131, 135, 148, 151,
189-91, 237, 378 n ; the Fast 483

Father, God the — Izz-lzzvi, 5, 7, 8,
82, 136, 210, 277, 392-3; the
fatherhood of God Izz, 211, 817

Feliz 409 : Izvi, Izviii, 439-51, 460

fellowehip, the — 34-5, tee communion

Festas Izvi, 451-74, 480

First, the — 222, 280-1, 295, 454, 493

forgiveness of sins Izzi, Izzvi, 30, 32,
53, 135, 158, 209, 217, 470, 472

free, — city 293, 302, 338, 363 ;
— custody 448, 450, 500, 507; f reed-
man zzviii, 88, 125, 823, 409

fulfil 17, 212, 215, 237, 356, 358,
861, 385, 506

Gains, —of Derbe 236, 374; —of
Macedonia 350, 367-9; — of Corinth
325, 328, 872; — Caesar 457, see
Caligula

Qalatia 195-6: Iviu, 203-287, 511;
the Phrygian and Oalatian region
222, 274-5, 834 ; the ohorehes of-
Iziv, 195-6, 258, 261-4, 334-6, 873

QaUUians, Ep, to tA«— 834-6, 860: liii,
Izv-vi, zcviii, 136, 138, 140, 188,
197-8, 204, 206, 211-8, 221-2, 236,
238-40, 245-7, 259

Galilee 6, 9, 75, 129, 143, 157;
QaUlaeam IziU, 8, 25, 76

Gallic Izviii, 200 n, 329-81, 406 n

Gamaliel 45, 69, 73-4, 125-6, 423,
428

gather-together (synaxis) 61, 79, 169,
188, 237, 249, 257, 377

GentUes, the— Uz, 30, 95, 166, 213,
229, 242, 252-4, 362, 401, 414, 440,
495,505; gospel for — 233-4, 812-9 ;
admitted to the church 142, 148-
63, 237 ; turning to — 167, 218-21,
296, 322, 326, 350, 504-5; con-
version of — 194, 245, 469 ; see
catholic, Chreeks, Jews
Paul's mission to — 134, 140, 246,
258, 425, 469; apostle of — 125,
193, 194, 469

Gentile Christians 242, 245-6, 254-
5. 259, 410; —churches 167, 222,
258. 272, 876-7

Ghost, God the Holt — , see Spibit

glory of God, the — Izz, 102, 106-7,
424 ; Jesus glorified 8, 107, 131-2 ;
zliii, 51

God-feaHng 147, 166, 211, 214, 231 ;
see devout, Qreeks, proseljrtes

gospel, the — lxx, Ixri, 25, 123, 157-
8, 208-9, 214-5, 273, 283, 290, 295,
383-4, 389-91, 464-6, 471, 508-6;
see evangelize; Gospel and Acts 4,
342

Gospel of S. Luke zzzii, 450-1 ; — and
Acts zlvii, U, 14, 207, 358, 373, 383,
401-2, 408-4, 440, 477-8, 502

Gospels, Synoptic — , see oral tradition

grace Izzvii, 48, 62, 168, 213, 220, 229,
237, 253, 344, 391, 395

great 113, 889, 364, 367

Greece 372; Grecian 83, 166; see
Hellenist

Greek civilization, see Hellenism;
Greeks and barbarians Iz, 312,
316, 461

Greeks Iz, Izii, 166-9, 245, 419 ; Jews
and Greeks 169, 228, 295, 824, 348,
389, 500, 506

