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Founder of Han— II. Century B.C.
HIST OB
THATIONS,
FtMMMr of jaan— if C*t
HISTORY OF COREA
Indent anb
WITH
DESCRIPTION OF MANNERS AND CUSTOMS, LANGUAGE AND GEOGRAPHY.
MAPS AND ILLUSTRATIONS.
REV. JOHN ROSS,
Sez'en years resident in Manchuria.
CHEAPER EDITIO.V.
LONDON :
ELLIOT STOCK, 62, PATERNOSTER ROW.
1891.
PREFACE.
THE author was made painfully aware, at an early stage of his residence among the Chinese, of his own all but total ignorance of this " peculiar people," who are a world to and in themselves ; and he knows that this ignorance is characteristic of his country- men. Books written by travellers to China abound ; but a visit to the Celestial Empire no more entitles a man to write on this people than the knowledge of simple arithmetic warrants a man to enter the arena of the most abstruse problems of mathematical astronomy. Travellers relate the odd, the grotesque ; for this only is sufficiently notable to make it impossible to escape their passing notice. But the knowledge that the Chinese wear " tails," are olive-eyed, eat birds' nests, and consider bears' paws the greatest delicacy, no more explains this people than beef- eating accounts for the history of the English ; for it is not from the eccentricities of a people we can understand them, but by our knowledge of those principles which they esteem most highly, and which they are always ready to praise, though perhaps slow to practice ; — for it is only a small minority in any country which is found honestly endeavouring to embody in their life, up to the measure of their ability, those principles of right conduct which are all but universally professed by that country. This knowledge we can acquire only from the national and every day life of a people.
VI PREFACE.
An excellent summary, from which to glean some knowledge of the Chinese, is the " Middle Kingdom " of Dr. Williams ; but to one ignorant of the Chinese people, it is but a skeleton sketch, needing flesh and colour to make it a living picture. Dr. Legge's noble work in his translation of the Chinese classics provides a more thorough and satisfactory means of judging this people, for those who are willing to take the pains to draw inferences, to learn the cause from the effect, and from philosophical principles to search out the national life producing those principles. But this is again the work of but a few ; for general readers must have all the thinking done for them.
The present work is an attempt to show what China is, by drawing, from Chinese national history, as life-like a represen- tation as the author is able to present of the exact position in the human family which we must assign to the Chinese people. This representation should unfold all the various shades of character which go to make up the Chinese people, — the noble and the base, the mean and the honourable, — and should picture the unselfish patriot, as well as the man who acts only with the view of advancing his own private interests ; for all these will be found in China as in Britain. As Philosophy or Literature and Government are, and have always been, indissolubly wedded together in China, we should also thus see Chinese philosophy exhibited in actual life, and be able to reveal the causes and explain the process of political revolutions in that country. But as it would require scores of volumes to detail Chinese universal history, the author believed his purpose would be most effectually accomplished by giving an account of the rise and progress of the reigning dynasty of China, from its earliest dawn to the zenith of its power. But in preparing materials for this history, it was found so inextricably blended with the history of
PREFACE. Vli
Liaotung, where it originated, and this again so indissolubly connected with Corea, that it is deemed advisable to give the history of Corea and Liaotung in a separate and introductory form, and to make it as complete as can be done from the authorities at the disposal of the author. This plan was all the more readily adopted, because the recital of the Chinese ancient history, centering around Liaotung, will suffice to show as much of the past of China, as will prepare the reader for more easily comprehending its present, and approximately forecasting its future.
That future is yet to wield a mighty influence for good or for evil upon the whole world. The political throes of ancient China burst up the old Roman empire ; and those who know the internal state of China, are aware that changes are going on which will make her power more actively felt by the world at large than ever before. The main condition for the manifes- tation of that power, is either Truth, which shall teach the Chinese mutual trust, — or a Napoleon, who shall compel united action. Christians are especially bound to interest themselves more in this China, so that when she does appear in her awakened Samson strength, it may be as a Christian power. China is still weak, but at the present moment she is assuming a bold attitude on the borders of Russia; and has compelled Russia to agree to cede over to her Eastern Turkestan, which the Russians had declared " inalienably " annexed.
In preparing this volume on Corea for the public, the author had to follow one of two courses, — either to cast the principal material at his disposal into the smallest possible bulk, and to give a few essays on the past history of the countries illustrated, or to present those materials in fuller detail, to be more literally exact if less interestingly written ; and he has chosen the latter.
Vlll PREFACE.
The author would recommend the reader to begin with chapter X, and to become somewhat familiar with the Corean people, before beginning their past history under the chapters, — Chaosien, Gaogowli, Sinlo, and Corea. Chapters II, III, and IV, are given not only because the Hieribi belonged to the country called Liaosi, but because they present a true picture of the world of China, which has often been represented as a country whose history is so uniform and quiet; no wars, no passions ! The condition of China represented in those chapters, and in others of this volume, though not a chronic, is one of frequent and periodic occurrence.
The two maps, given in the beginning of this volume, are intended to show the relative positions of States, Provinces, and Cities, in Corea and Liaotung. The illustrations are inserted to enable the reader to see modern Corean costumes, and must by no means be supposed to index the intellectual portion of the Corean's person, for the paintings are by an indifferent Corean artist. When names of China proper are given, it were well to consult a Chinese map, which is sure to be accessible to all readers. And as the names of Chinese are neither very euphonious to the ear, nor attractive to the eye, — and as they are useful only to differentiate individuals, so much only of the name is used as will suffice to distinguish the various actors from each other.
CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION.
Page
Aborigines — Sishun — Chaosien — Savages — Immigrants — Bird's-Eye-Yiew . 1
CHAPTER I.— CHAOSIEN.
Boundaries — Original Inhabitants — Savages — Civilisation — Nine Yi — Tsin Great Wall — Chaosien Defeated — Han Conquest of Ch. — Protracted Siege — Division of Ch. — Mahan — Chunhan — Their Customs — Whi — Tiny Horses — "Wojoo — Wo or Japan — Amazons — Chinese Troubles and Emigration — Liaotung Faithful — Disorganisation — Universal Anarchy — Tatars — New Dynasty — Drunkenness — Liaotung Selfish — Emperor of Woo — Treachery — Revolt and Flight of Woo Exiles — Woojoo Cash — Wei against Liaotung — Liaotung Conquered
CHAPTER II.— HIENBI.
Huns — Jang Slain — Geographical — Battles — Chinese Weakness — Bao's Integrity — He Dies — Duty — Hienbi Revolt — Murdered Father-in-law — Hienbi Divided — Moyoong Kwei — An Imperialistic Hun — Quarrelling Ministers — Moyoong Han — Literary Refugees — Chinese Cancer — Triple Alliance — Kwei's Successful Stratagem — Liaotung under Kwei — Kwei a Chinese Magnate — Moyoong Dissension — Increasing Civilisation — Dwan Hienbi against Moyoong — Liaotung Revolts and is Recovered — Duke Yin Defeated and Forsaken — Fratricidal War . . . .35
CHAPTER III.— YEN WANG.
King Whang and Prince Stone Tiger — Dwan Swamped — Prussia and Austria— Stone Tiger Defeated — Brave Gwan — Title of Yen Wang —
CONTENTS.
Page His Capital Loongchung — Enormous Conscription — Mind against
Matter — Casus Belli — Yen or Moyoong against Corea or Gaogowli — Coreans Defeated, and their Dead King a Hostage — An Army of Wolves and Foxes — Curious Wooing — Yiiwun Hienbi Defeated by Yen — Fooyii — Stone Tiger an Emperor — He and Whang Die — Terrible Massacre of Bearded Men — Yen into China — Night Surprise — Wei and Yen absorb Chao or Jao — And then Quarrel — Homeric Chief — Yen Annexes Wei — Three Months' Cannibalism — Faithfulness . . ,59
CHAPTER IV.— IMPERIAL YEN.
Moyoong Becomes Emperor — Dwan Finally Absorbed — Chin Fights Tsin — A King with a Temper — The Poor Doctor — The Brave Old Archer — A Powerful Dream — Mixed Blood — Yen Pushes South — Young Yen Emperor and Gun's Discontent — Yen Dissension — Loyang Falls — The Hun Dai Wang — Go as Commander — He Dies, and Yen begins to Ebb — Opium — China and Yen — China and Tsin — Tsin against Yen — Chin supports Yen — Tsin severely Defeated — Yen Ruled by Women — Prince Woo's Flight — Yen Taunts and Defeats — Yen Speaks and Chin Acts — Yen Capital Falls — Yen Collapse — Chin Ambition — A Million of Soldiers — Chin Ruined — Yen Re-established — Two Yen Kingdoms — They Fight — The Hunnish Wei — Yen shrinks before Wei — Corea Growing — Wei in the North, Sung in the South — Feasts and Fights — Treachery in Yen — Corea to the Rescue — Yen King a Fugitive — Is Conceited and Murdered — Sung Revenges him — Skill vertus Bravery — Cotemporary with Britannia Romano, — "Sweetness and Light" — Effeminate Luxuriousness — Danger Ahead— Inevitable end of Luxurious Selfishness 85
CHAPTER V.— GAOGOWLI.
Origin of Corea — Fooyii and its Customs — Gaogowli— Position and Customs — Growing Audacity — King Goong — Fooyii Interferes — Gaogowli Defeated — Gaoli Increase — Baiji and Sinlo — Baiji repels Wei — Seventeen Emperors — Swi Dynasty — Corean King Dies of Fear— His Son Bolder — Chinese Army and Navy against Gaoli — Baiji suffers — Emperor Yang — Huge Preparations against Gaoli — Shantung Famishing — Stores — Enormous Army — Chinese Xerxes — Corean Fabius— Frightful Defeat — Second Campaign — Collapse and Silent Retreat — Rebels in China — Turks besiege Emperor Yang — His Brave Daughter — Yang's Libraries and Literary Work — Great Wall — Suicidal Conquest .... 122
CONTENTS. xr
Page CHAPTER VI.— SINLO.
Origin of Tang Dynasty — Learning Fostered— Lovely Tribute— Chinese Spy — Annexing Spirit — The famous Aristocrat, GAISOOWUN — King- Slayer and Maker — Shantung Poverty — Sinlo begs Chinese Aid — New Corean Expedition — Imperial Example — Daring Spy — Gaimow Falls — Bisha or Haichung — Liaotung City and Horse-head Hill — Burning Tower — Baiyen City — Furious Charge — Generous Conqueror — Gaoli Provinces — Corean Host — Conceited Commander — Hue Yingwei — Innumerable Spoils — Emperor's Exultation — Corean Spy — Stubborn City — A Great Mound — Gallant Coreans — Emperor Mourns — Redeemed Captives Dancing — Desultory Warfare — Ship-Building — Rest — Kitan against Corea — Baiji Attacked — Baiji's Patriot Priest — The Famous Empress — Biter Bit — Japan and Baiji — A Tall Soldier — Military Rewards — A Fatal Comet — Rigorous Rule — A Terrible Man — Aggressive War— Military Glory— Historical Novel— A Wonderful Bird— The Magic Sword — The Staff and the Sword — Centipedes and Gold-Birds . 147
CHAPTER VII.— KITAN.
Origin — Turkish Strife — Chi against Kitan — Great Wall Rebuilt — Troublesome Kitan Chastised — Great Wall Again — Gaoli Crushed, Kitan Rises — Buddhist Revival — Mogo — " Old Wife " Commander — Turks Attacked — Kitan King-maker — A Clever Chinaman — The Remarkable Career of An Looshan — Turkish Chinese Officers — The "Forbidden" Apartments — China Broken Up — Census of China — Abaoji and Liao — A Strong-Minded Woman — Election of Chief— A Dashing Charge — The Iron Dynasty— A Chinese Traveller — Dog- Kingdom — The Oinos— Spirits versus Spirits 196
CHAPTER VIII.— NUJTJN.
Dynastic Titles — Their Meaning — Bohai — Rival Mogo — Extension of Bohai — Nujun Helps Corea — Sung and Niijun — Fishing Expedition — A Proud Youth — Independent Niijun — Origin of Civilisation — Agooda Aggressive — Gold Dynasty — Kin Overflows — Liao Famines — Two Kings — Son of Heaven — Liao Struggles — And Dies — Peking Falls — Sung changes Masters — Tribute — Incompetent Emperor — Liao Ends and Agooda Dies — A Blushing Prince — Great Wealth and Small Wisdom — The Cunning Jack — Kin Cross Yellow River — Shansi Falls — A Brave Officer — Hallam's Mistake — Insane Emperor — Vacant Throne — SOUTHERN SUNG — 'Extent of Kin — Universal Mutual Security — Origin of Kin— The Name China . 22(.»
Xll CONTENTS.
Page CHARTER IX.— COEEA.
Repeopling — The Buddhist Priest — Growth of Gaoli— Eastern Pearls — Questionable Friendship — Medical Professors — Mongols or Munggoo — Corea against Japan — Another Brave Buddhist — The "Bright" Dynasty — Corean Revolution — Modern Capital — Eastern Vikings — A Lava City — The Neutral Territory — Japanese Romanists against Corea — A Remarkable Japanese Slave — Chinese to the Rescue — Japanese Retreat — Manchu Conquest of Corea — Reconquest — Corean Isolation — Jesuits — First Corean Converts — Romanists Murdered — Reasons — M. De Bellonet Dethrones Corean King — The "General Sherman" — " Our Boys " — Corean Future— Important Treaty with Japan— Opium 261
CHAPTER X.— COREAN SOCIAL CUSTOMS.
The People — Houses— Kang — Food— Dress — Birth — Small-Pox — Education — Social Grades — Marriage — Death. — MOCHXING RITUAL — Dying — Dressing Body — Bedding — Coffining — Complete Mourning — Offerings — Absent Relations — Grave — Funeral — Sacrificial Offerings — Spirits Offering : First, Second, and Third — Food Offerings — Second and Third Sacrificial Offerings — End of Heavy Mourning — Change of Garb—- Second Funeral — Informing Ancestral Temple — Sorting Grave — Beautiful Theory 299
CHAPTER XL— RELIGION.
The Supreme — Booldo — Priest — Immortality — Four Sections . . . 355
CHAPTER XIL— GOVERNMENT.
Laws — Punishments — Incognito — Royal Family — Privy Council and Six Boards — Provincial — Census . 361
CHAPTER XIII.— THE COREAN LANGUAGE. 373
CHAPTER XIV.— GEOGRAPHY. 391
120
130
132
MAP OF COREA & MANCHURIA,
3?d Century, B.C.
120
122
126
128
130
MAP I.
B O H A I
B A ! S H A N
0>
MAP OF COREA & MANCHURIA 6th Century, A. D.
MAP 2
INTRODUCTION.
THOUGH Chinese history carries us far enough back into the thickening mists of a hoary antiquity when treating of purely Chinese subjects, it is matter of regret that the historians of the " Centre " of the Universe treat of their barbarous neighbours only when the latter come into contact with the Chinese government by tribute or by war. And even up to the present moment, Chinese literati have failed to regard ethnography or philology as subjects worthy of their attention. Max Miiller com- plains of the ancient Greeks, Hebrews, and Romans, because of their literary isolation and their pride of race ; so the Chinese, even in this nineteenth century, continue to consider their land as the centre of the world, outside of which are barbarians, scarcely distinguishable from each other; their language as the only civilized medium of communication ; and their literature as the only writings worthy of the serious thought of the scholar. Hence it is that, though full, and apparently accurate, accounts are given of China's contact with the various barbarians forming the " Four Seas " around her, we search in vain for any critical grappling with either the language or race of the " barbarian " kingdoms treated of ; and only in rare instances is an unsatis- factory list given of the manners and customs of some of those peoples. If this is true of the " barbarians " north and west of China, much more is it true of those of the north-east ; which is all the more regrettable, inasmuch as this region has played, for many ages, so important a part in the role of Chinese history, and has had so preponderating an influence over China's fate.
That this region was inhabited long before the Chinese became a nation of any consequence, we have no hesitation in believing ; for we read ancient Chinese history very inaccurately indeed if it does not imply that the Chinese people were preceded every-
2 INTRODUCTION.
where by a race, or races of nomads, whom they gradually drove out of their agricultural path ; and that there was horde upon horde of such nomads, far beyond the reach of their influence, of whose very names or existence they were ignorant. It was only in the thirteenth century that the Chinese first sent an officer to Formosa ; and it is not, therefore, to be wondered at that they were for many centuries ignorant of the existence of peoples away in the north and north-east, much farther removed, separated from them by uncultivated plains and mountain wilds, more difficult to traverse than the Formosan channel.
There is so much that is apocryphal in the dawning of Chinese history that, though doubtless based on fact, it is difficult to say where fact ends and fiction begins. But the notices of the country improperly called Manchuria are of so general a nature that there is nothing to question.
Over twenty-three centuries before the Christian era, and four centuries before Abraham was born, when the paternal govern- ments of Yao and Shwun are gravely said to have filled the land of China with the blessings of the golden age, Liaotung, and the country generally known as Manchuria, was peopled by the Sishun Shu, or Sooshun, whose descendants at the present moment rule the destinies of the half of Asia. This ancient Shun Family is said to have occupied the regions around and north of Hingking. We are left to infer that the rest of Liaotung was occupied by them, or possessed only by the deer and the tiger.
The Chinese entered their present lands from the west, apparently by the main route along and across the Yellow River, for the south-west of Chihli, and the northern centre of Shansi, including Taiyuen, have always been an integral portion of China proper. When Yii (B.C. 2200) is said to have divided the land into Nine Chow or Departments, that of Ki embraced the south-west of Chihli and the northern centre of Shansi ; that of Tsing included the north-west of Shantung and the south-east and east of Chihli, extending north into Liaosi. The northern portion of Ki was afterwards formed into an independent
SISHUN. 3
Department, called Yowchow* and the north of Tsing was called Yingchow, the site of which is placed both in Chihli and Liaosi ; but all the best authorities agree that it was beyond Shanhaigwan, and consisted of the modern prefecture of Kingchow.*f- Yowchow was, for many subsequent centuries, known as Liaosi Kun, or Province of West Liao, and Yingchow as Liaotung Kun, or Province of East Liao. In reading Chinese ancient history this has to be particularly noted, otherwise Liaosi and Liaotung may be taken to signify the same as now, when they apply to the west and the east of the Liao river.
It is not till the beginning of the Chow dynasty (12th century B.C.) that we hear of a kingdom in the south of Liaotung proper. This was Chaosien, occupying the fine lands east of Kingchow to Datoiig gang, including the rivers Liao and Yaloo. It touched the sea on the south, and extended north to the borders of the modern Mukden. The people of Chaosien were, without doubt, the Sishun, who had gradually increased, and hived off to the south. At that same time there were over a hundred " kingdoms/' or independent clans, east and south- east of the Bei sfiwi or Datong gang. These were also, most probably, various swarms of the savage Sishun. The northern portions of Chihli were then, as for two score centuries after, occupied by Mongolic nomads, or their house-dwelling descend- ants. In the 18th century B.C., the name Sishun is known to have been changed to Sooshun ; and, six centuries later, the lands to the north and north-east of Chaosien were, as they have been ever since, occupied by the Sooshun savages.
If, therefore, Chinese history gives us positively but scanty information regarding the early history of that extensive region between the Gulf of Liaotung and the Frozen Ocean, and between the Ural Mountains and the Pacific, we are able to infer that the people were savage nomads. Indeed, at a compara- tively recent period, much of that land was occupied by people
*The modern Peking.
tSo written on maps, but written and called Jinchow by the Chinese.
4 INTRODUCTION.
who did not till the ground, and knew not how to use a fire ; who in summer lived on the hill sides, and dug deep pits for winter accommodation ; whose clothing consisted of a square foot of cotton before and another behind ; and an inch thick of lard smeared over their bodies formed their winter coat. I think we are therefore justified in believing the Sooshun to have been savages in every sense of the word, for they must have not only eaten flesh as their only food, but eaten it uncooked.
The example said to have been set by Kitsu has been abundantly imitated ; for from the time he fled to Chaosien, Liaotung became subject to irregular immigration from China — never more so than within the past century. Many fled to the inaccessible nomads for shelter from oppression, many for asylum from justice. But though these might and did introduce a degree of Chinese civilization, the character of the people and the nature of their customs remained mainly stationary. It is now impossible to ascertain the resemblances, or differences, in the customs of the numerous kingdoms into which this region has almost always been divided. The languages, if not indeed originally of the same species, were, as they still are, of the same genus. For however different their various languages now, there is no positive proof that they were as distinct from each other, three or even two thousand years ago, as they now are. Analogy would lead us to suppose the reverse, and to infer that the Turanian languages of this region were at one time one and the same, but as unlike Chinese as now. During the Han dynasty — prior, contem- poraneous with, and subsequent to the time of our Lord — the names of men and places among the Turanian peoples of the modern Mongolia, Manchuria, and Corea, were polysyllabic as they are now. Much more we cannot learn ; nor is it possible to find such traces, at so early a period of Chinese history, as would justify us in expecting proofs of a common original Turanian language over all that region.
Long after Kitsu is said to have introduced Chinese civiliza- tion among the Sishun who formed the kingdom of Chaosien,
HAN. 5
Yow and Ying Chow^s remained in their original savage state. But in the time of the " Fighting Kingdoms " (5th century B.C.), those regions — then Liaosi and Liaotung — became organised into the Kingdom of Yen ; implying an improvement in manners, and, possibly, the ability to till the ground.
When, after centuries of misrule, anarchy, and bloodshed, China was again welded into one by the Founder of the Tsin (Chin) dynasty — him who began the building of the Great Wall, B.C. 239, — Yowchow was renamed Liaosi Kun, and Yingchow, Liaotung Kun. The Tsin was overturned by the first really powerful dynasty China has ever produced — the Han, — which began to reign B.C. 206, and whose name dates Chinese affairs of state for nearly five centuries. It is after this dynasty the Chinese delight to call themselves the "Han People."
As soon as the Han was firmly seated on the throne of China, a formidable expedition was hurled on Chaosien, which, though doubtless always fighting in the east, never had any war with China till this second century B.C. A stubborn resistance was of no avail against overwhelming numbers and better discipline, and Chaosien ceased to be. It was about the very time of the destruction of Chaosien that Fooyii men laid the foundation of the ancient and modern Corea, giving first the name Gaogowli, afterwards of Gaoli, to the head waters of the Yaloo, where they originated. Sooshun produced another powerful kingdom, that of Yilow, north-east of Fooyii, before which the glory of Fooyii paled.
The power of Han no sooner extended its wave into Chaosien than it began to subside. And the Eastern Han had to yield, to the regions formerly called Chaosien, the rank of a feudal kingdom. The dynasty, towards its close, nominated Goong Swundoo Commandant of Huentoo. But the dynastic influence having waned so that it scarcely extended so far, Goong assumed first the title of Liaotung How (Marquis), and afterwards Liaotung Wang or Feudal King. He got possession of all Liaotung and Liaosi, and divided his kingdom into West Liao,
6 INTRODUCTION.
East Liao, and Central Liao provinces ; and the neighbouring small kingdoms had to acknowledge his sway.
When the Han state ship burst up, numberless living planks struggled for the uppermost place. Among them the Wei became dominant in north-east China, marched against, over- threw the grandson of Goong, and annexed Liaotung to the northern dynasty. With the waning of the Wei dynasty Gaogowli, which had been steadily growing among the south- western slopes of Changbaishan, gradually spread over all Liaotung, while Baiji, which was east of ancient Chaosien, and south-east of Gaogowli, seized Liaosi. Both powers were, however, driven off by the Tsin dynasty (3rd century A.D.), which established the feudal kingdom of Liaotung. The power of Tsin vanished very speedily, and Moyoong Kwei took possession of Pingchow and the west of the Liao river. And in the Swi dynasty (6th century A.D.), Gaogowli again overran all Liaotung, and held it in spite of the overwhelming forces of the Swi Emperor sent against it. Taidsoong of Taug drove the Gaoli across the Yaloo. But Gaodsoong Emperor afterwards annihilated Gaoli, as the Han had effaced Chaosien, and divided all its lands into 9 Doodoo foo, 42 chow, and 100 hien cities. The Tang reached its zenith in crushing Corea, and was soon unable to hold its own. The Emperor Kaifung was compelled to recognise the kingdom of Bokai, which sprung into being on the ruins and at the north of Gaogowli. It extended southwards to the Gulf of Liaotung, and westwards to, or beyond, Shanhaigwan. Bohai filled the land with walled cities, agricultural villages, and literary institutions ; but though it swept the Chinese beyond the bounds of the modern Kingchow, it did not, like its succeeding Sooshun kingdoms, penetrate into China proper. It was in its turn swallowed up by the Kitan, who spread southwards and south-westwards, and, under the name of Liao or "Iron/' drove the Sung dynasty south of the old Yellow River, and threatened to extinguish it altogether.
The power of Bohai was no sooner faded away than the
MANJOO. 7.
Niijun, or Sooshun, gradually arose, a phoenix out of the burnt out ashes. It followed the track of Bohai, from the northern slopes of Changbaishan and the beautiful wilds of Ninguta, driving the Liao out of Liaotung, then out of China, bearing absolute sway of all China north of the Yellow River, and becoming virtually masters of the northern bank of the Yangtsu, dictating for a considerable time its own terms, under the title of Kin or Gold, to the effeminate Sung dynasty.
The Mongols, from the north of Shamo, and the north-west of Manchuria, swept with an irresistible flood all Asia, from the sea of Japan to the heart of Russia, swallowing up the Kin, crushing out the lingering death of the Sung in South China, and setting up the Yuen dynasty. They made Liaoyang the capital of all Manchuria, dividing the country into seven " Loo " or Circuits. But the Yuen dynasty soon made itself hateful by its vices, and a Chinese monk drove out the Mongols, establishing the Ming dynasty. Liaotung fell with a stroke of his pen. But this Ming dynasty never established its rule in Manchuria further north than Kaiyuen, having to rest content with the lands now shown in maps as enclosed by palisades of wood, which may have at one time existed, and, according to Du Halde, did exist in the seventeenth century.
This dynasty was again displaced by the largest wave of Sooshun adventure ; for it is a petty clan of that widely extended family which has ruled the Chinese world for over two centuries. They sprang from the narrow, beautiful, but savage glens far south-west of Changbaishan and east of Mukden, They are known as the Manchu dynasty — the word Manjoo, in their own language, meaning "Clear," as their predecessors were Ming, or " Bright."
This bird's-eye view will help to show the important role played by Liaotung, beyond all proportion to its wealth and resources, over the destinies of the great Chinese world ; and will explain the chief cause why the author has considered a history of Liaotung — in reality the history of Corea — a necessary prelude to the history of the rise of the present Manchu empire.
8 INTRODUCTION.
Hundreds of Chinese volumes have been carefully ransacked for this work, the sources of principal information being the General History of Su Magwang ; that of Joo Hi, brought down to the end of the Ming dynasty ; the Shungwoo ji or History of the Holy Wars of the Manchus ; the Doong hwa loo or Annals of the Manchu dynasty ; the History of Liaotung, more bulky than satisfactory ; and some books of travel calculated to throw some light on Ancient Liaotung. The information regarding Corean Customs, Government, &c., was derived partly orally and partly from Corean books written in Chinese.
The result is what appears. The process of digesting so much material is sure to leave some crude matter ; but if the author has succeeded in more clearly explaining what the intelligent and civilized races of Eastern Asia are ; and if he is able to make his fellow-countrymen take a somewhat more lively interest in the Chinese, a people possessing many elements of sterling nobility, his purpose shall have been amply fulfilled. And the fact that his efforts to ferret out the origin of the Tungusic races of North-Eastern Asia have produced so little, will be the less regretted if the work helps to give a hint to those better qualified to conduct such investigation.
o
08
:=> o o
CHAPTER I. CHAOSIEN.
THAT mountainous peninsula in the north-east of Asia, west of Japan, and east of Manchuria, is known to westerns under the name of Corea or Korea, but to the Chinese, whose emperor is liege lord of that kingdom, it is known under the name of Chaosien.* The Coreans themselves employ both names ; the official designation being Chaosien, but in common speech the name Gori or Gaoli is general The modern name Chaosien is a revival of the name under which the country was known in its earliest contact with China. But the Chaosien of those days was not co-extensive with the Chaosien of the present day, for the greater portion of the modern Chaosien extends eastwards far beyond the original Chaosien.
But that original Chaosien stretched much further westward than the present, embracing all Liaotung, and, for a time, whose duration is unknown, a great part of Liaosi as well. It stretched east little beyond the Ping or Datonggang river. To its east were many independent tribes, afterwards amalgamated into two kingdoms, those of Baiji and Sinlo. A straight line from Kwangning, through Liaoyang to the Yaloo river, would point out the extreme north of Chaosien, and the sea washed all its southern bounds.
From Chinese history it is impossible to say whence came the inhabitants of Chaosien, for the statement that they are the descendants of Kitsu, brother of Woo Wang, can apply at most only to a line of kings over Chaosien, and not in any way to the people formiDg his kingdom. The people were there before he went, and had been there for ages unknown. They were
* The Chaohien of Du. Halde, whose brief account of it is inaccurate. (See Map I.)
10 CHAOSIEN.
doubtless of the Tungusic people around them. But whence they came, and when they emigrated, history will never inform us.
That they were savages, to begin with, is pretty certain. The first historical ray of light — creating, however, only a questionable twilight, is that Woo Wang, son of Wun Wang, and founder of the Chow dynasty (B.C. 1] 22), invested his younger brother Kitsu with the feudal sovereignty of Chaosien. But Chinese scholars state that the "investment" is a euphemism to shield the character of the ancestor of Confucius, — the truth being that Kitsu, a faithful and upright man, found it necessary to leave liis elder brother's court ; and having fled to Chaosien, was there elected king. He refused to acknowledge the supremacy of the new emperor, or king Woo, as the ruler of China was then styled. Both Chinese history and Corean tradition agree in representing Kitsu as the civilizer of the aborigines of Chaosien. But Corean tradition, written or oral, is dependent on Chinese history ; for as we shall see, the present Corea is inhabited by the descendants of men who had no connection with Chaosien. Kitsu is said to have taught Chaosien propriety or etiquette (li), uprightness or integrity (yi), agriculture, the rearing of silkworms, the spinning of silk and its weaving. He established eight laws, which were so well observed that theft was unknown, no house was barred, no store locked, and no woman unfaithful.
The wide plains and innumerable vallies of inner Mongolia, Manchuria, and Corea were peopled in the time of Confucius, full five centuries before the Christian era. When he was travelling about among the kingdoms of China, he is said to Lave desired to visit and live among the "Nine Yi."*
*The "Investigation into the Men and Things" of the Four Books, allocates the Nine Yi and their countries as follows: — 1. the Kuen Yi in Hiientoo; 2. Yu Yi in Lolang; 3. Fang Yi in Gaoli; 4. Whang Yi in Manjie; 5. Bai Yi in Fooyii; 6. Chu Yi in Swokia; 7. Hiien Yi in Doongtoo; 8. Fung Yi in Wo Yin (Japan); 9. Yang Yi in TienbL The first five were east and north-east of Liaotung. Some of the others I cannot localise. The name Yi is variously interpreted. The word means to "squat," hence "without propriety or manners." It also means to "ward off," "butt," and is applied to "working the ground," hence supposed to mean "benevolent," from the desire to see things live. This latter is the common rendering.
YEX. 11
These nine barbarians were all to the east of China. Liaotung and the regions then occupied by Chaosien were included among them ; and if civilization had been introduced among these full five centuries before, it is strange that they were then undistinguished from the Nine Yi, of whom it is said that they folded their hair in a bunch on the top of their head, painted their bodies, ate food without cooking, and knew nothing of grain. The story of Kitsu is not impossible, but it is to be received with suspicion.
In the beginning of the Han dynasty, two centuries before the Christian era, How Dsun, who was king, is said to have been the fourteenth generation occupying the Chaosien throne. The emperor who had welded China into one empire, under the title of the Tsin, is known to military men as the original builder of the Great Wall * as a barrier to the Nomadic hordes beyond ; and to literary men as the author of the conflagration, which consumed the Confucian classics, which teach that the prince is for the people, not the people for the prince. He was no sooner dead^than his empire crumbled to pieces, like that of Alexander a century before. A frightful anarchy then lorded it over China. The capital of the kingdom of Yen was bounded by Yiigwan, in the neighbourhood of Shanhaigwan, 900 li-f to the east, by Yunjoong J (cloud-mist) 700 li to the west, by Hiwngchow 240 li south, and by Goobeikow 300 li to its north. This kingdom was thrown into the same disorder as the rest of China ; and most of its people sought the protection of Junfan and Chaosien, which divided the kingdom of Yen between them. But Wei Man, a chief of Yen, with an army of his fellow-countrymen,
* We find it needful to state that the modern wall is by no means that built two centuries B.C. In the article "Fire-arms," in " Chambers's Cyclopedia," a British officer is quoted inferring the existence of fire-arms in China in the Tsin dynasty, because there are loopholes in the great wall ! The loopholes, constructed of brick, existing now in good condition after passing through 2000 winters with a cold below zero, and summers with a heat of 90°, would certainly be curiosities ! The wall has been twice rebuilt since its foundation was first laid.
t Anciently there were four li to an English mile, now a fraction over three.
JTatung of Shansi.
12 CHAOSIEN.
came into collision with How Dsun, fought with and conquered him, and became king of Chaosien. He built a city for his capital east of the river Bei, as the Datonggang was then called. This city he called Wanghien. North-east of him, north of Chunhan, and south of Wojoo, was the kingdom of Whi, which extended eastwards to the sea. In B.C. 126, Whi gave in its allegiance to the Han dynasty.
As soon as this Han* dynasty established itself without a rival over the turbulent waters of China, it began to look around its frontiers. The kingdom of Yen was remote and difficult to govern directly from the capital. The emperor, therefore, established the frontier on the Bei river; thus including not only Liaotung, but the present Corean province of Pingyang as well. We hence learn that if Chaosien had been so long co-extensive with Liaotung, the inhabitants were not very numerous ; for had there been any fortified cities, the authority of Han would have been contested before crossing the Bei.
Yow Jii, the grandson of Wei Man, was then king, and was repeatedly invited to shelter himself under the warmth of the Han wings. He believed himself more comfortable as he was, and declined the honour as often as proffered. Not only so, but he took the liberty to stop the heir of Chunhan when passing through his territory to acknowledge the Han as his master. At length (B.C. 109) the emperor sent Ho, a special ambassador, who sailed down the Bei river, went eastwards to Wanghien, and used every argument to induce Yow to better himself, by
* The successful rebel or revolutionist in China, who ousts the reigning dynasty, always assumes a dynastic style for the rule of himself and descendants, which style covers the whole period during which his family is able to retain the throne. Each ruler of this dynasty has his own special style. If the former may be called the dynastic style, the latter may be termed the chronological style ; for as we date by the Christian era, the Chinese date by the style of the emperor, just as Parliament dates by the year of the sovereign's reign. If an emperor dies even on the second day of a new year, his style dates that year; and though his successor is immediately enthroned, the new emperor's style begins only with the first new- year's day after his accession. The present is the Ching or Tsing dynasty in China, as it is the Hanoverian in England ; and the fifth year of the Emperor Gwangsu, as it is the forty-second of Queen Victoria.
KING YOW. 13
acknowledging the Han. But as Yow refused to be convinced, Ho returned, and his unaccomplished object put him in no good humour. A Chaosien chief, with an escort, was sent to accompany him, to prove their respect for the Chinese emperor. When, however, they got well west of the Bei, instead of expressing his gratitude to his escort, Ho had the chief put to death, and hastened to the Chinese court to announce the victory in which he had cut off the head of a Chaosien general ! His bravery was rewarded by the glad emperor, who appointed him governor of eastern Liaotung. This incident pictures the political morality which rules the Chinese court ever since that murder of 2000 years ago. Chaosien, however, did not regard the matter in the same light, but considered the appointment of Ho as much a threat as it was an insult. The men were therefore mustered; crossed the Bei; marched westwards; attacked, defeated, and beheaded Ho ; and then returned to their own capital. But to avenge this insult to its offended dignity, the Han court got ready without delay an expedition in Bohai, as the north-west of Shantung was then called. The naval force set sail for the Chaosien shore, where it landed in the beginning of B.C. 107 ; while a land army passed through the modern Shanhaigwan, Liaotung, by Funghwangshan, across the present Yaloo, marching eastwards to act in concert with the naval force.
As soon as the ships got to shore, an army of 7000 men was pushed on in advance. It was encountered by Yow, who broke it up completely ; the survivors fled to the mountains, where they had to remain for ten days. The van of the land army suffered the same fate on the west bank of the Bei. This had not been anticipated by men who had so lately overcome large kingdoms, and taken great cities. An imperial messenger was ushered in before Yow, who deeply bowed in the presence of the representative of Chinese majesty ; and stated that he had been always anxious to acknowledge the lordship of his Chinese majesty, but he could not trust himself to the two generals whose armies had just been defeated. In proof of his readiness
14 CHAOSIEN.
to show his loyalty, he prepared to at once send his heir to the Chinese court with a present of 5000 horses, together with the plunder and prisoners taken after the defeats. This heir had an escort of 10,000 armed men ; the number of which led both the messenger and Dso, the commander of the Chinese army, west of the river, to suspect a trick. The heir was on his part quite as suspicious of them, so that when he got to the east bank of the river he determined not to risk the crossing. Nor was his caution at all groundless, after the former experiences of his country of the value to be placed on Chinese honour. The messenger returned to court empty handed, and was executed for his share in the blunder.
Dso was more fortunate. He had crossed the Bei, defeated the northern Chaosien army, and set up his camp to the north of the city ; while Commander Low, at the head of his disembarked naval troops, pressed it on the south. Though the Yen * men of Dso's army behaved well, and died bravely in great numbers, many months passed away making no impression on the city. The chief attention of the besieged was directed to Dso ; while they endeavoured, secretly, to form a treaty with Low, who, after his first defeat, was not eager to press nearer. The manoeuvring came to nothing, for the Chinese commanders and the Chaosien king were all mutually suspicious.
Being at a loss to account for the length of time spent in taking a single city, the emperor sent the Taishow or governor of Tsinan in Shantung to investigate. To him Dso stated that the reason why the siege was not long ago at an end, was that he was not properly seconded by Low. The naval commander was therefore summoned to appear at Dso's camp, where the Taishow imprisoned him. All the forces, on both sides of the city, were put at the disposal of Dso, who pressed the siege with redoubled vigour. Five Chaosien officers, seeing that their king was determined never to yield, and knowing, because of the wasted strength of the garrison, that the siege must end disastrously, sent trusty men secretly, who murdered their king,
* See above description of Yen kingdom, p. 11.
Chinese Woman— II. Cent. B.C.
WANGHIEN TAKEN. 17
after which they fled with all their men to Dso. The city opened its gates immediately.
Thus was finished the first war between China and any portion of the land now known as Corea. The country of Chaosien was immediately divided into four provinces or circuits — 1st. Lolang, which the Coreans call Norang, the present Pingyang, in which was the captured city Wanghien ; 2nd. Lintwun, kingdom of "Whi; Lintwun was the modern Gangwan Do; 3rd. Hiientoo, the original Gaogowli, and the eastern portion of the present Liaotung ; and 4th. Junfan, the western half of Liaotung bordering the Liao river. (See Map I.)
The great bulk of the modern Corea was still beyond this tract. To the east of the conquered regions was Mahan, with fifty-four "kingdoms," or independent clans. Still east was Chun han, divided into twelve independent " kingdoms " ; Bien han was south of it, and bordering the kingdom of Wo, as Japan is known in Chinese history, which, too, had twelve "kingdoms." On the northern border of Chun han was the kingdom of Whi, extending eastwards to the sea. North of it was Wojoo, also stretching to the sea.
Mahan, east and south-east of Lolang, had among its fifty-four kingdoms one called Baiji or Baijiachi, a name which Chinese writers hesitatingly derive from the fact that a hundred families fled thither from China. It afterwards gained supreme power in Mahan. This land produced pears of enormous size, and does so still ; long-tailed fowls ; and large pearls, which the people stitched on their clothes in rows, and of which they made neck- laces. Those of them who were very robust bound pieces of hide to their back with strong cords. To this hide they attached a long pole, with which they made merry antics. They had no formal etiquette, nor could they ride on horse or ox back ; they, therefore, had neither horse nor ox at that time. Their houses were made of earth, in appearance like a pig-stye, with a door above.