Sand, the — of the LORD 29, 61, 167,

201
Hebraic style zvii, ziz, zlvi, 11, 13,

49, 124, 128, 248, 347

INDEX

519

Hebrew language 180, 208, 248, 421,

426, 468
Hebrews zix, 88, 12&-6, 166, 240, 431,

495: Hebrew Cbristians 81, 83, 139,

241-2, 255, 259, 410-1 ; — ohurch

167
Hebrews, Ep, to the — Ixxxvii, zciz,

ovii, 92-8, 102
HeUenism Ix, 87, 126, 165, 206, 272,

279, 292, 80^7, 809, 821, 387-9,

841, 861
HeUenists Ixi, Izii, 88-90, 95, 124,

139, 166, 240, 812, 862; ChristUn

— 81, 88, 87-8, 110, 160, 168-8,
241-2, 255, 899; Hellenist ohoroh
167, 188

heresy, see sect

Herod the Great 46, 114, 146, 165,
189, 808, 417

— Antipas 24, 61, 188, 189, 404,
449 n

— Agrippa I 178 : Ixvi, 147, 17^
82, 414, 448

— Agrippa H 455-6: 184, 170,
454, 455-74

Herodian, the — family zlii, 189, 457-

8; —party 76, 173
high-priest, see priests
holy, see taint; the Holy One Izziii,

61-2, 216
hope 444, 446, 465, 486; the hope

Izziil, 40e-7, 434, 467, 501

Iconiom 225: 83, 195-8, 225-9, 285-

6, 262-3
Ignatius, S. zv, zcvi, cii, ovi, 13, 165,

882 n, 393 n, 481
ignorance, ezouse of — 53, 215, 429;

times of — 233, 818
imprisonment 56, 71, 111, 174-9,

288-91; S. Paul's — 440, 448-51,

479-80, 491, 499-500, 507-10
incarnation, doctrine of the — Ixzii,

152, 898, 471
inheritance 53-4, 213-4, 895
inscriptions zzzi n, zlv, zciv n, zoiz n,

ou n, 206 n, 280 n, 287, 293, 808,

864, 869 n, 479, 488, 498
Irenaeus, S. ziy, zvi, zziv, zzziii, 8,

99 n, 249 n, 278 n, 857, 882 n
Isaiah ciU, 106, 122-8, 127, 191, 216,

221, 254, 471, 508-5
Israel 25, 80, 75-9, 93, 211-8, 216,

253, 327, 395, 419, 467, 501
Italy 828, 481; Italian cohort zlv,

146-7

James, son of Alphaeus 10

— son of Zebedee 10, 174-6

— the brother of the Lord zlii,

11, Izzziv, zdii, 10, 18, 110 n, 181,
189, 179-80, 242, 246-54, 259, 269,
410-4, 450, 512

James, Ep, of 8. Ut, Izzzvii, 79, 411,
494 n

jealousy (zeah 71, 220, 222, 297 ; 411,
428

Jeremiah 128, 184, 172, 284, 827, 401.
488n, 469, 477

Jerusalem liz: li-ii, Izii, 6, 9-111, 25,
57, 116, 120, 125-6, 188-41, 162,
171, 178-80, 188-4, 203, 244-56, 259,
270, 888-6, 861, 878-4, 401, 418-40,
454, 500-1 ; church of — 79, 110,
162-3, 168, 241-2, 244-56, 834,
410-5

Jbsub 4, 9, 19, 25, 51-2, 55, 56, 59, 61,
78, 107-8, 180-1, 214-«, 276-7, 825,
841-4, 855, 460, 508-4, 507 ; name
o/— 59, 61, 75; preach — IS, 122,
138, 166, 295, 310; see Nazareth
Jesus Ghbist 145, 157, 192 (448);
name of—^, 82, 48, 58, 159
the Lord Jbbus 185, 166, 253, 290,
891, 896 ; name of^ 346, 355, 401
the Lord Jbsub Christ 851, 506;
name of — 256

Jews, the — and Judaism zxxiz, liz-lz,
125-6, 142, 146, 280, 288, 830, 841,
844, 355, 406, 409, 436, 468, 467,
497; — of the Dispersion Iz-lzi, czvi,
22-4, 129, 165, 198, 206-8, 280,
281-2, 292-3, 299, 807, 828-4, 884,
495; — and Gentiles zl, liz-hd, 142,
149-50, 240, 264-6, 881. 868, 874,
890-1, 407, 410, 421, 451, 468 ; —
and S. Paul 188, 228-9, 235, 297,
800, 325, 330-1, 849-50, 852, 874,
875, 889, 416-40, 451-2, 454-6,
467, 471, 501-5; gospel for— 2&-81,
48-55, 208-218, 503; brotherhood
of — Iz, 25, 30, 77, 214, 422, 424,
499

John, the baptist zciv, 5, 10, 80, 88,
54, 157, 176, 201, 212, 840-6, 854,
449, 457

— the apostle 9, 48, 66-60, 107,
116-7, 182, 174, 246, 840, 857, 470,
512; Oospel and Epp, of — Izzxi,
Izzzviii, zoi n, zovi, 79, 108, 158,
846, 894, 470; style of — zliii, 5, 50,
56 n. 220 n, 221 n, 847

— Mark zlii, ov, 10, 68, 174, 178-9,
188, 197, 199, 208-5, 260-1, 278,
508, 511

— the priest 58 ; — Hyrcanus 806
Jonah 127, 184, 150, 424 n, 477
Joppa 124, 142, 145-6, 148-^8
Joseph, the patriarch 98, 100, 103, 827