Chun han was also called Chin (Tsin) han, a name originating from a supposed immigration of Chinese, who B
18 CHAOSIEN.
remained faithful to the Tsin dynasty when it was overthrown. When a son was [born among this people, a heavy stone was pressed against his head to flatten it.* Bien han, to the south of it, can have had no distinctively peculiar customs, for none such are related. Both these Han became merged afterwards into the kingdom of Sinlo. Its grades of officials numbered sixteen,— the highest of which was called Dsoping, and the second Daswai. Each of the provinces was under a Fangling, who was a Daswai. Each province was divided into five districts (Kun), each of which had three military officers of the fourth grade, called Duswai. Baiji officials were similar in all respects. Hence those who know Chinese will at once infer, that though there may have been Chinese immigrations, the population was not Chinese, for Chinese official ranks have always been nine.
Whi kingdom was south of Gaogowli and Wojoo. At one period of its history it extended west to Funghwangchung. Originally it was under the rule of Chaosien ; and with it, is said to have received, through Kitsu, the civilization of China. In B.C. 169 it had 28,000 able-bodied (Ding) men. When Chaosien was broken up, Nan Lu, a prince of Whi, established an independent kingdom there. The land produced cotton and silk, and very small horses,^ — called under-fruit-tree horse, because it could pass under the branches of a fruit tree with its rider on its back. It was about three feet high. Gaogowli, to the north of it, produced the same minute horse. And as no mention is made of it either among Chaosien products, or those of the Three Han, we must conclude that this diminutive horse, now so common all over western Corea, came from the north of the
* In Manchuria at this day, even the Chinese follow the ancient'Manchu custom of tying a piece of board behind the head to make it straight up and down. What will phrenologists say to the practice? Certainly no remarkable result is ever manifest, though the back of the head rises up in a line with the nape of the neck.
t This horse is of the same height as the Shetland pony, but much more strongly and less gracefully formed. The author was astonished to find a small horse very like the Corean in Singapore, on the Malay coast; this, however, was a native of the islands south of Singapore. We have never heard of any such diminutive horse in any portion of China proper.
JAPAN. 19
country, and has its home on the eastern slopes of Changbaishan. The mountains of Whi were invested with leopards (Bao) ; while the sea, on its east, produced the beautiful Ban, or vary-coloured fish. When a man died his house was forsaken, left to rot to pieces, and a new one built by the survivors.
Wojoo was east of Gaogowli, stretching to the shores of the sea of Japan. One peculiar custom is recorded of this people. The head of a family provided a great tree, a hundred feet long, which was burnt and scooped out hollow, till only sufficient wood was left at the unburnt end to securely seal it. When one of the family died, the body was buried elsewhere till the flesh was consumed away, and then the bones were taken up and put into this tube. All the members of the family were re-interred in this peculiar tomb. There is a practice much like this in use to the present day among the Sibo Manchus, north of Mukden.
East of the Three Hans, in the midst of the sea, was the kingdom of Wo (Japan). There were over thirty kings and kingdoms ; the most powerful of which was in Yematai. This land produced white pearls and dark blue jade. There were no oxen, horses, sheep, or birds. Their arrow barbs were of bone.* The men coloured their faces black, and covered their bodies with flour. The extent and depth of the colour showed the rank to which the man belonged, — the first advance beyond Carlyle's clotheless king ! Women left their hair unbound to flow behind, and painted their bodies with a red dye. They ate food with the fingers,-f* and wore no shoes. They were extremely fond of strong spirits. They were long livers ; living often beyond a hundred years. They assumed a half sitting posture to show respect. The women were more numerous than the men, those who could support them having four or five wives.]: They sent
* Human or fish?
+ This would imply that the Chinese in the time of Han, and most likely much earlier, used kwai-dsu or chop-sticks, and were probably the only people then on the face of the earth who did not eat with the fingers.
J By the same, which is a blundering test, China has always had more women than men.
20 CHAOSIEN.
messengers with tribute to Han dynasty. In the beginning of this dynasty, a large force of Japanese made a plundering expedition into Chaosien, as they have often done since. The greatest anarchy prevailed in Wo during the years 147-170 A.D. There was no supreme ruler till a woman, Bei mi hoo, old and unmarried, credited with the possession of magical powers, was made queen. She had a thousand servants ; but only one man saw her face, who brought her food, and took forth her orders.
To the east of Wojoo, in the great sea, was the " Kingdon of Women." These were, however, of nature more gentle than their western sisters, — the Amazons of world-wide fame, the ancient advocates of women's rights, who advocated at the point of the sword, and dealt death blows on the battle-field. The successive generations of our eastern Amazons were secured by the women looking down into a certain well in their island kingdom. If the result of this look was a boy child, he was destroyed, if a girl, she was preserved, — so thoroughly did they detest the male tyrant of their sex. Whatever the object of the ancient author of this romance, the Chinese continue to this day, with a slight inclination to scepticism, to believe in the existence of the " Kingdom of Women."
Four thousand li south of the Kingdom of Women was Jooli Kingdom ; the men of which were only three to four feet high. To its south-east was Lo ("naked") Kingdom and Heichu ("black teeth") Kingdom. This was the most remote point reached by Chinese in the time of the Han dynasty. Did they reach Singapore ? or did its women then stain their teeth ?
All this is seriously written by the Chinese historians as the state of eastern Asia, contemporaneous with the Han dynasty. The exaggerations and fabrications are easily discounted by any reader. Though the notes on Japan are beyond the scope of this book, they will not be regarded wholly out of place by those interested in that kingdom, which has been aroused from its dream of ages by the whistle of the steam ship, and the screech of the railway engine.
But to return. It is stated, and with an appearance of truth,
GOONG SWUN. 21
that the never-ending strife, war, murder, and pillage by taxgatherer and robber drove many Chinese into voluntary exile before the Han dynasty bound up the wounds of the rent empire; and that some of those found their way not only into Chaosien, but into the Three Hans. They were scarcely sufficiently numerous to form a new element in the ethnological character of the people. They were so thoroughly absorbed by the original inhabitants of the land, that the manners, laws, and customs of the people there remained unchanged and markedly distinct from the Chinese.
We leap over nearly three centuries, and find the Han dynasty still struggling for life, but reeling on the throne. Every man was left to do as he could, and most did *as they liked. Jang Wun raised an army of 3000 men at Yowchow and Woohwun in June 187 A.D., to march against Liang Chow. Jang Twun desired to be commander, but was rejected ; the command being given to the Duke of Liaosi. But when it got to Kichow, most of the Woohwun men deserted, and went home ; and Twun, in his anger, joined the old Taishow of Taishan in Shantung, Jang Jii, and was strengthened by the adhesion of the chief of Woohwun. They raised a force with which they marched on Kichow, slew many men, and captured the remaining Woohwun men. Another camp of 10,000 men was located at Feiyoo,* under the Taishows of Yowbeiping ^ and Liaotung. Jii was proclaimed emperor, and Twun the heavenly general and peace- restoring Wang. For universal peace is always to come when the man crying out for peace, like the modern international, crushes to death all rivals.
The Han emperor, therefore, appointed Goong Swun, Taishow of Liaotung, giving him the powers of dictator over those regions. He was to march eastwards against Gaogowli, and westwards against Woohwun, his two neighbours, and to behead and destroy as he saw proper. He began his career successfully ; for in November he had Wun beheaded, and defeated 300,000 (!) men who were plundering Bohai. He attacked them with fury
* The present Looloong hien of Yoong ping. f The modern Tsunhwa.
22 CHAOSIEN.
at the head of 20,000 horse and foot at Doonggwan hien, the modern Tsangchow in the south-east of Chihli. 30,000 of the rebels were slain. They abandoned their heavy baggage, and fled across the river, eastwards, closely pursued by their conqueror, who took 70,000 (!) prisoners. Waggons and stores of all kinds were taken in immense quantities. There can be little doubt that the robbers were a rabble, and that Swun was at the head of an army ; but even then the story will appear strained, though something like it occurred in the defeat of the Taiping rabble, which was marching on Peking, a few years ago.
China had become so thoroughly disorganised, that it was impossible to distinguish friend from foe, for all alike robbed and desolated the country. It was indeed only what happens usually in this country after a long series of famines, such as had then happened. Then riot ran loose, and for many years the country was under the Lord of Misrule. Every province and every city, nay every village, had its own battle to fight against its own people. Fighting men would, of course, still be imperial as long as it paid better ; but they became robbers as soon as it was more profitable.
In A.D. 199, Nan Low, a chief or "excellency" ("great man") of Shanggoo ; * Soo Pooyen, an " excellency " of Liaotung ; and Woo Yen, an "excellency" of Yowbeiping, united with Woohwun against Goong Swun, who, doubtless, gave them some trouble in preventing them from plundering as freely as they would like to do. From their title I would infer that these were petty chiefs of the aborigines of those places ; for it was no title of a Chinese official, though it is now used as a term of respect in addressing higher officials ; nor could it possibly be applied to an untitled Chinaman; besides, Woohwun had nothing Chinese about it, and the north of Chihli and Liaotung were not then inhabited by Chinese, as we shall see further down. Those allies placed themselves under the leadership of Yuen Shao, who proclaimed himself emperor of all north of the Whang river. 'By this coalition Swun's army was crushed, and himself slain.
* The modern Huenhwa, near Peking.
UNIVERSAL ANARCHY. 23
Lowban, the son of Chin Liju, late King of Woohwun, was but a child, and the government devolved upon his illegitimate elder brother Tadun, who was made Regent. After the victory, all the leaders were rewarded by the " Emperor " with titles — that of Shanyu, with its proper official seal, being given to Tadun and the other chiefs. This is another and conclusive proof that these men were aborigines, for only the Hiwngnoo, or Huns, i.e., the ancestors of the present Mongols, had ever adopted the title of Shanyu, which, in their language, signified exactly what Whangdi does to the Chinaman ; for the Shanyu is " King of Kings."
In 204, Liaotung was equally disordered with China proper. Many officials, some lately appointed by the Emperor, others self-elected, threw off all restraint, and acted every man for himself, saying that the Emperor had ceased to be emperor; and it was true, for he could not cut off the heads of these men. From time immemorial it has been, and continues to be, believed in China, that when evils, such as were countless then, are poured out upon the country, it is because Heaven has forsaken the existing dynasty, and does not recognise the reigning Emperor as the "Son of Heaven." One of them, who said that the Emperor was no Son of Heaven, stated there were over a million of soldiers in motion in Liaotung alone, i.e., in attack and defence, plundering and saving. This is not impossible, as Liaotung had then been under Han rule for three centuries ; and the history of Liaotung under the present dynasty shows a similar increase of population in two centuries, having risen from a few fugitives skulking among deserted villages to be a crowded country of twenty millions of souls. Fooyu and Whimai were also under arms, which they did not allow to rust.
Over 100,000 Chinese families had fled across the border to "Woohung, to escape the terrible anarchy of their native land. Woohung marched south and plundered the regions of Chuenchow.* To stop those northern ravages, Tsao Tsao, a Han General, collected a large army; but in marching north he
* 40 K south-east of the modern Wooching hien of Peking.
24 CHAOS [EN.
found the country so flooded by rains that no cart could move, and yet too shallow for boats to float. In the autumn of 207, he marched from Hiiwo shan, 500 li, to Bailan shan by the Ping gang road, past Looloong ; and in September, he passed Bailangs han * (white-wolf mountain) in search of the foe. As soon as he came in sight of the enemy, he sent forward his van, under Jang Liao, to an immediate attack. The van pressed in with fury, and the enemy was routed with great slaughter. Tadun and some other commanding officers were slain. 200,000 men submitted ; but a few under Aisiaishang, king of Woohung, fled towards Liaotung, whither they were pursued, and most of them cut down by Swunkang, who had succeeded his father as Taishow of Liaotung. Tsao returned from Liwchung in October in extremely cold weather. To add to the sufferings of his men, he had to march 200 li without water, for which he had to dig 30 feet ; ^ and he was compelled to kill thousands of his horses for food. But when he got home, he lavishly rewarded his surviving men.
The overstrained and water-logged vessel of state had now burst up, and a Wei dynasty rose out of the northern portion of China, with a Woo to its south,^ reviving the Confucian kingdoms on their ancient sites. The Han, however, retained a large portion of Central and Western China. Such was the final resultant of innumerable opposite forces acting and reacting, clashing and combining for a century. And the power of each of the rival thrones proved conclusively to itself and its adherents that
* Said to be west of Yowbeiping. Liwchung was in the neighbourhood of the modern Kingchow, whither he might be drawn in pursuit. In the Toongkien, carried down to the end of the Ming dynasty, occur the following notes by authors of the Ming dynasty. Liwchung was south-west of Loongshan and north-east of Beiping. Bailan was south of Beiping and east of Hiiwoo; it was 25 li south of the modern Miyun hien. Bailang was in Woohung land, and north-east of Yowchow. Looloong was under the jurisdiction of Yowchow, and is still known as Looloong hien ; in the language of the " men of the north " (Woohung), Loo was Hack and loong water; hence Looloong, the Black water. The river there is said to be very dark.
fThe history says SQjang, or 300 ft.; but this is absurd.
£ Shanghai is in Woo.
DRUNKENNESS. 25
it should reign ; but the imperial title it demanded as its own heaven-given right, it denied to its rivals, which it called rebels, as it was called by them. Thus, like the rival popes, the sole heads in the west, as the Chinese Emperor is in the east, each anathematized his rivals, and did all he could — fulfilling, of course, the will of Heaven, to bring his rivals down. The Han dynasty has now, however, to drop out of our sight, as it has nothing further to do with Corea or Liaotung.
Not so the Founder of the Woo dynasty, south of the Yangtsu; for, in 231, he sent General Gow Ho, by sea, to Liaotung, to purchase horses from Swunyuen, who had succeeded his brother Swunkang as Taishow of Liaotung ; but Swun was now without a master. The "Emperor" of Woo had an official, Fan, who was often drunk, as was common enough among the Chinese then, and who believed in no spirits save those of the still. When drunk, he was of a violently irritable temper, and his speech was of the most bitterly sarcastic kind, and interlaced with much irreverent swearing ; yet he was an able minister. His master was, on the other hand, a firm believer in gods and genii, of which he delighted to talk. On such occasions, Fan would turn to some other minister, and make a scoffing allusion to, or irreverently question the existence of, the gods, intentionally loud enough for his majesty to hear. This conduct frequently roused the ire of the Emperor, who at last became so unbearably offended, that he banished Fan to Kiaochow.
When, in his exile, Fan heard that Ho was to be sent to Liaotung, he complained bitterly, that, at a time when the kingdom was in need of all the talent it could command, a man of first-class ability, like Ho, should be sent so far as Liaotung, on such an errand as the purchase of horses. He wrote out a memorial to that effect ; but fearing the Emperor would not look at it, he asked a friend to be sure to report his sentiments to the Emperor. This was faithfully done, with the result of sending Fan further away to Munglin hien (Woochow).
It was known at the court of Wei that Swunyuen was not to
26 CHAOSIEN.
be relied on ; and the northern Emperor determined to despatch an army into Liaotung, under the Governor of Tsingchow* and the Commandant of Yowchow.^f* One of his ministers strongly urged him to desist from this policy, and stop the expedition ; for that even if successful, Liaotung was insufficient to form a kingdom, and its resources inadequate to make wealth ; and if it was now hostile, it was only latently so ; but it would become an open foe, as soon as it heard of active movements against it. Better first master the new and more formidable enemies, then take account of the remote ; for when the " tiger and the wolf meet one on the road, it is no time to attack the fox " ; but once remove the greater danger, the lesser will disappear of itself. To this advice the Emperor would not listen. The army was sent, for the order had been already given. It got defeated, and had to be disbanded, with the disgraceful brand of failure.
But Hiang, Governor of Tsingchow, in Shantung, knew from the force and direction of the wind that Ho, who was then leaving Liaotung, would be driven right across the Gulf, and could land only on or about Chungshan, a mountain near Laichow. He therefore planted his men behind Chungshan mountain, and had not long to wait, for the stormy waves drove Ho and his fleet right across to their feet. Ho was compelled to land, and was immediately attacked and slain with all his men. When the Woo Emperor heard of the calamity, he immediately sent for Fan to Court. But the messengers found him just dead. They brought back his body, and buried it with every mark of respect.
In spite of the catastrophe of the horse-buying expedition, Swunyuen rightly believed that Woo would not be altogether ungrateful, if he proffered his allegiance ; and, unaware of what Wei might be preparing for him, he wisely considered it prudent to make Woo his ally, even if at the cost of apparently losing his independence. The messengers tendering his allegiance were right royally received by Woo, who, in the warmth of his pleasure, sent Jang Ur the Taichaug, one of his
* In Shantung. f The modern Peking.
SWUNYUEN. 27
best men, with costly presents, to confer on Swunyuen the title of Yen Wang. He was in this step opposed by almost all his ministers, from Goong Yoong down, who persisted that Swunyuen should not be trusted ; for though he was aggrieved with Wei now, Wei was near and Woo far ; he would therefore in time turn round again, and Woo would become the laughing- stock of the world ; it was therefore impolitic to create him a vassal king, though it was quite proper to regard him as a friend. Woo was angry ; but he hesitated and vacillated as the remonstrances continued to be pressed, but not sufficiently so, however, to recall the embassy which had already gone.
When Woo's mother was on her death-bed, she called old Jao to her bedside, and said to her son, who was standing near her, that for external affairs he must listen to the advice of Jang Ur, and for internal to that of Jang Jao. In the present emergency old Jao wept because his advice was not listened to ; and Woo, remembering the death-bed scene, wept also, and dropt to the ground the sword which he had taken up. When Jao retired, he was so offended at the rejection of his advice, that he, feigning illness, ceased attendance at court. The Emperor was angry at Jao's disappearance, and as commands to appear were of no avail, he sent men who broke in the old man's door ; but they found it barricaded inside with a heap of earth.
The messengers of Woo started in the spring of 233. Yuen reasoned that as Woo was far, and troops difficult to move thence, he was absolute master of the persons of the embassy, and could act towards them as* was most conducive to his own advantage. Therefore, in the January of the following year, he had the chief members of the embassy beheaded, and their heads sent to Wei as a peace offering. This offering Wei gladly received, conferring upon the donor the title of Duke (Goong) of Liaotung.
The Emperor of Woo was sixty years old when he received the news of the treachery of Yuen. He was terribly enraged, and would have an army sent on at once to revenge the death of his messengers, and the insult to himself. Again was he
28 CHAOSIEN.
vehemently opposed by his ministers. One President presented a memorial, stating that the Yoongmai (savages) of Liaotung formed but a small kingdom without cities ; if, therefore, an enemy of superior numbers attacked them, they had only to retire inland, and the enemy would have to march through an empty country. He recalled the fate of Ho, and urged, as the Wei minister had done, the importance of attending to the nearer and greater dangers, when the remote would take care of themselves. The long paper, of which that was the substance, together with the longer discussions which followed, had the desired effect, and Liaotung was left unmolested.
Woo, now laying aside his warlike intentions, summoned Jao, to speak kindly to the old man. But Jao was lying down and could not move — so reported the messenger. Woo then went himself to Jao's door, where he called out the old man's name repeatedly and loudly ; Jao at last replied, but said that he was too weak to get up, and it would be a crime to receive his Emperor except with the proper etiquette, which his weakness made it impossible for him to perform. The Emperor still refused to go, and Jao would not come out. Believing that Jao was, as formerly, feigning illness, Woo had the door set on fire to frighten him out. But the crackling of the burning wood, with the smell of it, had no influence on the sick man. The fire was therefore extinguished, and as the Emperor would not go, Jao's sons supported the old man, so that he could properly receive his sovereign. He felt he could not but do so, as Woo was unceasing in his self-reproaches for his former conduct towards the old minister.
As soon as Jang Ur and his companions got to Hiangping of Liaotung, Yuen at once saw his way, by sacrificing them, to make his peace with Wei. He set about his object early but cautiously. He first separated the men. He sent Dan, Chun, Dua, Kiang, with over sixty men, to Huentoo, 200 li east of Liaotung, on pretence of helping to govern and garrison that place. They were, by the Commandant, and doubtless under orders, boarded apart among the citizens. Dan and Chun got
REVOLT. 29
opportunities of consulting together. Exile was becoming intolerable to them. The city was but small, and by a united, sudden stroke they might put to death the Commandant, and avenge their insulted country. All their comrades were gradually brought into confidence, and all heartily acquiesced in a plan, in the execution of which they were willing to die, rather than live any longer away from their friends.