— of Arimathaea 10, 46, 69

530

INDEX

Jowph BanukbM Ixxxi, Izxxiy, xev,
10, 33, 6a>4, 189, 166-9, 173, 182-4,
187-94, 194-288 (203, 208, 232),
244-61 (246, 247, 266, 260, 260-1),
418

— Banabbaa 10, 13, 265

^ Caiap^ 44, 56, 58, 91, 423

Josephoa xviii, Irriii, 45, 57, 74, 99-

103, 110 n, 126 n, 129, 146, 182,

183, 189, 282 n, 803 n, 834, 409,

415 n, 417, 420 n, 428, 436, 449 n,
451, 454 n, 468 n, 487, 498

Joy and gladiieaa zziz, zzxti, 9, 43,

75, 116, 128, 168, 172, 221, 223,

284, 257, 284, 290, 805 n
Judaea Iviii, 22, 25, 44, 74, 79, 143,

146, 173, 243, 400, 409, 440, 501
Jndaizera 242, 258, 263, 292, 335-6,

872, 411
Jadas, the apostle Ixzviii, 10-3, C5-6,

488

— Banabbaa xoiz, 255-7; — of
Oamala 74-5

judgement, doctrine of — Ixxi, 27,
84 n, 181-2, 218, 318, 318-9, 449,
605, 507; Jeana the judge Ixxiii, 31,
165, 158, 319

Julius, — Oaeaar 23, 126, 277, 821 ; —
the centurion 478-99

justification Ixxvii, 155-6, 209, 217-8

King 134, 457; Jesus the— Ixxiii, 209,

212-3, 297
kingdom of Ood, the — xxxviii, 4, 7,

84, 77, 79, 112, 214, 236, 296, 330,

842, 348-9, 391-2, 444, 470, 503,

506; 8ee Messiah

Law, the — of Moses Ixxvii, 87, 93-5,
104-5, 127, 149-50, 212-3, 217-8,
240-4, 254, 263, 264-6, 411, 424,
438, 471; Boman and other law
108, 111, 130, 288, 290-1, 369,

416 n, 426, 440, 444, 452, 455, 4C2 ;
• lawful religion ' 288, 310, 330, 40C,
444 ; see Paul

laying-on of hands 85 : cii, 83, 34 n,
41, 116-8, 135, 191-3, 237, 263, 343,
846, 386, 494

Ufe Ixxi, Ixxvi, 29, 62, 72, 77, 104,
144, 162, 220-1 (eternal)

light 130, 177, 201, 221, 379, 424, 463,
468-9, 471-2

liturgy 189-90

Lord, the — (sJehoyih) Ixxii-iii, 49,
71. 76, 101-2, 122, 128, 136, 179.
401, 424, 462-3 ; Jesus the Lobd 13,
30, 76, 128, 130, 137, 156, 157:
134, 229, 327, 435 ; lord 286 n,
289, 461

Lucius of Cyrene xlii, 28, 166, 186-9
Luke, 8. xv-xvii, xxvii-xxxii: 171-2,
197-8, 204, 245, 274, 278, 281, 284,

291, 371, 376, 399-400, 414 n, 420,
486, 439, 444, 450-1, 480-1, 492,
494, 499, 508, 510; his character
xxxii-xxxvi ; medical knowledge xx,
xxviii, xlv, 367 n, 477, 494 ; aristo-
cratic sympathies xxxi, 222, 292,
299, 467

his sources xli-iv, 22, 56, 124, 189,
273, 347-a, 385, 407, 439, 459-60;
honesty and fidelity xliv-yii, 13,
163, 247-9, 260, 462, 487 ; accuracy
200, 293, 329, 478, 493;— and
Josephus xviii, 74, 182, 420 n ; —
and S. Paul xix-xx, 140-1, 238-40
his motives and method xxxvii-xli,
xlvii-1, 66, 124, 136, 163-4, 170,
173-4, 186-7, 194, 261, 271-2,
839-40, 348, 358-9, 373. 377. 401,
403-6, 415 n, 435-6, 462-4, 476-8,
502, 507

his style 5, 31, 77, 80, 183-4, 248,
384, 432 n, 440, 459; summaries
43, 75, 263, 271, 356 ; notes 11-12,
68, 271; pictures 9, 32, 62, 283,
448, 476; typical pictures 1, 84,
117, 143, 207-8, 218, 249, 272;
artistic sense xlvi-vii, 63, 120, 181,

292, 358, 375, 403-4, 477: com-
pression 123, 228, 442-3, 447, 468

Lydia xxiii, cvi, 282-3, 286, 291
Lysias, Claudius 126, 417, 420, 426,

432-4, 439-40, 443, 474
Lystra 230 : 196-8, 224, 229-37, 262-3

Macedonia Iviii, 279: xxx-xxxi, Ixiv,

196-7, 271-3, 277-301, 335, 361-2,

371-2, 374-6, 610
madness 20, 320, 473
magu8 113, 200, 409; magic xxviii,

xxxix, 339, 353-6
Malta 493 : 489-97
Manaen xlii, 189
Mark, S., see John
Mark, Gospel of S, Uv, 174, 460, 492
Mary, the mother of Jesus Ixxiv,

Ixxix, cvi, 9, 14, 450

— the mother of John Mark 9,
10, 178, 183, 438

— of Bethany cvii, 10, 145 n,
283

Master xcvii, 33, 76, 137, 462 n ; 61
Matthew^ Gospel of S. liii-iv, Ixxx,

12, 32, 72. 79 n, 174
Matthias, S. xci, 10-11, 13, 134
Messiah, the — xxxix, 25, 28-30, 45,
4y-54, 68-9, 61, 73, 114, 129-30,
136-8, 158, 208, 212-6, 326, 340-4,

INDEX

521

407, 411, 508 ; the Messianio king-
dom. 7, 49, 63-4, 76-6, 114, 176,
501MI;— expeotations 113, 156, 215,
434, 4iS7

Miletas 237, 338, 881-2

tninutry^ ministration 42, 82-8, 183,
391 ; minister Ixzxv, oiv-vi, 42, 86,
159 n, 262, 284, 360, 362; to minister
(of the liturgy) 189-90; see attend-
ant, deacon

miracles 16-6, 19-20, 28, 41, 48, 51,
67-9, 89, 104, 114-5, 143-4. 223-5,
229, 230-1, 289, 853-5, 380-1, 494

missionary journeys Ixiii, 194, 271

Mnason xlii, 10, 411, 413, 450

money, love of — etc. xxxiv, 65, 118,
166, 284, 287, 856, 362, 367, 394,
396, 449

Moses 53-4, 85, 90-1, 93-4, 100,
103-6, 127, 134, 136, 212-3, 216,

254, 327, 383, 397, 411, 464, 471,
503

multitude, the — Izzxi-ii, 9, 83-4, 188,
228-9, 237, 249, 257, 268, 350,
434

Name, 1^— Ixxiii, 32, 49, 62, 63, 68,
76, 101, 128, 134, 253, 363; see
Jbsus

names zxvii-viii, xxxvii, 9, 63, 101,
118 n, 126, 170. 183, 199, 202-3,

255, 282. 338, 341, 417, 442, 461,
455 n, 456, 460

Nazareth 57. 76, 103, 207 ; Jesus of—

28, 48, 58, 91, 424 ; Nazarenes 76,

170 424 443
Nazirite vow 332-3, 414-5, 416, 419,

447, 466
neokoros 363: 293, 299
Nero 408 : lii, Ixvi. Ixviu, 206, 406, 510
Nioodemas 10, 45, 69, 73 n, 431
Nicolas of Antioch 84, 142, 241
numbers 9, 32, 56, 87, 167, 264, 327,

347, 366, 410, 439, 490

Oral tradition, the — xliii-iv, 34, 180,

342, 396, 450-1
ordain {= deUrmine) 28, 158, 173,

316; {= marshal) 221; cp. 7, 386
ordination or appointment 13, 63, 83-

5, 191-3, 237, 263, 386

Paracusis xxxiii, 63, 143, 168, 208,
234, 267, 277, 291, 372, 381, 421,
462. 497

parties, — among the Jews 44-5, 75.
173, 409. 428. 433-4, 436. 441 ;— in
the charoh 83, 160. 242, 268, 335,
410-1

Passover, the— 38-9, 177, 376

Pastoral Epistles, the — xvi, liii, Ixvi-
▼ii, Ixxxviii, oi-ii, eiv, 884, 890,
894, 433 n, 510-1

Paol, S., acts of — xlviii, Ixiii-v, 124-
41, 171, 186, 358-9
his origin and early life 125-7, 420,
423-4, 429, 467; appearance 227;
means 408 ; Roman citizenship 288,
291, 426