They had fixed the night of the 19th of 8th moon (Sept.) for their rising. But on that same evening one of the number gave information to the Commandant, and the gates were instantly closed. All those named above, however, leapt over the wall, and fled eastwards among the hills 600 or 700 li. Chun got very unwell, and had to be assisted along. At last, when hiding by day among the tall grass, they wept from sheer fatigue. The sick man said that, as he was so weak that he might die at any moment, he would infinitely prefer if they went on and left him to die where he was. To this they would not listen, declaring that they must live or die together ; Dua saying that if they had travelled together a myriad li they were not now to separate. Dan and Kiang were at last prevailed upon to go on before, Dua remaining with the invalid to pick herbs and wild fruits for him to eat. In a few days Dan and his companions reached Gaogowli, 1,000 li east of Liaotung. The king, Weigoong, and his minister, Jooba, received them with great hospitality. The grandfather of this Weigoong was of wonderful intelligence, able to notice even at his birth. He became a powerful king ; and was an unusually brave man, and frequently pillaged the borders of the Han country. When his grandson was born, he was observed to be exactly like his grandfather in feature, as well as in the ability to take notice at his birth ; he therefore received his grandfather's name, Weigoong. He gladly furnished Dan with a number of men, with whose aid to search out and bring back his sick companion. The rovers all got safely back to their native land ; and Emperor Woo was so overcome, at once with grief and joy, that he was
30 CHAOSIEN.
unable to control himself, but shed tears profusely ; a most notable and noteworthy matter for a Chinaman.
Before leaving Woo, we may note here that cash of 16 joo weight, and one and a half inch wide, each counting 1000 small cash, were cast by this dynasty. The Han dynasty had frequently cast woo joo, or 5 joo cash. There are 24 joo to the Chinese Hang or oz., which is now equal to 1.33 oz. avoirdupois. Each joo was subdivided into 20 equal fun or parts. From the specimens of those cash still in existence, we find that good copper was then used instead of the inferior brass metal of modern times.*
Though Yuen had sent to Wei the heads of Woo ministers, he had not given his own heart, which was considered of more consequence. Therefore, in 237, Wei despatched an army of 40,000 men from Changan, the capital, towards Liaotung, — the commander in chief of Wei forces being left in charge of Changan against the possible attack of the kingdom of Tsu.
During the preceding year the Tsushu of Yowchow, Ma Chiwjien, was ordered against Yuen to chastise him for the insolently independent language he was always uttering. This expedition was sent, like the first, against the earnest remonstrances of the best ministers, who considered it both impolitic and imprudent to notice Yuen, when the powerful states of Woo and Tsu were butting the southern side of Wei. Jien, however, got to YowchoAv, raised an army, and summoned Hienbi and Woohung to his side. Reinforced by these, he marched eastwards and camped south of the city of Liaotung. In reply to the message sent him to yield, Yuen marched out, and drew up over against Jien at Liaoswi f hien, at the junction of the great and small Liao rivers. It was August, and the rainy season of Liaotung. It had rained for ten days, and rained as it only can where it rains but seldom, and has to make up for
*The kingdom of Woo included the modern Kiangsu and Chikiang provinces, in the south of China.
fThis must have been on the east side of the river, at the present Sancha ho, west of Newchwang, where the "outer" and "inner" Liao unite.
HIANGPING ATTACKED. 31
lost time. The Liao, never a small river, was therefore a mighty one ; and the current and tide, never weak, were very powerful. Jien had, therefore, to retire ; all his battling being in vain. Thereupon Yuen set himself up as Yen Wang, and assumed the title ofShanyu of the Hienbi, whom he summoned to his standard to march with him to plunder Wei. Hence the present expedition, which was now certainly justifiable ; but was as much as ever opposed by the Wei ministers. The emperor, however, was inflexible. The opposition against this expedition arose chiefly from the difficulty of transporting grain and other necessaries from the capital, Loyang,* 4000 li to Liaotung.
The emperor, in reply to their arguments, simply asked what line of defence Yuen was likely to adopt. They said he had three courses. His best plan would be to forsake his walls, retire into the wilds, and thus weary the army before striking a blow ; his second best plan was to contest the crossing of the Liao river ; and his third and worst, to stake the issue on holding the city. The emperor agreed, and then asked the time necessary for the successful termination of the war. To this they replied, that in the most untoward circumstances a year would suffice.
Yuen heard of the formidable preparations made against him, and in his terror sent messengers to implore the aid of Woo. So bitter was still the feeling against his former treachery, that many demanded the heads of these messengers in revenge for Jang Ur. But minister Yang urged that though this would be good revenge, it would be bad policy; and at his recommendation the messengers were sent home again.
It was July when the Wei army got to the Liao river. They found that Yuen had prepared for them, having sent an army of several myriad men to fortify themselves, with an earthen rampart 20 "f li north to south, along the river bank. The various generals, second in command, urged an instant crossing
* Near the modern Kaifung foo, in Honan, which province, with Shantung, formed the best part of the Wei kingdom.
t Yuen history. Tsin history has 70 li, but this seems too long a line, unless there were detached bodies spread over so great a distance.
32 CHAOSIEN.
and attack. Su Ma, the commander, reasoned with them that the main object of the rampart was to provoke attack, and wear out the army ; and concluded, that as so large an army held the ramparts, there must be few left to garrison the city. He, therefore, gave the order to outflank the ramparts, and march direct on the city.
He flied his banners to the south of the ramparts, as if he intended to cross there ; compelling Yuen's men, under Bi, a Hienbi man, to issue southwards, beyond their fortifications, to prevent his landing. But while carrying on this manoeuvre, his chief object was accomplished ; for the main body of the Chinese army crossed the river to the north of the ramparts, and marched straight for the capital, Hiangping.* Bi soon discovered his mistake ; and, in great alarm, hasted on after the army which had already pitched camp under Showshan. His furious attack was easily repelled. He had to retreat, and found no resource except to enter the city, which was then besieged. For two months rain fell in torrents, and the land was deluged. Boats came overland from the ferry to the' very walls of Hiangping. The Wei army was in terror, and began to move away, for the water was three -f feet deep on the level ground. The commander threatened to behead the first man who spoke of moving from the ranks, — a threat which he executed on the person of a superior officer. In discussing the matter with his generals, Ma said that they were few, and the foe numerous ; they had provisions in superabundance, the besieged must be already in a famishing state; before leaving Changan they were afraid the enemy would fly and not fight, and now they themselves talked of retreat ; and concluded saying that a short time must now bring the siege to an end. This speech rallied the spirits of his men.
The besieged were indeed in great straits; for two months within closely invested walls had reduced them to live by
* Where Liaoyang now is.
fin Aug. -Sept., 1878, the country of Liaotung was exactly similar. In some places, for nearly a month, boats were sailing over the fields to save the windings of the river.
LIAOTUNG CONQUERED. 33
cannibalism. Yuen sent an ambassador to bargain terms of surrender. That ambassador was beheaded by Ma's orders, who said there were five courses open to a soldier. He could fight ; if he could not fight, he could hold his fort ; if he could not hold his fort, he could flee ; beyond these were the alternatives, unconditional surrender or death. A few days more reduced the besieged to desperation, and all discipline was lost. Yuen and his son, with a few hundred men, burst through the besiegers, and fled northwards. They were overtaken and slain at the Daliang * river.
Su Ma now entered the city, and put to death all under the rank of Goong and Cking, 7000 soldiers. The whole of Liaotung, with Huentoo and Lolang, gave in their allegiance.
During the period of unbridled anarchy between A.D. 220 and 420, scores of kingdoms rose and fell ; and war seems to have been the pastime of the broken up Chinese empire and its neighbours. But among them all, perhaps the history of the Hienbi, a small Mongolic or Hunnish tribe in the north of Liaotung, is the most remarkable, both in its speedy elevation and its sudden collapse. In the year 337, it had a tussle with Gaogowli and others in Liaotung, in which it snatched victory more by stratagem than by numbers. But on its fall Gaogowli could boast of an empire, for it embraced all Liaotung and some of Liaosi. As the history of the Hienbi gives as good a picture of the times as anything can, it is given below, though it has not always a direct bearing on our proper field. But the reader, interested only in Corea, may pass it over and go on to Ch. V.
* A note to the original says that " The Siao (small) Liao " flows from Huentoo, Gaogowli hien, the mountain of Liaoshau, flowing south-west, passing Hiangping, joining the Daliang, which comes from beyond the northern borders ; the united river flowing south-west, and falling into the Da Liao. The small Liao is, therefore, the Taidsu or Teksa, the Daliang the Hwun, and the Da Liao, the outer Liao from Mongolia.
CHAPTER n. HIENBI.
FROM time immemorial the military affairs of China have been bound up with the history of her nomadic neighbours. And of all the many empires founded on her northern frontiers, not the least terrible was that of Hiwngnoo, or Huns as they are more generally called. With the interesting early history of Huns we have, however, nothing to do here, as they were far removed from our country of Liaotung. Suffice it to say, that they were the bitter scourge of the Han dynasty from its commencement to its close ; frequently penetrating far into China, ravaging its country, sacking its cities, putting to death countless numbers of its people, and ofttimes becoming virtual masters of the empire. For some time after the Han dynasty was founded, it resisted with youthful vigour the plundering hordes of its northern borderers. But, as in all the dynasties of China, that vigour was short-lived. Even before the Christian era, the senilty of a long-established government clouded the faculties and weakened the hands of the Han rulers. So much so that in A.D. 51, when British savages were occupying the attention of Cesar's successors in London, a minister of the Han emperor urged his master to summon the forces of Hienbi and Gaogowli to attack the eastern flank of the Hiwngnoo ; the Chiang Hoo or barbarians of Tibet to march against the western portion of their dominions ; while a Chinese army should march north, and attack them in what is now the north of Chihli. The plan was urged just at that time, because of the frightful famine and pestilence devastating the Hiwngnoo, and carrying off all their cattle, and was hoped to be successful in completely breaking up the Huns in a few years. The emperor, however, did not act on the suggestion.
36 HIENBI.
We are chiefly concerned with this abortive proposal of the then weakened Han, because it shows that Hienbi was already a power worthy to be ranked with Gaogowli, which was east of Hienbi, and occupying the north of the present Corea and Liaotung. This Hienbi, an " east Hoo " tribe, had arisen from very small beginnings. They lived on the borders of the present Yichow and Kingchow of Liaosi, among the mountains and glens of south-eastern Mongolia. Because of Hiwngnoo troubles, they rapidly increased in number and daring ; and in 1 09 A.D. we get another glimpse of them falling upon Liaosi, but they got defeated, ere they retired, by the Liaosi army, assisted by a contingent of Woohung men. In that battle the Hienbi lost 1300 men, which shows them possessed of a respectable army- This check was not lasting, for in the atumn of next year they were again plundering the country round the city of Yiiyang. Jang, the taishow, or commandant and magistrate of that city, drove them off, and pursued them among the mountains beyond the frontier. In looking for them next morning, he saw their camp smokeless, and ordered an immediate advance, lest, in their hasty flight, they should escape him. He pushed rapidly on, when, all of a sudden, he found himself completely surrounded and vehemently attacked on all sides ; for the Hienbi army had retired only to lie in ambush. Notwithstanding the wildest valour, Jang was slain and his army shivered to pieces. As there was now no obstacle before them, the Hienbi army marched far inland, and got to Shanggoo,* where they broke up the army set in array to oppose them. They still advanced — 20,000 strong — carrying fire and destruction in their path ; almost exterminating the population of the cities and villages in their line of march. They passed through Yoonggwan, 35 li north- west of the present Changping of Peking, bearing down all opposition up to the gates of Machung city ; called Sochow by the Sung and recent dynasties. The commandant of Machuug
* Which some authorities make the modern Paoting ; but the Chinese Imperial Directory makes it Huenhwa, — the more probable position, as it is in the far north.
GEOGRAPHICAL. 37
was slain by them ; and they threatened to do further damage, but were, in August 111, defeated by Commander Dung at the head of an army of Shanyli soldiers, — proving the demoralization of the Chinese soldiery.
Ever since Chaosien was broken up, the old lands known under that name were, up till this period, more or less closely bound to China proper. This Chinese portion would stretch along the west of the present Kingchow and Kwangning, east to the Liao, and run along the south side of the Taidsu river to the hills on the east ; including all the plain south of Liaoyang to the sea, and the southern portion of eastern Liaotung up to the Yaloo ; perhaps to the Ping river. The country was not well cultivated ; nor was the land crowded with large villages, and defended by many walled cities, as it now is. The inhabitants were Chinese in only a very small proportion ; though the few forts erected after the conquest of Chaosien, east and west of the Liao, were garrisoned by Chinese soldiers. Skirting the west, north-west, and north sides of Liaosi was Hienbi, from Yoongping on the south to Kaiyuen on the north ; and Gaogowli bordered the north-east and north of Liaotung. Both powers grew in importance yearly. In 121 A.D., a combined Hienbi and Gaogowli army broke into Liaotung, and drove the Liaotung army before them south to Sinchung,* where it was defeated with great slaughter, — the Chinese leaders all falling in the van of battle. The Gaogowli seem to have been satisfied with what they attained ; but Hienbi pushed westwards, again penetrated into and plundered Yoonggwan, and defeated the commandant of Yunjoong.*}* They were, however, driven eastwards by the combined forces of Yowchow (Peking) and other commandants. They ravaged Hiientoo, the south-eastern portion of Liaotung, in December of the same year ; and several myriads of them penetrated to Taiyuen in the following year. As proof that the governmental machine of the Han was loosely jointed together, we find that the commandant of Hanyang city joined the Hienbi. The Hienbi victories were both the result
* South of the modern Kaichow. f Modern Tatung o Shansi.
38 HIENBI.
and cause of a more compacted state, and a more civilized community. They were, however, far from being able to cope with their powerful cousins the Hiwngnoo, part of whose people then occupied the north of Shansi ; for they got worsted in a tussle with them while on that Taiyuen raid. They found it easier and more profitable to make yearly incursions into northern China and Hlientoo.
Corruptions and necessary weakness within the Chinese Court invited encroachments from without. The cleaving open of many hills, and the twenty-three earthquakes in the Han capital and provinces, indicated the anger of Heaven against the reigning dynasty, and were ominous of great evils about to fall upon the empire. And more serious than the earthquakes, was the succession of famine 3~ears in several provinces ; — which moral fear and physical sufferings made easy the active aggressions of the Hienbi, whose troops, combined now with those of Whimai, now with those of Woohung, and again alone, penetrated far into Chinese soil. The condition and resources of Liaotung may be judged from the fact that Soo Booyen proclaimed himself its king at the head of 1,000 men, at the same time as Woohung moved southwards with 8,000 men and occupied the north of Liaosi. One, Woo Yen, with 800 men. assumed similar rank at Yowbeiping.* But of all the eagles hovering over the dying body of the Han, Hienbi was the strongest, most active, and daring, ranging, almost at will, for nearly a century, over the north of China.
Their power had gradually assumed such proportions, and the troubles caused by them were becoming so alarmingly serious along the east, north, and north-west frontiers of China, that, in 177, a great effort was made to crush them. It was not before time ; for China was losing all influence over her north-eastern neighbours, and already had Huentoo Commander to acknow- ledge the supremacy of Gaogowli to prevent annihilation.
Jao Bao, the Chinese Commander of Liaosi, had collected an army of 20,000 men, with whom he was keeping Hienbi in check.
* Modern Tsunhwa, north-east of Peking.
FAITHFULNESS. 39
He had already sent for his mother, wife and family, from the capital, to come and join him. His family had got to the neighbourhood of the city of Liwchung,* when they fell into the hands of a Hienbi army of 10,000 men, then ravaging that district, and against which Bao was directing his troops. As soon, therefore, as Bao came up with the enemy, they informed him that his family were prisoners, and would be put to death if he assumed the offensive. At the same time they brought his mother and wife to the front to let him see them. They desired to escape his overwhelming numbers, by giving up his family in exchange. Bao was thrown into a state of the most bitter grief, saying aloud that he was in a terrible strait; he would much rather lose his own life than be the means of his mother's death ; but if he preserved his filial duty he would sacrifice his public trust. As long as he had been a private man, he had only to consider the duty involved in the relationship of mother and son, but now was superadded the relation of prince and minister; private affection would ship- wreck official duty, and better a myriad deaths than permit the country to be ravaged. When he was thus cogitating with his officers, the brave mother of a brave son cried out, in a loud voice, from her distant standing-place, "Every man has his destiny, and all must once die. Why hesitate a moment, or harbour the remotest design of acting contrary to your duties of Faithfulness to your prince, and Integrity in your trust ? " Bao immediately ordered an attack. The Hienbi were defeated ; but, before retreating, they put to death the mother, wife, and children of Bao.
When the pursuit was brought to an end, Bao returned to the battle-field to bury his family; the Emperor, who had heard of the tragedy, having sent special messengers to condole with the mourner. While burying, the heart-broken Bao said to the villagers aiding him : " To eat the Emperor's bread and to avoid danger is to be unfaithful ; to slay a mother in order to preserve integrity is to be unfilial. Whither, then, can I look ? * North of Kingchow. (See Map I.)
40 HIENBI.
For me earth affords no place of shelter." After which speech his mental strife brought on a vomiting of blood, of which he died.
This incident, occurring when the canon of the New Testa- ment was scarcely completed, serves to illustrate the perfection of the Chinese moral system from the most ancient to the present times. The one word " duty " is the sum and essence thereof; and it is elevated to so high a rank above all other words or things as would delight the heart of the author of " Sartor Resartos." This duty not only involves self-abnegation, but even the smothering of the affections ; and it confines the use of the word " love " to eatables and drinkables. It is cold, steel-hearted, inflexible duty which should rule all human relations, and not the warm, impulsive, beating heart of love. The minister and officer is bound, not to love his prince and country, but to be faithful to his trust ; the child is commanded, not to love his parents, but to yield them reverence and deference. Conjugal and parental relations are on precisely the same footing. This stoical teaching is perfected in the annihila- tion of passion of all kinds, and of warmth of feeling in all degrees. Ages of such teaching are, doubtless, the cause of the present Chinese social life, which is perfectly pictured in the case of Bao, where, theoretically, duty to parents is everything, and wife and children count for nothing ; hence the universally low ebb of family affection. From the same teaching, too, has sprung the intensely conservative nature of the Chinese ; for duty is negative and defensive, while love is positive and aggressive. Hence, it appears to me, the great and characteristic difference between the forwardness and ever advancing civiliza- tion of those nations which have most thoroughly received the teachings of the religion of love, and the stagnation and conservatism of those which either preach a beautiful but cold duty as the sum of morality, or fail to appropriate, in its simplicity and actively benevolent character, the religion of love.
In the general disorder and universal strife which, for scores of years, devastated China, equally with famines from flood,
ABINUNG. 41
drought, and locusts ; in the greater movements and more terrible events further south, Hienbi was forgotten. This was not, however, because they had begun to assist their southern neighbours, nor because of peaceful inactivity; for with the waning of the Han power grew that of Hienbi in strength and temerity, and they had made frequent raids into and ravaged the prefectures of Yowchow and Bingchow.* They at last com- pelled, first the Han, then the Wei,f dynasty to purchase their forbearance, by nominating them guardians of the Borders, — for which honorary position a considerable yearly sum of money must have been given. They faithfully observed the duties of their post, and prevented all the northern peoples, whether Hiwngnoo on the west, Woohung or Gaogowli on the east, from entering in to plunder Chinese soil.
But in 233, Abinung, an independent chief of a portion of Hienbi, intrigued with, and drew from his allegiance, Boodoogun, who was then the Hienbi Guardian of the Border. He had married a daughter of Boodoogun's, and the latter had given him pasture lands on the Chinese side of the Border. The Wei dynasty, which ruled in the north of divided China, had sent two generals in succession against Abinung in his original independent seat, and both were defeated. Hence the general desertion of Boodoogun and all his men, who first crossed the border to join Abinung, and then, with and under the independent chief, re-crossed the border to harry and destroy what they had been paid to protect. A third general ordered against them was more successful. He attacked and defeated the Hienbi ; and Abinung, seeing there was no escape from the close pursuit, murdered his father-in-law, and submitted with all his men. Next year the commander of Yowchow engaged the celebrated warrior Han Loong to cut down Abinung. The terror of this warrior's name went before him, and this portion of the Hienbi scattered ere he had time to strike a blow.
*The modern Taiyuen.
t As noticed above, the Wei, founded in the north of China by Tsao Tsao, was one of the powerful kingdoms formed out of the disrupted Han empire.
42 HIENBI.
While Chiang or Tibet on the west, and Hienbi on the north-east, continually harassed their Chinese neighbours, many individuals and families from both states crossed, for reasons of their own, into Chinese territory, acknowledging the sway over them of first the Han and then the Wei emperors. They were granted lands on the Chinese side of the border, and gradually became an important factor in the political game. They proved that " blood was thicker than water " by keeping up communi- cations, generation after generation, with the free descendants of their ancestors ; and many a plundering horde, at the proper time, was guided into the proper route by these refugees and their descendants. The Wei dynasty had fallen into the shade before the rising star of the dynasty of Tsin (Jin), which assumed imperial style in A.D. 265, having sprung from the seat of the ancient Tsin kingdom in the south of Shansi. In 280, its census embraced two and a half million families, or about twenty million souls. The Hienbi immigrants had proved so vexatious a portion of Chinese people, that the advisers of the Tsin Emperor urged him to drive them all beyond the border, back to their original home. But, notwithstanding their oft- proved treachery, he refused meantime to meddle with them.
The Hienbi were spread over a great extent of country, all along the western border of the present Liaosi, and were divided under a number of chiefs ; one of whom, Mohoo, moved southwards, and, after some fighting, established a separate kingdom, making a capital in the neighbourhood of Changli, which is now 110 li west of Shanhaigwan in Chihli, but which was then included in Liaosi. He added Loongchunghien soon thereafter, but died without accomplishing anything great; succeeded by his son Mooyen, and he by his son Boogwei, who attacked the northern parts of Liaotung, and, in 281, ravaged the Chinese neighbourhood of Changli. Moyoong Shan, his brother, succeeded him two years after, and sought to put to death Hwi, or Kwei, the son of the deceased king. Kwei, having got timely warning, fled into Liaotung, whence he was summoned, in 286, to take his father's throne, for the people had risen
MOYOONG KWEI. 43
•against and put Shan to death. The kingdom over which Kwei was now elected king was known by the dynastic title of Moyoong, — the surname assumed by the reigning family. A second Hienbi kingdom was set up to the north and West of Moyoong, with the dynastic title of Dwan ; while the original Hienbi, west of Kaiyuen, took the distinctive name of Yiiwun, because it had in its possession the imperial despatches, letters, presents and seals of office granted to the Hienbi by the Chinese emperors for several generations. The Hienbi were bounded on the north-east by the kingdom of Fooyii, whose southern border touched the present Kaiyuen.
Kwei was ambitious and eager again to amalgamate all the Hienbi, over whom he desired to be king. He petitioned the Tsin emperor for permission to march against and annex Yiiwun. He was then quite a young man just raised to the throne ; but his aggressive nature was plainly enough manifested in this one ambitious desire ; and even were no other evidences of his ambition forthcoming, the Tsin emperor judged wisely, that a divided Hienbi was a much more agreeable neighbour than a united one would be. But this refusal to countenance him in his ambitious projects, roused the anger of the young barbarian, who let loose on Liaosi the armies he had collected against Yiiwun. His rage found expression hi indiscriminate slaughter, and his troops seized great quantities of spoil. But in his westward march of blood and rapine, he was encountered by the commandant of Yowchow, and completely defeated at Feiyoo.* His defeat was only a temporary check however ; for he made yearly inroads into China, east, west, and south of him.
Liaotung seems to have been unable to offer him any resistance, for he repeatedly attacked the kingdom of Fooyii, which he could attack only from the south, as its west was defended from him by the other Hienbi kingdoms. Liaotung was indeed then little better than a desert, for it seems to have had not a single city, while all the Hienbi and Fooyii had
*The modern Looloonghien.
44 HIENBI.
strong forts. Fooyii was reduced, in one of these campaigns, to so low an ebb, that its king, Yiloo, committed suicide, and his sons fled eastwards into the kingdom of Wojoo. Kwei took several cities, and retired to his own country with 10,000 captives. On his departure, Yilo, son of the dead king, returned to Fooyii to assume the government ; and as numbers of those who had fled beyond the frontier now desired to return to their native land, Yilo asked Hokan, a chief of the Eastern Hoo barbarians of Liaotung, to escort the Fooyii men scattered south and east in Liaotung. Hokan sent one of his officers to lead home the fugitives, but, while on the way, Kwei pounced upon and defeated him, again sacked Fooyii, and then wheeled round and drove home a quantity of spoil out of Liaosi.
Some time after, he sent messengers to the Chinese court to tender his allegiance, which was gladly accepted ; and he was nominated, by the emperor, Doodoo of HienbL The comman- dant of Yowchow was also a Doodoo, so that the rank at that time implied a combination of civil authority with the military rank of Lieutenant-General. The rank was what is now called Dootoong, or Military Lieutenant-Governor. To be formally invested with his new rank, it was necessary to go to court ; and as he learned that Hokan and all the ministers were to receive him in state, he appeared in his best official robes. But finding, on arrival at the palace gate, a band of soldiers drawn up, not in the attitude of welcome to a guest, but of caution, as if to receive an enemy, he retired immediately, quickly changed his apparel, and presented himself in ordinary garments. He was asked why he had thus acted, and replied that, when received as a guest, he desired to act the guest ; but if the host forgot to act the host, what could the guest do ? Instead of anger, his reply gained him much credit — as such replies do in China to this day ; for nowhere is etiquette better understood than in China, and no people are so sensitive to criticism on their etiquette as the Chinese. Kwei had already married a daughter of King Dwan, and with her he took up his abode at
LIWYUEN. 45
Chingshan* 190 li east of Yingchow. But he stayed there only a short time, retiring to Jichung (Tsichung), which he made his capital.
In the convulsive anarchy within the Chinese empire and the distraction caused by the constant floods of the fierce Huns and the wild Hienbi from without, the Doodoo of Yowchow found himself compelled to form treaties of alliance on his own account. He made an alliance with the Dwan Hienbi, by giving one of his daughters to wife to the chief ; and he gave another daughter to the chief of Yiiwun. This was much as if a British General were compelled to sell his daughter, for peace, to a New Zealand chief or the leader of a Kaffir tribe. He also nominated the Dwan chief, Duke (Goong) of Liaosi. The Hienbi must have had large accessions from the Huns prior to this date, for Liangchow was plundered by Yolobanung, a chief of an independent branch of Hienbi, whose following was so large, that when he was ulti- mately driven back, over 100,000 of his people were taken captive.
In this same year, 304, Liwyuen, whose surname was Hooyen, chief of the Huns, who had some time before been nominated Doodoo by the Tsin Emperor, assumed the more honourable title of Shanyii, the Hunnish equivalent of the Turkish Khan, or, more properly, Kokan. Shanyii, or Kokan, in Mongol is the same as " Whangdi " in China ; for the Shanyii is the " King of Kings." The emperors of the Han dynasty had for genera- tions been compelled, in order to save themselves, to give the most beautiful of their imperial daughters to be the wives of the wild Shanyiis of the Huns. Hence this Liwyuen had in his veins not a little of the blood of the imperial house of Han. He therefore added to his native title the Chinese one of Han Wang (king, prince). He desired to attack the Hienbi, and desisted
*Chingshan was north-east of Yingchow, and Jichung must have been south- west of Yingchow, though the Toongkien places it 170 li south-east; and the Gangkien, calling it also Dajichung, sites it in Honan, in the present Ninglinghien. But as Chinese geography is not always correct when treating of places outside China, we must grope our own way out of the darkness. (See note p. 47.)
46 HIENBI.
only when his ministers told him that these Hoo were his own relations, who should be employed and not attacked ; and instead of attacking them, he ravaged north-western China up to the walls of Taiyuen. In this army of his were numbers of Hienbi, who had enlisted under him. But the Chinese, themselves unable to cope with him, employed a Hienbi contingent to aid them ; andr in Dec. 308, the Huns were completely defeated and driven back by Hienbi, — whose fellow-countrymen in the Hun army deserted to them during the action. It was in the beginning of this year that Liwyuen, the Han Wang, proclaimed himself Whangdi — Emperor; Kwei also then assumed the rank and style of Great Shanyii of Hienbi, and was acknowledged as such by the governors of the three northern Chinese provinces.
Every man at that time did what was right in his own eyes, for there was no real " king in Israel." And every man acted on the " simple rule, the good old plan " ; for it was right that any man should, if he could, rob every other man. Among other incidents showing the collapse of authority may be related the following. Li, the Wang or Feudal King of Bohai,* hated bitterly Wang Chinyo, one of the principal ministers of the Tsui Emperor. Wang Ting, the Prince- Wang of Changli, sided with Prince Li, and urged him to send an army against Chinyo. The advice was acted upon, and Li's son marched against the minister of his own master. Bun, the Governor of Liaotung, knowing that the best of Bohai's troops were gone, immediately set out with his army against Bohai, to take up the quarrel in behalf of Chinyo. Li was not able to prepare against this sudden inbreak, and he was soon taken and put to death. Another army of Bun's fell upon a Bohai army which had been sent against Liaotung, and had penetrated to Woolii hien of Liaotung (now Liaosi). This city and fort was at the foot of the temple-crowded Yiwoolli mountains, whose beautiful shadows are thrown over the present city of Kwangning. The Bohai army was completely defeated ; and Prince Ting, whose men formed part of it, fled to Kwei for vengeance. Bun, elated with his-
* North-west of Shantung and south-east of Chihli.
LITERARY FUGITIVES. 47
success, was eager to gain possession of Li's successor. The latter pretended to be willing to acknowledge Bun his superior ; but while he sent friendly messages, he set an ambush. Bun was gladly advancing to receive the submission of that official, when he was pounced upon by this ambush, seized and put to death, along with all his family.
Chinyo had more important matters to attend to than avenging the death of his self-constituted, ambitious protector. For the internal anarchy of China had reached a climax, and the power and terror of the Huns increased in proportion. Chinyo was in such straits for men that he applied for a Hienbi army to revenge the death of the imperial commander, Li Jwun, who had been defeated by the Hun chief Shulua, taken and beheaded. The Dwan Hienbi, to whom he first applied, were in no hurry to go to the appointed rendezvous ; and Chinyo, in his anger, commanded Kwei to raise the neighbourhood, and chastise Dwan. Kwei was only too ready to do what he was ordered to, and immediately sent off his son Han with an army, which defeated that of Dwan ; pursuing the latter from Hosinchung to Yanglo, an ancient city in the neighbourhood of the present Kingchow. But Han, hearing of the defeat of a Chinese contingent sent to second him, retired, leaving a garrison in Chingshan, whose site was near the present Yichow of Liaosi.*
The success of Han increased the renown of his father Kwei, who was already famous as a warrior and as a ruler, and especially celebrated as a refuge and hospitable entertainer of all fleeing from the anarchy inside the Chinese borders. At first, Chinyo was the centre to which literates, and people with much to lose, were attracted from northern China. But when he himself was straggling in deep waters, they began to look elsewhere for shelter. They first tried Dwan, both in Liaosi and Liaotung ;
* As Dwan was north of Moyoong, it is most likely that Hosinchung was south or south-west of Yanglo, and Yanglo was apparently north or east of Chingshan ; for as Han ultimately "retired" to the latter, from which (or Tooho) he was summoned to his father's aid, all these places were to the north of the modern Kingchow.
4)8 HIENBI.
but as they were not very cordially received, they essayed Kwei, who welcomed them with open arms, giving the more eminent literates posts of importance. Among the Chinese — in all generations the generous patrons of learning — this conduct raised at once the fame and the power of Kwei.
The governor of Huentoo died in 313 ; and his son had to go to court, as usual, to receive investiture, for the office was then, and long after, hereditary. His road led him through the jurisdiction of Kwei, who treated him with the greatest respect, and escorted him part of his way when he took his departure. When the young man was taking leave, he said that going into China at present was like running into a tiger's mouth ; for though there were roads enough, not a single step was safe by any one of them ; considering this state of affairs, and that the rule of Kwei was just, benevolent, and everything a good king's should be, he urged him to extend that rule over the Dwan tribe. Still another flattering proof of his fame came to Kwei by messengers from Daifang and Lolang, east of the Yaloo, praying for his aid against the king of Gaogowli, with whom they had fought a losing battle for many years. But this very fame, and the power accompanying it, made Chinyo jealous ; for he saw the people of the Chinese provinces, which were under his own care, fleeing to Kwei for a shelter which he was himself unable to give ; his weakness, like a cancer, thus increasing itself.
The Dwan Duke of Liaosi died in 318, and was succeeded by his son, who was immediately murdered in a revolt, whose leader became chief of Dwan. In January 320, the governor in Pingchow* sent men to enquire into the condition of Liaoturfg ; and the report they gave of the numbers flocking to Kwei alarmed him. He sent messengers to those fugitives, ordering them to their homes ; but not one would return. Believing that Kwei's power was becoming dangerous, he made overtures to Gaogowli,^ Dwan,
* Yoongping, in the north-east of Chihli
finis is the original form of the name Corea; it was afterwards abbreviated to Gaoli or Gori, whence Core"e or Corea. (See below Gaogowli.)
TRIPLE ALLIANCE. 49
and Yiiwun to combine, march against, ruin Kwei, and divide his lands among them. This plan the three powers were only too willing to carry out; for not only were the dominions of Kwei conterminous with the Hienbi — south and south-west of them — but the other two portions of Hienbi were as eager as the imperial agent to crush the ever-growing power of Kwei, which threatened them all ; and Gaogowli — small, but compact and ambitious — was eager for spoil. The three, therefore, forthwith formed an alliance, summoned their clans, and marched to a common rendezvous in Liaosi.
Knowing it would be madness to think of facing the combined army of the three kingdoms — any one of which had more men than he — Kwei had recourse to stratagem. He provided a great and splendid feast ; for which he got ready an unlimited supply of beef and spirits.* He then gave the warmest invitation to the Yiiwun army, officers, and men, to come and partake of the feast provided for them ; the invitation being given as if he and they were on the most friendly terms. The trick had the desired effect ; for Dwan and Gaogowli at once suspected Yiiwun of playing them false, and of waiting only till actual fighting had begun, to join Kwei and turn against them. Knowing that the odds — with Kwei's generalship and Yiiwun's numbers — would then be against them, Dwan and Gaogowli armies believed it most prudent to retreat to a distance. The Yiiwun chiefs were indignant at this imputation on their honour ; and in their angry vexation, swore they would advance alone, if their allies would not second them. This they did ; for several hundred thousands of them (so says history) marched and camped 40 li from Jichung, his capital, where Kwei awaited the storm.
As soon as Yiiwun began their independent march, Kwei despatched a summons for Han from Tooho-f in the north, where he had been stationed ever since his victory over
* The Chinese largely use both distilled and brewed liquors. The distilled is very strong, but more resembles Irish than Scotch whisky, for it retains the fusil oil.
t As Han had camped at Chingshan, south of the present Yichow, this Tooho is likely to be Siaoliangho. It was within the bounds of the modern Kingchow. D
50 HIENBI.
• *
Dwan. Han was informed of the advance of Yiiwun, under command of Si Doogwan, to plunder the land of Moyoong ; and ordered to fall on the rear of Yiiwun from the north, while Jichung garrison rallied to attack them in front ; for that such attack would throw Yiiwun into disorder, as they could not suspect an enemy from their rear. But Doogwan had heard of the summons to Han, and, believing that Han's design would be to enter the city and strengthen the garrison, he sent off several thousand picked horse to intercept him. Han, having put his troops in motion immediately on receipt of his father's urgent message, was well on his march when that detachment had gone to meet him, and his scouts informed him of its approach. He continued his march, sending on messengers ahead to this army sent against him, to report himself as a contingent of the Dwan men, on the way to join the Yiiwun to take vengeance on Kwei for the numerous insults suffered by Dwan at his hands. The Yiiwun cavalry division went on their way, rejoicing to find a friend where they were looking for a foe ; and in their eagerness to meet and welcome this unexpected reinforcement, they hasted rapidly past a place where Han had already laid an ambush, which rose and rushed upon the rear of this cavalry. Han immediately hemmed them in on three sides before they could recover from their confusion, and not a horse escaped. Han sent forthwith on fleet messengers to his father, asking him to attack Yiiwun at once, while stunned by this sudden and unlooked-for blow. He ordered one of his sons, along with the former chief of Lolang, to advance in the van while he himself led on the main army. As Doogwan had not placed, nor deemed necessary to set, sentries, Kwei's men in person were the first to make him aware of an aggressive attack from the garrison. But hearing that Kwei was upon them, the Dwan army ran out of their camp in the hurry of fear, thinking of nothing else. Just after the last soldier had left the camp, the Dwan men looked round and were completely bewildered by seeing their camp one blaze of fire ; for they had barely issued out of the south end of it
DEFEAT OF YUWUN. 51
ere a thousand of Han's horse galloped in by the north end, and set it on fire. As they were wholly unable to account for the attack in that quarter, they became stupified and were easily defeated and broken up. Doogwan escaped alone, and most of his men fell into the hands of Kwei, who found among the spoils the three seals of office given by former Chinese dynasties to the chiefs of Hienbi, — from which seals they took the distinctive name of Yiiwun, when Hienbi was divided into three. The allied army had its eyes opened now when too late ; for the moral effect of that battle, and the skilful stratagems by which it was gained, made it impossible for Dwan and Gaogowli to hope for any success, and they hastily withdrew. The instigator of the war was also terrified, and sent a nephew to Jichung, to act as mediator between Kwei and the three kingdoms, to overture peace in their name, and to declare, on the part of the Chinese commander, that this war was none of his private seeking ; for that it was only the urgent appeals of the people of Pingchow which had constrained him to act as he had done. Kwei sent the nephew back with a message, declaring to the Governor that surrender was his wisest policy, and flight his next best. Kwei followed this messenger with his army ; and the governor, choosing the second suggestion as his best plan, fled, with a few dozen horse, to Gaogowli.* As he was unable to remove his family out of Pingchow, they fell into Kwei's hands, along with the city and all its inhabitants.
Kwei appointed his son, Yin, Governor over Liaotung, leaving officials, markets, and everything else as he found them. The Gaogowli army, seeing Kwei now encroaching on their borders, drew up their army, but with the spirit " of slaves," and Yin's army completely routed them ; while Jang, the former Governor
* This would seem to imply that Kwei advanced against Pingchow from the west- er north-west, in a way rendering it impossible for Pingchow Commandant to retreat into China. This would place Pingchow very much to the east of Yoongping ; perhaps in the neighbourhood of Shanhaigwan, or between that and Ningyuen. Shanhaigwan is now under the jurisdiction of Yoongping; and if Pingchow were located on any portion of the soil now subject to Yoongping, it would be said to be in Yoongping foo.
52 HIENBI.
of Liaotung, now serving under Kwei, took many prisoners. Of the captive officials, Kwei made a number officers of his own, after he returned to Jichung. One of them, faithful to the old state of matters, died of grief, showing that the ancient Corea had now adopted Chinese governmental ethics. As soon as the terrible Kwei removed his army westwards to his capital, the Gaogowli men prepared to drive out the new governor ; but Han and Yin successfully resisted every expedition, and at last the Gaoli King was compelled to sue for peace.
At that time, one Pung was Commandant of Laichow, on the north coast of Shantung. He was fiercely attacked by the Commandant of Tsingchow to the south-west of him ; but as he defended himself with spirit, the assault failed. The two combatants found themselves equally matched, and neither would yield to the other. At last Pung said, with a sigh of grief, "Why, in the present distracted state of the country, should we two fight and make bad worse?" He ended his speech by proposing that he should abandon his post, and, for the sake of his country, become an exile. At the head of over 1,000 families, he embarked for Liaotung, and, for patriotism, forsook his country. His original design was to make for Pingchow, which he believed to be still Chinese soil. By the way, he came in contact with General Jung Lin, whom he suspected of designs upon him ; and, to prepare against these, he drew up his men in battle order. But before actually beginning the fight, Lin said that they should not suspect, but trust each other ; and the result of his speech was that they combined their forces, and went over to Kwei, who gave them a hearty welcome, and offered each an important post in the country. This they declined, preferring to go further on into Liaotung and break up the unoccupied grounds there. This was perhaps the largest Chinese immigration into Liaotung at that early period, but it was not the only one.