Saol and Stephen 88, 91-2, 95; —
perseontes 108-11, 467-8; his con-
version 127-41, 423-4, 468-9; —
visits Jerusalem 138-9, and 178,
183-4, 239, 244-56, 334, 410-5 ; — at
Antioch 169

his ordination 188-198 ; and aposto-
Ute Ixxxv, xcii, 184, 140, 194, 246,
424. 469-72, 506; see Apostles
work in Galatia 194-238, 261-3;
change of name 202-3; separation
from Barnabas 260-1
controversy with the circumcision
party 119, 244-7, 258-9, 262-4,
335-<6, 873, 411 ; observance of the
law 332-3, 376, 414-5, 483; see
Jews, Jndaizers

mission work 272; — in Macedonia
274-301, — Achaia 301-334, — Asia
345-57; manual labour 296, 324,
851, 896; Paul and Rome 202-3,
322-4, 361-2, 372-8, 427, 435 ; last
year's work 359-60, 367-8, 870-3;
journey to Jerusalem 373-402
his process 404-507; Paul bound
420;— and the Jews at Jerusalem
419-440 ; — Romans at Gaesarea
441-74 ; — appeals to Caesar 452-5 ;
journey to Rome 479-98; — at Rome
499-507; his martyrdom 511
his sermons and speeches 208-18,
233-4, 312-9 : 382-97 : 421-5, 444-
7 : 462-72 : 500-1, 503-5 ; doctrine
and gospel 95, 136, 212-3, 217, 295,
310, 313, 349, 361, 449, 460, 463-4
miraculous power 41, 223, 231, 827,
363. 380-1, 494; visions of the
Lord 130-1, 139, 327, 424, 435, 468
(cp. 486)

depression and infirmity 204, 206,
298, 300-1, 324, 360, 370, 435, 498;
sufferings 134, 138, 235, 287-9, 852,
401 419

his style 80, 92, 248, 384, 462-3; see
boldness, persuade, reason

S. Paul and 6. Peter xxxiv, xli,
xlvii-ix, xciii, 56, 69, 88, 126, 144,
215, 353, 856, 380, 404, 427, 449,
477-8, 493, 51^3

Paulus, see Bergius

peace 79, 142, 182, 229, 256-7 ; 157

622

INDEX

Penteoost Ixii, 14-9, 61, 116-8, 188,
142, 159, 845 ; 883, 876, 881, 418,
446

PeopU, t^— 48, 45, 48, 68, 71-8, 90,
109, 416, 428; ~ of God {^l6os) 75,
79, ins, 211, 258. 827, 419, 486,
468, 500; — (= d^moff) 298, 297,
868, 867-9

Perga 208-4, 287

peneoutions lii, 109-11, 178-7, 222,
229, 236. 296-8, 827-8, 405, 510-1 ;
iee peaoe

penuade 220, 285, 295, 824, 401, 473-
4, 503

Peter, S., acts of — Izii-iii, 171; — and
the Twelve xoii-iii, 9; ipeake for the
Twelve 12-8, 18, 60, 78 ; preaohee
24-31, 48-55, 154-8; works miraoles
48, 68-9, 145; before the Sanhedrin
56-60, 73; jadges 66-7, 118-9; in
Samaria 116-20 ; receives Sanl 189,
and Cornelias 141-63; delivered
from Herod 174-9; — and Mark
188 ; oircnmoision controversy 242,
246-58, 258-9; snbseqaent history
276, 410; — and Rome 119, 179-80,
862, 496, 509 ; his martyrdom 511
his style eta 24, 49-50, 60, 92n,
247

Peter, Epp. of 8, 511: Izxxvii, zd,
oui-iv, 170, 886, 894

Pharisees and Saddnoees 44-5, 59, 69,
73-5, 109, 130, 805, 427-34, 436,
446; Pharisees 90; Christian— 160,
243, 245; Sanl the — 125, 428, 429

Phenioia 164, 181, 245, 397-8

Philip, the apostle oxvi, 83, 399
— the evangelist xUi, Izii, Ixzxii,
xcv, xcviii, 84, 86, 112-^, 120-4,
142, 145, 148, 159, 241, 399-400,
449-51

PhiHppi, PhiUppians 279-80: xxiz-
xxxii, 196, 273, 276, 278-92, 297,
825, 871, 376, 508