In January, 321, Kwei was nominated Doodoo of Yowchow and Pingchow, Goong of Liaotung and Shanyu. This was the manner in which the feeble Emperor revenged the defeat and
DUKE KWEI. 53
flight of his own officials, who had held those places, now placed under the orders of Kwei. Kwei made his son Han Governor of Liaotung, and Yin of Pinggwo, — which was known afterwards, during the Sung dynasty, as the city of Jienan* of Gaoli. These made excellent governors. But in 333, Kwei died full of honours and of years, having established an independent, compact, and formidable kingdom, consisting of the north-east corner of Chihli, all Liaosi, and most of Liaotung up to the Gaoli borders. Kwei was succeeded by his third son, Whang, who began his reign by enacting severe laws, which alienated many of his people, and caused general uneasiness. This apparently means that, hitherto, laws and modes of life were of a somewhat rude and misshapen kind, and that Whang began a system of civilization, approaching the Chinese form of life and govern- ment, which was as uncomfortable to the wild sons of the mountains, as western tights would be to the loosely clothed Chinaman. His brothers Han and Yin, who had already proved themselves able rulers, were much beloved by the soldiers, whom they had so often led to victory, and, doubtless, to booty ; and another brother, Li, was equal in sagacity to the father. It is said, and we can readily believe, that Whang was jealous of them, especially as they were all in a state of society where Whang's assassin would become his successor ; and they were aware of Whang's jealousy. Han said, with a sigh, that, during the time of his father, the first duke, he did his duty to the best of his ability, but that he could no longer remain where he was. Taking his son with him, he therefore fled to the Dwan Hienbi, as did his brother Yin from Pinggwo. Having been taught, by bitter experience, the ability of these men, the Dwan rulers received them with open arms, and were prepared to act generously towards them. Li and Yin, however, plotted to recover their proper position in their own land. The former urged Yin to compel Whang, by force of arms, to deal generously by them ; and Yin went to Pinggwo, raised forces, and marched westwards.
* See Map I.
54 HIENBI.
Whang heard of the plot, but did not believe it. He sent messengers, however, to make enquiry. They got to Hwang- shwi* (river), to which Yin had already marched. Yin had these spies seized and put to death ; but he himself fell back on Pinggwo, apparently not meeting the encouragement he had expected by the way. As soon as Whang discovered the truth, he sent off several of his generals against the revolted Yin, who, however, completely defeated them. The result of this victory was that the commandant of Liaotung city — the chief fort of Liaotung, and not far from the present Liaoyang — declared for Yin. Many men from the defeated army joined him ; and the remainder, faithful to Whang, were therefore unable to enter the city. The other officials, scattered over Liaotung, followed the example of the chief city, and all the former province of Han was now united to that of Yin. Liao, King of Dwan, rejoiced in Yin's good fortune ; and his northern neighbour, Yiiwun, was none the less pleased with this blow to Moyoong.
Liao, Shanyu of Dwan, to take advantage of the strain on Whang, had an army sent against Tooho, which, however, had to retire. He then sent Lan, his younger brother, with one of Han's men as guide, to attack the city of Liwchung, which was north of Yingchow. But the city was well defended, and again Lan had to retire. Liao upbraided him for his inefficiency, and ordered him back. For twenty days and nights he rested not from his works, raising mounds to overtop the walls, and preparing scaling ladders. The repeated sallies of the besieged cost him over 1,000 men ; but in spite of all he could do, the city was as strong as ever.
Whang at length sent his brother Kan to raise the siege,
* North-east of Jichung and 400 li from Yingchow, and in the neighbourhood of Hiendoo, a city of the Han dynasty. Apparently the Liao west of Kaiyuen, which is even now called the Sira or " Yellow " Eiver by the Mongols. The river 400 li from Yingchow, or the modern Kingchow, would be either the Outer Liao to the east of Sinmintwun, a region then under Dwan ; or the united Liao at Sanchaho near Newchwang, which is the more likely position, as it was in the direct line between Pinggwo or Kaichow and Yingchow.
REVOLT OF YIN. 55
ordering him to send a body of a thousand horse in advance to scout, and to discover the position of the enemy. This he failed to do ; and as he entered the gully of Niw wei goo, — " Ox-tail Valley," — he was suddenly attacked, and completely defeated, with half his men slain. Hereupon Yin felt secure in his new dominions, and therefore styled himself Prefect of Pingchow and Duke of Liaotung. He also seized and retained Wang Chi and other officials, whom the Tsin Emperor had sent across the sea, to take command of and in Liaotung, and who were then on their way to Whang to pay their respects, and to deliver to him an order from the Tsin Emperor to march upon Liaotung, along with the Chinese officials named in the imperial document, which they were to deliver.
Whang did not receive the message ; but he was not dilatory in making formidable preparations on his own account. For though he was the vassal of the Emperor, the fealty due was a merely nominal one ; and Liaotung was of much more conse- quence to him than to the Chinese Emperor. The Commandant of Hiangping * opened its gates to the large army of Whang, and his example was again followed by all the fortified cities of Liaotung. Whang was eager for vengeance on Hiangping because of its desertion, and desired to put the entire city to the sword. His advisers, however, proved that this would be bad policy ; and his anger was satisfied by having the inhabitants all moved to the west of the Liao river. This example of wholesale transportation was followed by the Manchus, thirteen hundred years later, at that same river, and still more extensively on the Liaotung, Fukien, and Kwangtung sea-coasts. It would appear as if Yin had retired before Whang into his own province of Pinggwo, among the numerous mountains of the Liaotung peninsula, and that Whang was not prepared to pursue him further ; for the armies of the two brothers did not come into collision.
In 335, Yin dismissed the imperial messengers, Wang Chi and his companions, to find their way home by sea. But, once
* Called above ' ' Liaotung city."
56 HIENBI.
at sea, they steered westwards instead of southwards, and made for Whang, who then, for the first time, was made aware of the imperial commands. This was in January, 336, two years after the messengers had touched Liaotung shores. The character of the message was soon known to both Dwan and Yuwun ; and both, jealous of the power of Whang, and desirous, therefore, to support and prepare Yin, sent on messengers to let him know the nature of the embassy he had detained and let go. Whang heard of their interference, sent a band, in hot haste, after the Yiiwun messengers, and killed ten of them. Whang, now assured of imperial sanction to his enterprise, hurried on large preparations to crush his brother, and had his plans ready by February, 337. One of his ministers said that the gods were in league with him against Yin ; for that ever since by his rebellion Yin had deserted his country and betrayed his friends, the sea had been frozen over every winter, — a thing unheard of to such an extent before. Such a portent was, manifestly, a declaration of the mind of the gods, and, doubtless, meant urgency to punish the rebel ; for the road thus provided for the faithful people was a direct one across the sea. Other ministers objected to making use of the ice as a road, and,expressed doubts as to its safety. But Whang received the supernatural explanation with great gladness ; and when several of the councillors still urged the use of the land road, which, if longer, was perfectly safe, Whang angrily declared that his plans were formed, and the daring man would be slain who would venture to oppose them. He ordered his younger brother to march on the ice from Changli to Lilin Kow,* also called Haipo Kow, a distance of 300 11
Yin was unaware of the march of this army till it got within
* 300 li east of Changli, if measured across the sea, would point to the modern Newchwang or Yingtsu, as the destination of the daring adventurers ; or, better still, to the mouth of the Kaichow river, whence the distance to Pinggwo would not be great, and the route taken would account for the ignorance of Yin. The sea is now frozen every winter along the shore of Liaotung between Kingchow and Kaichow, and the winters were necessarily more severe when a sparse population •was unable to contend with the forests and marshes of the plains.
YIN DEFEATED. 57
seven li of Pinggwo city, when he apprehended two scouts. He immediately drew up his army at the north-west of the city, and waited the arrival of his brother. But the Moyoong men in his army deserted to their fellow-countrymen under Whang, and Yin, with his Liaotung men, was totally defeated. The men of his own tent revolted after the battle, seized and brought him a prisoner to the victors. His most trusty friends and advisers were slain, and he himself permitted to commit suicide ; for, unlike the Turks, no member of any royal or imperial family in China can be executed, but one may be ordered to execute himself. Many of Yin's men, who at first fled, returned and joined the conqueror ; and, of all the officers, only two fled into Gaogowli. Gao, the general of this successful expedition, was created a Duke by Whang.
To keep Dwan in check, Whang now built the city of Haochung,* to the east of Yilien, — the easternmost city of Dwan. Bo was made commandant, with a force sufficient to keep a sharp look-out on both Dwan and Yuwun. Next month after the city was finished, some thousands of Dwan men approached to ascertain whether they could not pull it down. Bo drove them off; and the Dwan commander of a second larger army was afterwards seized.
King Liao of Dwan was, however, not to be beaten, but sent yet a third army, numbering fifty thousand men, which camped at Hwishwif river, west of Liwchung. The commander of this army hearing that Whang was marching against him with an equal number of men, retreated quickly without striking a blow. Whang, therefore, marched northwards to a city he had built some years before. A general of Yuwun, who had set out for
* This city would needs be somewhere in the vicinity of Kwangning.
tin early Chinese history "river" is always translated " Shvri " or water, — Ho being a modern generic name, it having been anciently applied to the Ho, the Yellow River. This Hwi river is also called the Chii Shwi, north-west of Haochung coming from Mongol land, passing Yijunchung in a north-west direction, then north-east passing Gooshanj then south-east, — so says a note to the original history. Liwchung was north of the present Kingchow, so the river must have been the Daliang.
58 HIENBI.
the south with another army, also hastily withdrew, abandoning his heavy baggage and waggons. Whang was, however, not at all satisfied at the bloodless character of his victories. He set an ambush, therefore, of some thousand men among the hills, which fell in with, and completely defeated an army of some thousands of Dwan men, who were stealing in to plunder. The commander of the Dwan army was slain. Dwan, nothing daunted, and wild for revenge, sent still another army against Tswun, son of Whang, at Hinggwo chung. This, too, had to beat a retreat; and the chief of Beiping* clan of the Dwan, grieving over the fratricidal strife, pleaded against this ceaseless bloodshed, saying that marriage alliances, benevolence, and virtue were the most precious gems of a government ; and that, as the Dwan family had for generations intermarried with the Moyoong, he did not see why they should not all agree to restore peace to the kingdoms, and rest to the people, by ending this ceaseless war. King Liao refused to listen to this advice, which is very unpalatable to some kinds of rulers, ancient and modern.
* The modern Tsunhwa, only recently in possession of the Chinese.
CHAPTER III. YEN WANG.
WHANG was now as much feared, as strong, and in the east more powerful than his father had ever been. His success in crushing all internal strife, and defeating all external attack, had been complete ; and, as yet, he had the full approbation of the Chinese emperor, which freed him from anxiety as to the attitude towards him of the higher authorities in the northern provinces of China, bordering his own territory. His dependence on the Chinese court of Tsin was, however, a very slight one ; and he revived for himself the ancient title of Yen Wang. Indeed, by this time the court of Tsui was real master of only a fourth of China, and the new Yen Wang simply added a fifth to the number of virtually independent kingdoms into which China was divided. His southern neighbour was Shu Hoo ("Stone Tiger"), Prince Wang of the ancient kingdom of Jao (Chao). King Liao of Dwan was unceasingly sending armed bands into Whang's borders to plunder ; and in order to put an end to the nuisance, Whang sent General Soong Whi to his southern neighbours to ask their assistance in chastising the common robber : for we have seen that Whang had established laws, and, doubtless, urged the cultivation of the land ; so that he differed less from the Chinese than from the original Hienbi, who were still, for the most part, apparently nomadic, as are their descendants to this day. "Stone Tiger" responded to the summons with an army of 30,000 men to march by land, and 10,000 more to embark at Piaoyiijin, which is apparently the mouth of the Tsing ho in Shantung, the Whang ho, then flowing east. The commander-in-chief of the combined army would thus have 70,000 men under him. The "Tiger," as we shall see, had his own reasons for assisting Whang.
60 YEN WANG.
In May, 338, Han, who was still at the court of Dwan, urged King Liao to take advantage of the isolation of the 30,000 men ere reinforced by the other contingents, and at once attack them. But Lan, who had been so often defeated, was angry at this interference, and refused to act on that suggestion, choosing to go his own way, which led him into an ambush prepared for him by Whang. There he had several thousands of his men slain, and five thousand families taken captive ; which, with similar hints, goes to show that Dwan was still at least partially nomadic. Much spoil also fell to the conqueror.
Jao Wang then marched in with his army and camped at Jintai. Yuyang and over forty other fortified cities of Dwan opened their gates to him. Yang, chief of Beiping,* retired with several thousand families to Yenshan,-f where he strongly fortified himself. The various generals, fearing that, if left in their rear, he might cause trouble, urged the necessity of rooting him out before advancing further. But the Stone Tiger did not think it was worth the trouble. He therefore ordered a march past ; and the army went by Yiiwoo hien, the Yiitien hien of Kichow of Tang. Because Lan had been so often defeated, Liao dared not risk all to the chance of one battle. Instead of fighting, he took one thousand families, his wife and relations, and made for Miyun shan, which afterwards became Miyun hien. Han, of whom he took leave in tears, fled north to Yiiwun. The various other officers left behind made their submission, and Jao and Yen Wangs sent a combined force of 20,000 men against Miyun, which took Liao's wife and mother, slew over 3,000 men, and scattered the rest. A son of Liao, riding a famous horse, prayed to be received, and was. Over 20,000 Dwan families were transported to Suchow, Yoongchow — the ancient name of Singan, &c. Seeing no help for him,
* Now Tsunhwa.
fNear Peking, anciently called Yen King. From the position of Tsunhwa, Yutien, and Miyun, I prefer to locate Yenshan east or north-east of Peking, rather than in Sishan, where Dr. Bretschneider sites it ; for in Sishan, Yang would be far removed from the scene of action, and would have caused no uneasiness.
DWAN BROKEN UP. 61
Yang also tendered his submission, and was received by Hoo at his tent door, who said to him, " You were formerly a slave ; you are now a free soldier."
Whang was nominated Mooling — "Shaper and Guide" — of Yowchow and Prefect of Pingchow. But Jao Wang was jealous of the reputation of Whang. He was now aware of the number of his forces, his resources, and the extent of his country. Dwan, the nearest neighbour and relation of Moyoong, was all but annihilated, and Jao Wang saw his way clear to extend his own dominions. His first step was to separate his men from those of Yen Wang, who, however, was aware, long before this step was taken, of the real sentiments of Jao Wang. He, too, had prepared, on his side, for the struggle which he had seen coming. He first of all dismissed all questionable officers. He then asked Commander Gao as to the condition and spirits of the army. Gao replied that the city must be kept to the death ; implying that the city was more reliable than the army. And while internal China was lorded over by misrule, every man's hand against every other, Jao Wang began his march against Yen Wang.
This duel, like that of Prussia and Austria after Denmark's defeat, was not entered upon without careful preparation ; both sides not only straining their own resources, but striving on all hands for allies. Jao Wang's kingdom at that time contained the original kingdom or "Empire" of the earliest Chinese. He had seven chow cities — Suchow, Yichow, Tsingchow, Kiichow, Yowchow, Bingchow, and Yoongchow. It extended from the west of Shantung inclusive, and included the southern half of Chihli, and the central portions of Shensi and Shansi. As it was the oldest, it was, as now, also the most wealthy and thickly peopled portion of the empire. It was, therefore, no matter for surprise that when, instead of, as hitherto, supporting the power of Whang and the house of Moyoong, the resources of that populous and wealthy land were to be hurled on the head of the doomed Yen Wang, many of his followers believed it best to make sure of the friendship of the Stone Tiger, rather than encounter the avalanche which was being let loose to
62 TEN WANG.
overwhelm them. Hence thirty-six cities belonging to Yen Wang opened their gates at the summons of Jao Wang. Few, on the other hand, replied to the invitation which Yen Wang had sent to all the neighbouring tribes to join him. And Gaogowli prepared for the inevitable destruction of Whang, and the certain dissolution of his power, by marching in force into Lolang to defend themselves against Jao Wang, after he should have crushed Yen Wang. Swun Yoong, Whang's commandant in the fortified city of Changli, discovered a plot by some of his officers — Lolang men — to open the gates to Jao Wang. The conspirators he put to death, freeing those who had confessed their crime.
Our old friend Pung, now a Taishow, hurried with 200 men into Jichung when he heard of Jao Wang's sudden march against it ; for the latter believed he could take it with a spring. The city was soon completely invested. A brief but successful sally of a few hundred men raised the spirits of the garrison. " Stone Tiger " closely pressed the siege on all sides ; but the spirit of the besieged was as desperate as Gao could wish it. So incessant and daring were their sallies for ten days running, that the siege had to be raised. The rear of the retreating army was so mercilessly cut up by 2,000 of the best horse in Whang's army, which hung upon it like hornets, that the retreat became a rout, and the assailants, every moment becoming more numerous, threw the troops of Jao Wang into such disorder, that 30,000 (?) of them became prisoners or were slain.
All fear of any damage from Jao Wang being now at an end, the victorious and jubilant Whang marched at once against the revolted cities, all of which fell in a brief space. The principal agents in the revolt fled to Gaogowli. The revolted soldiers Whang put to death, and handsomely rewarded his army. But though defeated in his first attempt, Stone Tiger was by no means at the end of his resources, nor would his grand design fall to the ground because of one failure. He sent his men across the gulf to Liaotung; sent three million
DWAN ABSORBED. 63
hoo * of grain for their use by road, and as much more, in three hundred vessels, to Gaogowli.'f" These preparations point to a rear attack from Liaotung, which could be only by vessels ; and a front attack by the modern Tientsin, whither the grain must have been sent by land. He also ordered Tsingchow to provide a thousand vessels to march on Yen kingdom. His son, with 20,000 horse and foot, made an expedition, in which he took, or slew, 40,000 Hienbi.
In the following January, King Liao, still at Miyun shan, sent messengers, imploring Jao Wang to help him ; and Ma Chiw was sent to receive his submission with 30,000 troops. Chiw said that men surrendering should be received, like an open enemy, with caution. He was to prove the wisdom of his observation ; for Yen Wang Whang marched out with all his men to intercept his army, and Liao forwarded messengers to Whang, telling how Jao Wang's army could be ruined. Whang sent 7,000 horse as ambush to Miyun shan ; and when Chiw got to Sandsangkow, — the meeting of the "Three Waters" in Anchow and Miyun, — he got involved, attacked, and defeated. Six-tenths of his men were cut to pieces. Chiw escaped almost alone, and one 'of his generals, Yang Goo, was left a prisoner in Whang's hands. He was a Shangshoo, or President of one of the Boards ; for Jao Wang had, ere this time, assumed the title of Whangdi. Yang Goo was made a general by Whang ; and the last of Dwan Hienbi became the subjects of Moyoong Whang. Jao Wang lost another battle next year, and his two commanders were slain by Moyoong Ping ; but, to be revenged, he sent 30,000 men against Fanchung of Yen Wang. Whang hurriedly threw a thousand men into the city under Gwan. This small garrison trembled at the approach of Jao
* Hoo is a variable measure, the common one being 2 pecks of about (of millet) 40 Ibs. each. This would give an average of 800,000 Ibs. per vessel, which is out of the question. If we divide by ten, and make the hoo two pints or 8 lt>., it gives us a more reasonable quantity ; and this is the actual hoo in use at Shanghai now. Shanghai is therefore highly conservative ! The imperial or standard hoo consists of 5 pecks.
t The peninsula of Liaotung, then under Gaogowli.
€4 YEN WANG.
Wang's army, and pleaded to be allowed to withdraw, for the odds were so enormously against them. Whatever he felt, Gwan became very angry at this demand, saying, "Who does not know that, in holding a city, one man is equal to a hundred assailants." And he threatened instant beheading as the fate of the man first to move. Under this bold speech the garrison rallied ; and, to encourage his men, Gwan himself stood in the thickest of the arrows and ballista stones which came showering in. A vigorous defence of ten days compelled Jao Wang to raise the siege ; and, as he might now fear an aggressive movement on the part of Whang, he had the men of Liaosi moved to the south of Yichow to prevent them falling under the power of Yen Wang.
For the title of Yen Wang, Whang had not yet received imperial sanction ; and he believed his victory over Jao Wang would be a good opportunity for pressing his claim to the title ; for the Tsin Emperor could dispense titles and names, if he could not wield authority. As proofs of his right to the title, Whang recited at length, by his ambassador, all he had ever done in support of the majesty of the empire ! But he was unsuccessful, whether because the Emperor believed all that he had done was rather for the majesty and grandeur of Whang, or for some other reason, does not appear. But after other victories, he sent another embassy in 341. The Emperor, in consultation with his ministers, again declined to bestow the title, for the characteristically Chinese reason, that no such title had been bestowed on any stranger (i.e., foreigner) since the periods of Han and Wei. The lengthy and persistent remonstrances of the embassy were at length successful, and the imperial patent was made out, conferring the title of Yen Wang with other high-sounding names upon Whang; his son was nominated Governor of the Eastern Hoo, and appropriate titles were conferred on all the superior officers who had behaved well under Whang — even though these honours were gained in wars against the lieges of the Emperor conferring the titles. But the policy of the weak, tottering, decrepit Tsin has been, in every
LOONGCHUNG. 65
particular, the policy of every weak, tottering government in China from the first to the present.
The first capital of Moyoong was Chingshan on the Tooho river, where was the ancient kingdom of Goojoo of the Chow dynasty, and the kingdom of Shangwoo and Feidsu of the Spring and Autumn Annals. Chingshan was 190 li east of Kunchung, south-east of which, 1YO li, was Jichung, the second capital. After the first successful raid into Jao Wang's land (see p. 76), Whang built a new city, which he called Loongchung,* to the
* There is, at first, some difficulty in determining the site of Yingchow and Liwchung, on whose position depends the site of the capital of the Moyoong Family. The natives of Yoongping foo in Chihli point out the street named after, and which was anciently the property of, the two famous brothers of Goojoo kingdom. The kingdom they also locate in the same place ; and, according to the Tang history, Goojoo was, during the Shang dynasty, where Yingchow was afterwards built ; and the After Wei built Yingchow on the grounds of Holoong- chung. The literates of Yoongping point out a Langshan, 40 li north-west of their city, on which Loongchung was built. The historians of the Sung dynasty also located Loongchung within the bounds of Pingchow, an ancient name for Yoongping.
Yingchow was first of all called Liaosi Kun by the Tsin dynasty, before the Christian era. The first Wei dynasty had a Yingchow over the six Kun of Changli, Jiendua, Lolang, Yiyang, Yingkiw. Swi dynasty again called it Liaosi Kun. Tang renominated it Yingchow, and placed Liwchung Kun under it. This Liwchung was originated by Han, but had fallen in abeyance. The After Wei placed under Yingchow, the Kun of Jiendua, Liaotung, and Lolang, the Men of Hiangping, Sinchang, and Liwchung. In the beginning of the Swi dynasty. Liaosi Kun was established where had been the ancient city of Yoolo, and it was over the hien of Liaosi, Looho, and Hwaiyuen, where the Swi garnered grain for their expedition against Gaoli. In the beginning of the Tang dynasty, but after the conquest of Gaoli, there were only the cities of JiendTia and Loongchung, Liwchung was soon after re-established and taken by the Kitan during the reign of the Tang Empress Woo. They, however, soon lost it again. In A.D. 786, the Tang dynasty established Junan Kun on the site of the ancient Yenkun city ; Yenkun was 80 li north-east of Yingchow. Under Yingchow were placed Woolii, Hiang- ping, Yoolo, and Hwaiyuen. Woolii was at the eastern foot of the Yiwoolu mountains, which are near Kwangning ; and Hiangping was east of the Liao river. All these names, as far as they are known, belong to Liaosi and Liaotung ; and Lolang was in Korea. Changli is an exception, for it is somewhat to the west of Shanhaigwan ; but the following figures, also from Tang history, are conclusive. To the north-west, 100 li from Yingchow, was Soongjing, which was on the eastern border of the people called Si, who were then in what is now south-eastern Mongolia. They would thus be north, and not west, of Yoongping. Again, Yingchow was 400 li south from the WhangsJnw,, on which the Kitan then lived. This is the Siramuren as it flows eastwards towards Kaiyuen. The road from E
66 YEN WANG.
north of Liwchung, and west of Loong shan mountains. Just then he was successful in extorting from the Tsin Emperor the legal and legitimate use of his assumed rank of Yen Wang ; and he built a royal ancestral temple, with palaces and government offices, in his new capital, whither he removed from Jichung, as soon as the imperial warrant arrived. Loongchung was therefore in the land which had belonged to Dwan Hienbi, and Whang was moving northwards as if to command the Yiiwun, and to occupy a centre whence to unite all Hienbi into one kingdom.
Whang was meantime engaged in the more congenial air of the battle-field. He had marched eastwards to attack Sinchung, the Gaogowli city nearest his Liaotung border, and which lay south of the present Kaichow. Gaogowli, believing itself scarcely a match for the powerful Whang, made a treaty acknowledging its own subjection, instead of fighting over a city. The army was therefore sent north against Yiiwun, the original division of the Hienbi, under a son of Whang's, then thirteen years old.
But a tremendous storm was brewing against Whang, of which he was not aware when re-opening the old strife with
Yingchow to the capital of Manchuria, Andoong doohoofoo, went through Yenkun, distant 80 li, and Yoolo, near the Liao river. The foo was 500 li distant ; and from the foo Pingyang was 800 li. Now, Pingyang, in Corea, is 500 li east from the Yaloo at Aichow, which is nearly 100 li from Funghwangchung, which, again, is nearly 500 from Liaoyang. The foo, then, had control of over all Gaoli, as well as Liaotung. The modern Kingchow is more than 400 li west of Liaoyang, and Yoongping is more than double that from the Liao river. This is sufficiently conclusive ; but one other figure should decide beyond a doubt the site of Yingchow. Ytigwan was 480 li "west" of Yingchow; and Yiigwan is in the neighbourhood of the modern Linyii hien, 40 li west of Shanhaigwan. The middle of the road between Yiigwan and Hiangping (or Liaoyang) cannot be anywhere near Yoongping, which was west of Yiigwan, but it must be very near Kingchow. Again, the History of Liaotung places Langshan 20 li north-east of Kwangning, and says it is now called Hoolangshan. All which is decisive in favour of the neighbourhood of the modern Kingchow, where we have sited Loongchung, &c., in Map II. This question is perhaps of no interest to any one but the writer ; but we like to locate the head- quarters of our worthies as far as this can be done. And it is perhaps necessary to give proof for locating cities in Liaosi, which many Chinese scholars locate in the centre of northern Ghihli.
CONCSCEIPTION. 67
Yiiwun. China has always been divided, and its census always been taken from a military point of view. Its census-unit is the able-bodied man capable of bearing arms in defence of the state. This unit is called a Ding, every ten of whom, in ordinary wars, are supposed to supply and support one of their own number as an active soldier. But in the end of the harvest of 340, Jao Wang summoned all the chow cities to send to an appointed rendezvous three out of five, and two out of four Ding, thus collecting half the able-bodied men of his kingdom, then in good health and able to carry arms. This enormous conscription brought together 500,000 men, for whom he provided eleven million Hoo* of grain, stowed away in ten thousand vessels, to start from Longan chung.-f- He removed over ten thousand families from Yuyang and Beiping, and other districts of Liaosi, which he had taken from Dwan, to replace the men taken from Yoong and other chows to the south. There, too, they would be out of the way of temptation from Whang. He then marched eastwards from Yowchow, by Tahing and Tuntien to Bailang river, appropriating, on his march, 40,000 horses from the people, for the use of his army. He hoped thus to sweep Yen off the face of the earth. But he knew he had to deal with a skilful foe. In consultation with his ministers, Whang said that the Stone Tiger was in great force at Longan, where he had set the most careful watch and kept the most strict discipline, but that both the south and the north of Kichung^; were most likely left unguarded ; and as that city was therefore most vulnerable, and an attack thereon gave promise of the greatest success, he gave orders for an immediate attack. He marched by the western route past Loongchung, seized a good many of Jao Wang's men by the way, and got to Kichung, whose
* This, at two pints, would give each man four dote, or Chinese pecks, for two months; an ample allowance; which again goes to prove two pints the proper quantity of the Hoo. It gives over 8000 Ibs. to each boat.
1 80 li east of Linchi of Tsinan foo in Shantung.
£ There are three Kickow cities in Chihli ; but this is, doubtless, the city east of Peking, which would be nearest Whang, for he marches west to it.
68 YEN WANG.
commandant, though at the head of some myriads of men, did not dare to make even a sally, for Whang's was a dreaded name. Yen men then attacked and broke down the fort at the ford of Woosoong,* entered Gaoyang, burning and destroying all round, and taking back with them 30,000 captive families. This clever stroke compelled the huge army of Jao Wang to move west from Longan to save the bare country from destruction.
Jao Wang was apparently unable to make use of the tremendous army which he had banded together; and the sudden move of Whang, destroying so much of his stores, opened his eyes to the damage, incalculable, which a sudden inroad of Whang might cause by a flank movement, especially as the defensive resources of his kingdom were almost all collected for that enormous offensive weapon. Had he been as good a general as Whang, he could have quickly settled the matter; but his knowledge that his own powers were insufficient to cope with the ability of Whang, on anything like equal terms, made him nervous. Hence we learn that even then, when bows and arrows were the artillery, and javelins the rifles of fifteen centuries ago, generalship — that is, mental power — ability to intuitively see the best move, and to see it at a glance ; ability to work out in theory, and carry out in practice, the most probably successful of all possible plans — was then as important a factor in gaining a victory, as when the tactics of Napoleon dumb- foundered the Austrians, or the movements of Yon Moltke disconcerted the French. It was in all ages the wise general, rather than the brave soldier, who won the day. Or perhaps it would be more proper to say that it was the wise general who made the brave soldier, by inspiring confidence, and compelling unity and obedience. History never shows that " Providence is on the side of the biggest battalions " ; but it does show that, as a rule, the general, though at the head of the smaller army, who is able to concentrate a greater number of men on a given point, who therefore attacks and pierces through the weak point,
* 25 li west of Ansoohien of Paoting.
MIND. 69
which his less able adversary presents him — who, by stratagem or forethought, can surprise and disconcert his enemy — is as sure of victory when fighting with swords and javelins, as when concentrating the fire of parks of artillery. The few soldiers of Fanchung, referred to above, would have fled, but, by a sentence or two from their undaunted commander, they fell into their places, were obedient, and therefore successful. So of the large armies. Whang could judge the best point, the most expeditious manner, and the most critical time, for setting his troops in motion : and a smaller number of troops counted for more in his hands, than a larger under any of his adversaries. The warfare of the " Middle " and of the " Former" ages was, in this respect, what the warfare of the "Latter" ages is. Mind has always been, mind will always be, master, whether the age is Gold, Silver, or Iron. Jao Wang could easily have collected an army of half a million men, as the servant of the magician summoned the Spirit, but it is another matter to command an army of that number ; and it depends on the head of that army whether it is to be an army — a well knit, compact, and workable unit — carrying all before it, or a disorderly rabble, more dangerous to itself and its friends than to its foes. It is more easy to collect half a million men than to command them. Jao Wang's army, from these or whatever reasons, did not sweep Whang and his soldiers into the Gulf of Liaotung, nor even drive them out of Loongchung ; though we shall meet it again.
But he sent a fleet across the gulf to Anping of Yen in Liaotung. The men who manned this fleet were Tsingchow men, with the addition of men taken off the island of Woo when passing it. These took the city of Anping ; and to prevent the loss of Liaotung from that quarter, Mo Yoong Go was ordered to hurry on and take Pinggwo, where Yin had been governor, but which had been abandoned since. Go had already been successful as a com- mander, and it was believed he could spring into Pinggwo. And he did ; and protected the old residents, and welcomed all new comers ; while he so belaboured the various Gaogowli armies, which had come to retake the city, that they ceased marching his way.
70 YEN WANG.
Whang had sometime before sent a messenger, in the guise of a merchant, to Yuwun, to invite his brother Han to return. The invitation was accepted, and Han was welcomed with demonstrations of the greatest joy. As the Yen kingdom had then its hands free, Han, now a general, advised Whang to take the offensive against one or other of his northern neighbours. He said that Yuwun was again very powerful, and might march in set any moment ; while Gaogowli was constantly prying into the eastern borders, and would be certain to take advantage of an inroad from the Yiiwun side on the north, to push in and cut off Liaotung on the east. This was well on in the spring of 341 ; but there is no reference to any threatened danger from the unwieldy host of Jao Wang. Whang believed the advice a good one ; and determined to anticipate danger, by at once marching in upon Gaogowli, into which there were two routes, — the northern being the easier ; the southern, by Moodichung,* difficult and very hilly. Thus we learn that war was then waged by those belligerents, without any apparent casus belli, other than the opportunity and the ability by one power to damage another power, which might possibly at some future period attack it. So that, as in the case of some more recent wars, or war-cries, might was all, and right nothing.
The Gaogowli men were expected to mass their troops on the north route, as that by which the Yen men would be sure to attack them. Whang, therefore, marched 40,000 of his best troops by the hilly south route, where the Coreans or Gaogowli were certain to be weakest; sending only 15,000 men by the north route. The Gaogowli had 50,000 men on the north route *
*As Moodi was in the neighbourhood of Kaichow, and then a Corean or Gaogowli city, the southern route must have been that via Siwyen, which certainly is the most mountainous, among the sources of the Yang river. The northern must therefore have been that from Liaoyang by Saimaji and Kwandien, which is all but level, though winding out and in among mountain ranges passing east and south along the Taidsu ; for the route through Moukden, by the Hwun river, is too far north and more difficult, and was indeed unknown then. Loongchung, besides, was right west of Liaoyang, and the Saimaji route was the most direct as well as the most level.
COREA ATTACKED. 71
while the south one was occupied by the Gaogowli king, who kept the passes with some thousands of old and decrepit men, just as Whang had expected. It was Han again who proposed this mode of attack ; knowing that if the army pushed through in force to Wandoo, the capital of Gaogowli, it must open its gates at once, the heart of the country would be laid bare, the northern Gaogowli army would be too late on the scene of action, and no serious oppo- sition could be apprehended. Han himself, with Moyoong Ba, was in the van of this southern army. He attacked the Coreans as soon as he came in sight of them ; his vigorous attack being seconded by Whang with the main body. But old though they were, the Coreans fought with the valour of despair, knowing that all was lost if they were forced. They fought so bravely, that notwith- standing a general assault by Whang's army, they obstinately held their own. Yiiliaug, an officer of Whang's, said that he had received many favours at the hands of his sovereign, and now had come the opportunity of showing his gratitude by his death. Taking with him a few resolute horsemen, he plunged into the Gaogowli ranks. This sudden shock staggered them a little ; and as soon as the momentary movement slightly opened their ranks, the main body of Whang's troops pressed in, threw the Corean ranks into utter disorder, and their defeat was almost instantaneous, with a frightful slaughter necessarily ensuing from such close quarters. One of the Gaogowli generals was slain ; and Whang pursued the fugitives even into the city of Wandoo, where he took prisoners the mother and wife of the Gaogowli king. This news soon reached the northern army; and the moral effects of it defeated them with ease, and Whang did not need to press the pursuit. Jao, the Gaogowli king, was now a homeless fugitive, without any central point of government Whang sent messengers after him to treat of peace, but he would not see them. But when Whang would have retired, General Han declared that without some guarantees, the campaign would turn out a barren one ; for the Gaogowli men would again re-appear from among the mountain gullies, where they were hiding, and cause much mischief. He, therefore, advised to
72 YEN WANG.
open the grave of the late king, take the dead body * and the living mother of the king, and then return ; this plan, together with the plunder of every specially valuable public article and ensign of government, would bring King Jao to his senses. This was done. The dead king was disentombed, and brought away along with his living widow ; together with all the palace valuables, and 50,000 men and women captives. The palace was then burnt, the city walls levelled with the ground and Whang returned. The plan was successful ; for King Jao sent his younger brother, early next spring, with the largest and finest pearls, praying for a treaty. Yen Wang sent back the coffin along with the messenger, but retained the queen mother as a hostage ; and she was retained for long.
The enormous army of Jao Wang had long set sail. The long camping had, doubtless, debilitated many of his huge host, and made a bad preparation for a stormy passage of several days across the Gulf of Liaotung. Two-thirds of his 500,000 soldiers and 170,000 sailors perished without striking a blow, — most of them at sea. After he landed, his rear was hunted down at every step by an army of a thousand or more wolves and foxes, aided by some tigers ; no bad representatives of the human armies and their officers. He was therefore unable to fac'e Whang, and did not attempt a westward march. But his son and heir marched against the north Hienbi under Hoogooti, whom he defeated, slaying 30,000 men. He must therefore have marched north through the present Liaoyang and Mukden, to the north of which was the seat of the Yiiwun Hienbi.
A curious family incident occurred at this time. Shu Yijien also a Hoo "barbarian," but a Hiwngnoo, or Hun, was then
* A knowledge — imparted by a R. C. priest — of the extreme value attached by the present reigning house of Corea to the dust of their dead ancestors, led to a disgraceful attempt at body-snatching, to hold to ransom, by a young American citizen, which, fortunately for so-called civilization, signally failed — the resur- rectionists being driven away by an outraged people, ere they could complete their designs.
YUWUN DEFEATED. 73
Wang of Dai* in the west. He sought, a second time, a relation of Yen Wang's in marriage ; probably because the Moyoong family had become so powerful, and marriage alliances counted then for much, if not for all. Yen Wang sent a messenger to receive 1000 horses as a present in exchange for the bride ; but Dai Wang refused to give such present. As this refusal was regarded not only as a breach of etiquette, but as a defiance, Whang sent his heir westwards with an army to meet any possible attack by Dai Wang. The latter had not intended to fight ; but hearing of the march of the Moyoong men, he hasted on with his army. He met no enemy, and returned home again. The true reason appears to have been, that the powerful Hunnish Dai Wang regarded it as a great honour done the Moyoong family to take a bride out of it, and never thought of making the usual present.
Whang was not needlessly early in his desire to break up the Gaogowli power, if he desired to prepare for eventualities ; for scarcely were the Gaogowli messengers gone with the coffin, ere Yiiwun marched southwards in great force. The Yen men were eager to go to meet the foe, and give immediate battle ; but Whang, fearing they might be overpowered by numbers, forbade it. Yiiwun army, seeing no foe, and believing Whang therefore afraid, became careless, wandered about, and neither set a guard over the camp, nor sent scouts to feel for the enemy. Whang was not the man to let slip such an opportunity; but sent out Han, who fell upon the disorganised Yiiwun. The commander escaped alone ; most of his men falling an easy prey to Han. This battle must have taken place not much north of Loongchung, and on the west of the Liao river.
The kingdom of Fooyii, the original home of Gaogowli, had Hiientoo on its south-west, Yilow on the east, and Hienbi on the west. Baiji, the kingdom east of Gaogowli, made a raid northwards into Fooyii, breaking it up completely. The Fooyii people fled hither and thither, but mostly westwards, where
*On the banks of the Yellow River, in the north of Shansi. He had made Yunjoong his capital some time before.
74 YEN WANG.
they nearly touched the lands of Yen. There they dwelt negligently, thinking of no evil. Whang, therefore, sent 17,000 cavalry, which attacked them suddenly ; and took captive their King Hiien, and 50,000 of his people. Whang made Htien a chief commander ; giving him one of his own daughters in marriage.
We now turn again from these Liaotung digressions to Jao Wang, in the north of China proper, who had long assumed the imperial title, and whose family was said to be the chief cause of the miseries which were then rending China in pieces. The Tsin Emperor, himself utterly unable to cope with his difficulties, sought the aid of Whang in the east, and of Jang Jwun in the west, at once to put down the arrogant Jao Wang, and to drive the Hiwngnoo out of Chungtu, which they had taken. He also nominated a day and place for the junction of their troops with those of the empire. But the proposal came to nothing at that time.
In Feb. 349, Jao Wang, the " Stone Tiger," took unwell in the midst of preparations against a proposed attack by Jwun, son and heir of Whang. In May he died, and was buried with imperial pomp. Jwun was urged to march in upon Jao Wang's land ; the distracted state of the empire being pressed upon him as a reason. He was not unwilling, now that the man chiefly to be feared was gone ; and he got ready 200,000 men under his well tried generals, Ba, Ping, and Go. Jwun was now lord of Yen ; for his father, the talented Whang, died before Jao Wang ; both thus leaving their respective heirs to fight out their strife. The Tsin Emperor nominated Jwun also governor of Yowchow and Pingchow. And all his councillors urged him to war ; placing the imperial crown before his eyes as an easy prize. He laughed ; but made his arrangements in earnest : for if the dragon throne was at the top of an arduous climb, it did seem nearer than ordinary, and its attainment appeared not at all impossible, for the kingdom of Jao was bled almost to death, and Moyoong had been steadily growing. He also made an alliance with Jang Joonghwa of Liangchow in Shensi, who joined
MASSACRE. 75
him with all his men. He was freed from alarm from his eastern frontier ; for just then the king of Gaogowli, probably to curry favour with the now powerful Yen Wang, sent on as prisoner one who was formerly a commander of Liaotung Hoo barbarians, who had fled into Gaogowli when Whang marched eastwards. Jwun freed and made this prisoner an officer.