PhUippiani, Ep. to the — 508: xvi,
dii, 189, 284, 291-2, 408, 509

Philo Ixi, 23, 99-100, 103 n, 303, 341,
453

Phrygia 22, 195, 206, 225, 274

Pilate, Pontius — 44,50, 61, 108, 115 n,
404, 417, 440 n, 444, 452, 460

Pisidia 195, 205, 237

politareh xlv, 293, 297-8

Polycarp, S. xv, xovi, 13, 357, 870,
446

power 7, 62, 89, 138, 167, 356 ; * the
Power' 113, 119; powers 28, 41,
114 n, 224, 353; tee miracles

praetorium 440, 449 n, 509; praetorian
guard 479, 500

prayer xxxv-vi, 10, 18, 88-4, 181, 189,
148-^, 151, 177, 191, 282, 289, 396,
899, 424 ; prayers 18, 60-1, 10&-9,
401 ; the prayen 40-1, 188, 877

predestination Ixzviii, 28, 48, 221-2,
288, 504-5

presbyters, Jewish — 44, 207, xdx-c;
Christian — xoix-di : Ixzxiv-vi, 67,
86, 172-8, 180, 236-7, 244-5, 249,
268, 284, 296, 328, 851, 382^,
885-7, 410, 418-4

priests (and high-priests), Jewish — 44.
57-8, 87, 855, 428, 430; pagan —
232, 286, 338, 865; Christian —
cvii, 189-90

Priscilla and Aqoila xvi, Ixviii, cvi,
823-4, 333, 348-5, 847-8, 350-1.
370, 511

proconsol xlv, Ivii, 200, 329, 838, 362, 369

procurator Ivii, 44, 74, 409, 439, 444r^,
451-2, 493

promise, the — 6, 30, 212, 215-6, 467

prophecy xciv-vi : OT — 16, 93 ;
Christian — 19, 27, 257, 277, 296,
346, 390-1, 400-1

prophets xdv-vi : OT — 27-8, 29,
54-5, 99, lOO-l, 106, 121, 158, 207,
212, 215, 471, 473, 504; Christian —
63, 112, 120, 172, 188-9, 191, 265,
874, 390, 400; false — 113, 115 n,
200-1, 409, 420; the Prophet Ixxiii,
54, 104

proselytes zxix, U, 23, 83-4, 147, 162,
166, 207, 219, 240, 495 ; see devwt.
God-fearing, Greeks

Psalms, The— 12, 29, 61, 78, 210 n,
212 n, 216, 392

Psalm* of Solomon 8 n, 53

PubUos 144, 493

Babbis Ixxxi, xovii, 33-4, 62, 73, 76-7,
99-100, 126, 208, 343

Bunsay, Prof, xxix-xxx, xlv n, liii, Iv,
Ixviii, 125 n, 204, 226, 229 n, 238-9,
281, 288 n, 298, 334, 345, 512 n

reason 294, 309, 324, 378, 446, 449

redeemer Ixxiii, 104: redemption 892

religion 454; religious 307-8, 814;
religio Ucita 288, 310-1, 330, 443-4,
446

repentance Ixxvi-vii, 30, 32, 34 n, 53,
118, 143-4, 162, 212, 217, 312-5,
318, 851, 354-5, 464, 469-70

resurrection, — of the Lord Ixx, 7, 29,
62, 58, 62, 73, 131, 168, 215-6,
296, 313, 319, 454, 471-2 ; — of the
dead Ixxi, 34 n, 55, 158, 310, 319,
407, 429, 434, 446, 467, 471-2;
raise up 55, 216; raising the dead
146, 380

INDEX

523

Itevelatian of S. John xlviii, Hi, Ivi,
Ixxxi, Ixxxviii-ix, xoi, xov, ovii, 10,
79, 107, 404, 476, 512

righteouBnesB 52, 127, 155-6, 217,
313, 319, 429, 449; the RighUouB
Ixxui, 51, 92 n, 95, 106, 135, 424;
op. 229

roads and rontes Ivii-viii, 204-5, 225,
275-6, 300, 338, 345, 481

Home and the Bomans Iv-lix, Ixiv-v,
8. 23, 88, 119-20, 173, 202-3, 276-7,
322-4, 331, 339, 359, 361-2, 404^,
427, 442, 444, 480, 494-518; the
Boman goyemment and provinoes
Ivui, 195, 272, 275-6, 279, 301,
337-8, 362-3, 369, 452, 460, 478-9,
493 ; Borne and the Jews 44, 74-5,
146, 330, 409-10, 417, 436, 451-2 ;
the Jews at Borne 23, 173, 323-4,
456-7, 495, 500-1; the Boman
ChristianB 348, 495-6, 509-11; see
army, Augutttu, Caesar, citizenship,
colonies, law, Paul, Peter

Bomam, Ep, to the — 378 : Ixxxvi, 179,
233-4, 258, 313, 318 n, 319 n,
361-2, 411, 449

rulen of the synagogue, see archi-
tynagSgos

Baddncees, see Pharisees; 55-6, 71,

105, 441
saint Ixx-lxxi, 77, 128-9, 142, 465;

tancHfy Ixxvi, 135 n, 395, 464, 470
Samaria 8, 103, 112-120, 143, 173,

245, 445; the Samaritans 112, 114-6,

120, 344, 353, 409, 428, 439
Samuel 54, 127, 130 n, 134, 212 n,

383
Sanhedrin, the— 44-5, 56-61, 69-

75, 85, 90-108, 111, 125, 130, 404,

423, 427-34, 447, 454-5
Sapphira, see Ananias
Satan 66, 79, 201, 277, 298, 301,

470
Saul, the son of Eish 11, 127, 212-3

— the Pharisee 125-7, see Paul
save 81, 43, 52, 58, 77, 161, 231,

243-4, 252, 289, 478, 491 ; salvation

49-55, 59. 77, 214, 221, 232, 287,

478; doctrine of— Ixxvi-vii; saviour

287; the Saviour Ixxiii, 73, 103,

209, 214
scriptures, the — of the OT Ixxviii, 34,

92-4, 99-102, 158, 214-5, 248, 295,

300, 344, 346, 386, 392, 394, 433,

446, 471, 473, 477, 502, 604

— quoted 11, 25-6, 60-1, 60,

95-99, 121, 209-11, 219. 260-1, 431,

503
sect 44, 71, 76, 243, 443, 446

separate 191, 850

Sergius Paulus Ixviii, 200^203, 444

Servant, the — of the Lord Ixxiii,

Ixxiv, 51, 55, 61, 122-3
serve^ service, see mimstry
Seven, the — Ixxxii, xoiii, 81-6, 112,

117, 180, 875, 399 ; cv, Ixxxvii
Seventy, the— o, 10, 81, 86, 134 n;

xoix
eigne 28, 41, 48, 57 n, 61, 223, see

miracles; prophetic — 172, 401
Silas Ixxxv, 10, 255-7, 261, 274-5,

284-91, 297-801, 325, 834 n, 843 ;

Silvanus 280
Simon, the Cananean 10, 75

— of Cyprus 409, 200

— of Cyrene 10, 23

— Magus xcvi, 51, 65, 112-120,
200, 353

— Niger (Symeon) 166, 189

— Peter, 130 n, 149, (Symeon)
248; see Peter

— the tanner 145-6, 149

sin in the church xxxiv, xxxix, 62,
64-6, 115, 118-9; see divisions

soldiers 177, 179, 439, 489, 491, 500,
607

Solomon 105, 122, 355; — 's Poroh
Ixxxi, 43, 46: 18, 48, 68, 71

Son, God the— Ixxii-iii, 7-8, 82;
the Son of God 123, 136-«, 209,
216; Son of Man 107-8; sonship
134, 211, 213

Sopater xlii, 299, 375-6

speaking with tongues 17, 19-21,
169, 346

Spirit, doctrine of the Holt — Ixxiv-
vi: personality of— 152, 191, 276,
603; divine 401, see TBcaTT; the
Spirit of the LORD 66, 123; — o/
Jesus 276-7 ; Jesus anointed by —
157, 15; Acts the gospel of — xxxvii.
4,342

descent of — 16-19, 27-8; the gift
of— xxxviii, Ixxv, 5, 29-30, 88,
115-7, 135, 166, 159, 167. 216,
262, 343, 346

— in the church xxxviii, Ixx, 14-1;,
24-5, 35, 66, 73, 893; — and the
ministry 84-5, 262, 386
spiritual gilts xo, xciv-v, 19-21,
41, 223, 296, 328; prophecy 112,
172, 390, 398; power 7, 89, 167;
paracusis 143, 168 ; joy 223 ; fuU
of the Spirit 83, 90-1, 107. 168
inspires prophets of the OT xciv^
60, 603; and NT {filUd with the
Spirit) 68. 62, 201, 390, 401 ; can
be resisted 106

— guides the church xxxviii, 122-8,

624

INDEX

152, 191; the ooimoil 254-5, 256,

269; S. Paul 274, 276, 845, 361,

874, 875 n
Stephen, S. 88 : Ixii, Ixxzii, 81-111,

124, 189, 168, 208-9, 222, 285, 815,

419 n, 425, 427, 468
Stoics and Epionreanfl 808-6, 815-7
atoning 108, 176, 235, 419; the Stone

Ixxiii, 58
tvffer 60-1, 295, 471; snfiering xliz,

75, 184, 286, 477
Sjmeon, tee Simon
synagogue, name of — 78-9; senrioe in

the — 207-8; 40-1, 48, 89-90, 111.

180, 138, 199, 228, 240, 292, 294^,

299-800, 807, 824-6, 834, 850, 446,

495
Syria Iviii. 22, 74, 140, 146, 255-6,

261, 269, 833, 374, 440, 451

TanniB xxix, xxzi, 125-6, 140, 169,

262, 806, 420

teach Izxxi. 75, 169, 208, 257, 295,

827, 848, 506; the teaching xovii,

88-4, 187, 267, tee oral tradition;

teachers xcvi-yiii, 88, 68, 188-9,

191-2
Temple, the — of JertiRalem 46-7,

416-7: 17-81, 46-66, 68, 72, 75,

91-2, 94-5, 105, 415-421, 424, 443,

446-7 ; Christians worship in — 10,

40, 48, 47, 413
temples 105, 815; pagan — 146, 232;

T. of Artemis 838-9, 863-5, 367;

temple-robbery 869
tempt 66, 252, 276; Umptation 256,

889, 397
Uitify 31, 120, 325, 389, 391, 435,

503
Theophilos xy, xxiv, xxxyii, cxvi, 342,

451
Thessalonica 293: 196, 292-8, 800,

307, 825, 371
I, II Thestalonians 325: Ixxxvi, xcvi,

7, 21, 288 n, 289 n, 2J5 n, 296-7,

801, 822, 325-6
Thendas xviii, 74

Tiberias 23, 173, 801, 824, 829, 461
times and $ea$ons 7, 58; 283-4, 316,

318
Timothy and Titos xvi, xlii, Ixxxriii-ix,

cii, 198, 350, 510

Timothy cv, 191, 230, 235, 2 \ ^74,

284, 291, 300-1, 307, 3i -5. ^^40,

362, 871-2, 874-5, 508, 511; see

Pastoral Epp.
Titus 227, 245-6, 371, 511

— Jastos 826
Tobit 149 n, 179. 266 n
Trinitt, doctrine of the Hot.t — Ixxi,

82, 85, 163, 277, 393
Troas 276-8: xxx, 40, 352, 371,

875-81
Twelve, the — Ixxix, xci, xciii, 3-0,

11-13, 18, 27, 37, 41, 60-2, 69-75,

83-4, 110, 116, 138-9, 160, 174,

180. 183, 450
Tychicas and Trophimus xvi, xlii,

350, 374-5, 511; 450, 508; 416,

419
Tyre (and Sidon) 164, 181, 398-9

Unanimity xxxiii, 17-8, 35, 41, 43.

60. 62, 67, 169, 254-6. 270
ttpp^ chamber 6, 9-10, 17, 60, 144,

(161), 879

Virgins cvii, 400
visions, see appearances
vows 438; see Nazirite

Way, the Ixxvi, 76-7, 129-31, 340-3.

347, 423, 446
we passages xvi-xvi xxvii, 171-2,

278, 376, 414 n, 4f ), 499
widows cvi, 82, 145
will, the— of God Ixxviii, 2'^, 61,

135, 212, 221, 295, 316, 361, 3B9-91,

401, 424
vnsdom 88, 100, 103, 312, 320, 341
witness, — of apostles 7, 12, 27, 57,

62, 78, 158, 216, 424, 435. 469, 471 ;

divine— 73, 212, 229, 252; 233
women xxxii-iii, Lcxix, cvi-vii, 9-10,

111, 222, 227, %79, 282, 295, 300,

320, 399, 400 K
word 4, 372; worm 31, 72; the mord

61, 120, 157, 214, 290, 325, 32s
worship 164, 234, 315, 330, 446, 460,

467, 487; Christian — 36-41, 43,
189-90, 289, 377-9

Zealots Ix, 10, 75, 409. 436, 441

CAMRRmop: : printfd hy j, and c. f. clay, at the universitt press.

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