We have already incidentally seen that many Hienbi and Chiang families took up their abode on Chinese soil from the time of Han down, and that many more were carried thither captive by Jao Wang. There were, doubtless, also not a few Hiwngnoo families. These had caused trouble in the early days of the Tsin empire, acting as spies and guides to their plundering relations from beyond the border. Jao Wang began to prepare for the coming storm by ordering all the "Hoo"* within his territories to be put to death. Over 200,000 families were thus put to the sword to prevent their becoming traitors in the hour of danger. The work of slaughter had to be done speedily, like another St. Bartholomew massacre, else many would escape. As all those people spoke Chinese like the original natives, their tongue could betray only very recent arrivals. Hence the marks given by which a Hoo could be discovered were, " Much hair on the face and a high nose." Every man possessing these unlucky marks was cut down, be he what he might, and in spite of his strongest asseverations, often doubtless true, that he was 110 Hoo, but a real Chinaman. Thus many Chinese perished among the Hoo ; for the Chinese wore better beards then than they do now. Having thus put to death a whole army of civilians, Jao Wang had a brief breathing space before the storm burst upon him. But that frightful butchery would, doubtless, hurry on the northern preparations, and steel the hearts of Jwun's men with a cry of revenge. If Britain went mad for blood over the atrocities of the brutal Sepoys, what would she have done if so many of her children were cut down and maltreated as only Asiatics and Turks know how to do !
*Thus the term will be seen to embrace all the strangers resident among the Chinese, from whatever tribe of nomads.
76 YEN WANG.
In March, 350, Yen Wang ordered General Ba to start with 20,000 men by the east route via Tooho. He would, therefore, march south along the sea shore through the modern Shan- haigwan. Moyii was sent by the west route through Yiwung border, and Jwun marched at the head of the main body by the central route through Looloong * (which was 200 li north-west of Pingchow). Go and Yiiliang commanded the van of this army. And Loongchung was left in charge of the Heir- Apparent.
As soon as Commander Ba got to the neighbourhood of Sanhing, Dung, the Commandant of Anlo, or Longan, abandoned the city, after setting fire to the heaps of stores. He then joined Wang Woo, Commandant of Yowchow, to protect Kichow, which had been formerly plundered by Whang's forces. This Kichow is now called Tahing hien, in the neighbourhood of Peking. He had fled too soon, however ; for Swun, the Dooyu of South Tooho, entered Longan, extinguished the fires, and saved enormous stores of grain and silk, — all the grain of Beiping and Anlo having been stored up there. Swun then joined Jwun at Linju city, — now called Sanho, full thirty miles east of Peking.
The Yen men got to Woodsoong in April, and Wang Woo, leaving Wang Two with a few thousand men in Kichow, hastened, with Dung in retreat, to protect Lookow.-f- Kichow was assaulted in a few days and taken by storm. Wang Two was seized and beheaded, — a fate which Wang Woo and his second wisely avoided, by seeking to fight another day. Jwun, like his father at Hiangping, but with less provocation, was about to order a massacre of all the soldiers of Two, but Ba reasoned with him that it was just such conduct which prevented Stone Tiger from becoming Emperor of China. Soldiers who will not fight for their incapable rulers will fight to save their
* These two would enter China from the north-east and north of the modern Peking, through those main gullies which resounded so many centuries later to the Mongol hordes of Genghis Khan and the Banners of the Liaotung Manchus.
t The modern Tingchow.
SURPRISE 77
lives. This is but another form of the Golden Bridge. Not a soul in Kichow was put to death ; and the wisdom of this step was immediately apparent, for the literates and women (curious combination !) crowded out of their hiding places, far and near, for protection.
When Yen men got to Fanyang,* its commandant was eager and determined to hold the place to the death. His men, however, refused to fight, compelled him to open his gates, and gave Jwun another proof of the wisdom of Ba's advice. The Taishow was still retained in his old post, but his son fled to Wang Woo, urging him to recede further. The advice was not very well received, and Woo sent the youth back to his father ; and Jwun made him an officer.
Leaving a garrison in Kichow under Moyii, Jwun pressed on to attack Lookow, hoping to pierce through to Chingliangchung. W7hen the Yen army was nearing, Dung threw out a few thousand men by night, half of whom, as no proper watch was set, got into the vanguard camp. The noise which they made when pushing into Ba's tent aroused him out of his slumbers. He seized a weapon, and with his own hands killed a dozen men. The alarm then became general, and Dsao with his men had to beat a retreat. The general disturbance roused Jwun out of his sleep, and the surprise made him nervously uneasy. Commander Yiigun, to whom he expressed his uneasiness, told him that the enemy had taken advantage of a time when they believed there would be no watch ; but that as they (Yen) had come looking out for the enemy, they should be glad they had found him. But Jwun did not look the least glad. Yiigun therefore advised him to lie down again and rest, while he would act the king for the night, and guarantee no further molestation. But Jwun continued ill at ease ; and, instead of lying down, went outside the camp, and, surrounded by a few hundred men, stood on a high grave to look out as far as he could see. He gave orders that Dsao should be pursued ; and so thoroughly were they carried out, that Dsao joined Dung
* The modern Shwunyi hien.
78 YEN WANG.
alone, — his followers all scattered or slain. Jwun, however, having tasted the sweets, as well as the cares, of regal life, had no ambition to add to them those of the soldier ; he therefore returned to Kichow. He is but another example of every conquering house in the east. The founder of the house must be a man of extraordinary military and political abilities, his successor must be not an unworthy second ; but, as a rule, that exhausts the hereditary ability in the direct line. It is difficult to harmonize history and Darwin.
Lan* of Dwan, the Commandant of Lingju, died in July, and his successor, Ho, seeing the universal anarchy prevailing throughout the kingdom of Jao, and in the other Chinese neighbouring states, marched southwards to Gwanggoo with his men, and there assumed the rank of Chi Wang, — the ancient Shantung kingdom. Some districts of Chinafied Hienbi came under Jwun's power ; and one, Jao Gai, after professing to submit to Yen, fled back with 300 families into the country of Jao. Fearing that other Hienbi chieftains might also return to their Chinese homes at the first opportunity, Jwun sent the companies (Boo) from Kwangning and Shanggoo-f- to the districts of Hii and Woo, and those of Dai east to Wanchung. removing all temptation for a homeward march.
Sinhing Wang was created Emperor of Jao in his capital of Hianggwo £ in the early summer. But while his attention was directed to the ravages by Yen on his north, the gradually growing power of Min, king of Wei, suddenly attacked and took Hianggwo with 100,000 men in it. This was in December ; but in the following April, Jao again marched in force against Min in
*This Lan had sent a present of 10,000 horses, and fugitive Yiiwun, to Jao Wang, when the latter was attacking Liaotung. Lan was therefore made Commandant of Lingju, with a garrison of his own Hienbi men under him.
t Shanggoo is said by one authority to be the ancient name of Paotingf oo of the present Chihli. But the Chinese Directory makes Huenhwafoo the ancient Shanggoo, and makes the present Huenhwa hien to be Gwangning. Woo is Woojoong afterwards, and now the Yiitien hien of Chihli.
±The modern Shwunte foo.
JAO BROKEN UP. 79
Hianggwo, completely defeated him, slew over 100,000 men, and broke up his army.
Jao enacted very severe laws, which drove large numbers of Chiang and Hoo (Tibet and Hunnish) families out of the country ; for, notwithstanding the massacre, many had again collected. As these were on their way to their respective countries they heard that their native lands were at war. They " fell out by the way," and scarcely a fifth of those departing ever saw their native country. But if Jao's laws were severe, the power to equally and justly enforce them was gone. And it was not severe laws, but anarchy, which drove Bohai into making an alliance with Wei, which power was making great preparations to restore its lost prestige. And, in the following spring, General Hoong started as Chin (Shensi) Wang, thus making another ominous gap in the defensive power of Jao.
After the precautions taken to prevent desertion of Hienbi (p. 78), the Yen General Ping marched south, and captured Yichow, then took Changan, whose Commandant had fled. Jwun returned thence to Loongchung, where he, by sacrifice, informed his ancestors of the extension of the Yen power. After Ping, at Nanan, defeated a force sent against him by the Commander of Lookow, he pressed on to Lookow. Kooyoo, with its magistrate, opened its gates ; and General Yijoong, seeing that the power of Jao was about to gasp its last, made his peace with Jwun, and was made Great Doodoo of the Six Yi (barbarians of the west), his son being made a Commander. Bohai was also hesitating
o o
whether it should not join Yen ; while Joongshan * had fallen before General Go, who sent many of its ministers and people to Kichow.
It was now evident that the absorption of the rich country of Jao into the poor country of Yen was only a matter of a few months, and as there was no Congress of Berlin to compel an unscrupulous Power to disgorge, Wei rushed in to scramble for a share of the spoil. The attack was again directed on the Capital, and, as might be expected, with more complete success
* The present Tingchow.
80 YEN WANG.
than formerly ; for as this spring found Jao everywhere exhausted, Hianggwo easily fell, after the defeat of un army marching to its relief ; and in it were captured a hundred nobles. The palace was burnt down, and the young " Emperor " taken, with his wives and concubines. They were all beheaded. The family of Stone Tiger, who was within sight of the Dragon throne of all China, was exterminated ; and the whole of the kingdom of Jao was divided between Yen and "Wei, each taking what he could.
Now that Jao kingdom was gone, Yen and Wei became neighbours. The advice of his councillors to the king of Wei to be satisfied with his condition, and not meet Yen in battle, only angered him ; and he declared he would not only defeat Yen, but take Yowchow, thus showing that he believed himself able to annex all the lands which had formed the kingdom of Jao to his own. He camped at Ansi of Jingchow, whither Go was pressing upon him. He went to Changshan ; Go keeping close in his rear, and camping at Weichang hien* of Joongshan. They had meantime engaged ten times ; but as both were excellent generals, neither gained any advantage. Go had a considerable advantage over his opponent, inasmuch as his men were all mounted ; but the forests which covered the country were in favour of the infantry of Wei. Wei withdrew to the forests whenever Go got to any place where his horse could be employed to advantage ; and Go took the advice of those who urged him not to pursue into the woods, but to patiently wait till this military chess-play gave him a chance opportunity on the open plain. When they at length did get into the level country, Go divided his men into three ; two divisions to remain inactive till he, with 5000 horse, drew the entire attention of the enemy, when they would attack, one each flank of Wei, and secure the victory. Go himself led the attack, at the head of 5000 capital archers, mounted on horses, which he clad in chain armour.
*The present Woochi hien was anciently called Weichang; but we have seen that Joongshan is now Tingchow.
MIN'S DEATH. 81
Min was mounted on a splendid charger named Jooloong, which could run 1000 li a day ! In his right hand he held a double-edged sword ; and in his left a long spear, hooked and barbed at the point. With these weapons he slew over 300 Yen men. Seeing the Yen standard floating before him, and making sure it covered the Yen commander, he dashed his horse at it. When he was thus hotly engaged, apparently much more than a match for Go in single combat, — surrounded by enemies, and closely followed by his own men, all of whom had their eyes and attention eagerly directed to their Homeric chief — the reserve divisions of Go flew upon his flanks, and with the first charge threw them into disorder, and drove them into a disastrous flight. Another victory of brain over bravery. Wei was soon surrounded by a deep circle of foes ; through which, however, he cleft his way, and fled eastwards for twenty li, when the gallant and faithful Jooloong sickened and died. He was then seized, and with other commanders sent on to Kichow. Tsao, one of his sons, got to Lookow. Jwun saved the prince of Wei alive ; but asked him how he had dared assume the title of emperor. He replied that the empire was in utter confusion. " And if," he continued, " a barbarian like you, who are as ignorant as the birds and beasts,* can assume that title, how much more a brave Chinaman." The reply gained him the anger of Jwun, and three hundred lashes, with transportation to Loongchung, where he was shortly after put to death. But as the summer set in with a great drought, followed by swarms of locusts, which ate up everything, Jwun believed it was the spirit of Min taking revenge, and therefore built a sacrificial temple for him ! He offered sacrifice to the departed and troublesome spirit, and gave him the posthumous title of "The Brave Warrior, the Heavenly King."
Almost all the cities of Wei now acknowledged Yen except
* " Like the birds and beasts " is a common Chinese simile for barbarians, and means that, like the animals, there is no knowledge of etiquette or propriety. Min would not have used that simile had the Yen men been the equals of Chinese iu literature and civilization, and we must infer that they were still semi-barbarous.
82 YEN WANG.
the capital, Ye,* which was so closely and long invested, that the besieged ate human flesh. The new Wei emperor was here along with Jiang Gan, one of the Wei ministers, who had chief command. After they had eaten up every soul taken in Hianggwo, the capital of Jao, Gan sent out men to make overtures of peace ; but chiefly to see whether no help could be found. Ping had an additional 20,000 men sent him to make sure the fall of Ye ; and as the Tsin Emperor failed to forward a relieving army, Gan made a sally at the head of 5000 men. Desperate was his condition, and he fought desperately, but in vain ; for he escaped within the city almost alone, leaving 4000 of his men dead or prisoners. The army, which was at length sent to aid the gallant city, was defeated, and Jwun went to Joongshan to be near his expected prey. After sufferings within more cruel, and sights more terrible than the battle-field in August, — when the garrison had been three months living on human flesh, Ma Yuen, an inferior officer, opened the gates to Yen men. Gan let himself down the wall by a rope. Ping got pos- session of the heir apparent — not yet enthroned — of the empress, the chief officials, the imperial carriage, raiment, and all the official paraphernalia ; all of which he sent to Ki. Some of the officials, however, carried out the Chinese idea of faithfulness, and committed suicide rather than live after their empire.
Go had, meantime, gone to Changshan and directed his attention to Wang Woo, who, since he heard of Wei's destruction, had assumed the title of Angwo Wang. Go pressed hard upon him. But he was murdered by one of his own commanders, who was, in his turn, slain by the officer of Woo's body guard ; and this latter took the reins of power. Go defeated and slew Ji Lin of Joongshan, another aspirant to imperial honours, at WToochi hien, having marched from Lookow against him.
The following incident gives an accurate representation of
* Ye or Nie, the present Linchang hien of Changte foo in Honan. It had been the capital of Jao (Chao) in 335. In 352, Wei annexed Hianggwo and occupied Ye. In the autumn of the same year Go crushed Wei, ended his dynasty, and, in 357, Ye was the Capital of the Yen " Empire." So rapid was the march of successive armies, and the rise and fall of rival kingdoms.
FAITHFULNESS. 83
Chinese ideas regarding faithfulness to one's prince and obedience to parents, as acted out by the common-class people, who are not enthusiastic enough to be ready to sacrifice themselves, nor base enough to sell themselves to the highest bidder ; but who strive to carry out duty as far as self-interest will permit them : the majority of educated Chinese, it need scarcely be added, being of this description. Yijoong was one of the brave men who had done their best to set Stone Tiger on the throne of China. His life was valued chiefly because he could, by his deeds in the field, prove his gratitude to the master who had been so generous to him and his. He had, with eager bravery, done what he could to stem the overwhelming flood of Yen's power, and to save his country. He was unsuccessful. His country was gone, and, with it, the main object of his life. In the same spring, when the capital of his country became Yen property, he took unwell, and lay down on his dying bed. He summoned his forty-two 'sons to his bedside, and, after recapitulating the favours bestowed by Stone Tiger, and confessing his inability to repay them, he ordered his sons to make their way, with their army, to the aid of the Tsin Emperor in the south, who was not only threatened by Chin and Yen from his west and north, but was struggling with formidable rebellions in his own lands ; one rebel, with 40,000 men, being at that moment master of the road to the large and important city of Woochang. Yijoong died soon after giving this charge ; and after his dutiful sons saw him decently buried and properly mourned for, they moved south- wards at the head of 60,000 families. They besieged and took the cities of Yangping, Yuenchung, and Faping ; then camped at the ford of Gaonao, near Tsiyangkun, on the Yellow River, where they were fiercely attacked by the forces of Chin (Shensi), and 30,000 of them were slain in the terrible battle. The survivors, under Hiang, one of the brothers, marched southwards to Soongyang ; and had to fight another serious battle at Matien, where they bootlessly threw themselves on death, and the commander was compelled to send his fifth brother to the Tsin Emperor to profess his goodwill, and to leave hostages as
84 YEN WANG.
proof thereof ; for he found it impossible to cut his way across the Yellow River to the court of Tsin. Thus we can easily perceive that China was then wholly cut up, and its available resources absorbed by conflicting camps, all having one object, though of all dimensions ; from that styled imperial — fighting to retain the power of taxation — to the small band of petty robbers plundering the poor of the nearest villages.
CHAPTER IV. IMPERIAL YEN.
AFTER the absorption of the Kingdom of Wei, Jwun felt himself warranted in assuming the rank of Emperor, which he received from his supporters, with many other honorary titles. He also bestowed, according to Chinese custom, imperial rank on several generations of his predecessors. In 353, his queen was proclaimed Empress, and removed to Kichow, which, as the capital, was known simply as Ki. Go opened Lookow for him after a three months' siege. In the spring of 354, Hoo Wang submitted, and was made Governor of Honei, or "inside" the Yellow River, which name was given to the lands east of the river on its southern stretch along Shensi. Yen empire would, therefore, embrace all Chihli and Honan, with some of Shansi, besides Liaosi, Liaotung and a portion of south eastern Mongolia. Yen was, however, not free from trouble, for the great extent of its empire, and the heterogeneous character of its political elements, made a consolidated peace all but impossible. One of the first to make trouble within was Gow, son of the brave Han, and Governor of Loling, who believed himself as worthy of the name of Emperor as Jwun. His ambition was short lived however ; for, in autumn, he was murdered, and his murderer fled to Kan of Dwan. Jwun was urged to crush the evil spirit of disaffection which was suspected to exist in the important cities of Yowchow and Yichow, ere it developed into strife for independence ; but he refused to move, as it would be impolitic to attack cities whose submission had been accepted. Kan, king of Dwan, next roused the ire of Jwun by refusing to style him Emperor, and Go was sent north to bring him to reason. Go feared that Kan would meet him at the river bank, and
86 IMPERIAL YEN.
prevent him from crossing. Kan's younger brother, a wise and brave youth, declaring his belief that, as Go was so able a man, the people, if he were allowed to approach, would open the gates of the city to him, proposed to take the step which Go feared. He offered himself to march to the river bank and prevent the crossing, while Kan should firmly hold the city. Kan would not agree to that plan ; and as his brother persisted in urging it, Kan got angry and slew him. The way was therefore open to Go, who crossed the river in February 356. Kan, with 30,000 men, marched out 100 li from Gwanggoo, his capital, to oppose him, but was defeated, and had to retire. Go sent messengers after the retreating army to state that as many as submitted would be received into his own ranks ; and several thousands joined him. Kan therefore hurried into the city, which was soon besieged, while all the other cities under his rule opened their gates to the summons of Go. Seeing no way of escape, Kan threw himself on the Tsin Emperor, who sent a General into the southern frontier of Yen's lands, and took two cities, but did not do sufficient damage to divert Go to the south. In November, Go was recommended by his officers to carry the city by escalade. He agreed that this would be the proper plan, if he could make sure of preserving all his men, and said he had long known of a plan which would inevitably have taken the city, but at the loss of too many of his own men. This reply soon spread over his camp, and gave universal satisfaction. The garrison was now compelled to eat human flesh, and Kan made a bold and desperate sally with a large force, which, however, was repulsed ; and, meantime, Go had bodies of men posted outside each gate. In his retreat, Kan had to cut through these, and he had to enter the city with the loss of the greater number of his men, who were slain or taken. He was compelled to open his gates in December ; and was sent with 3,000 Hienbi families to Ki. The original inhabitants and strangers in Gwanggoo were well treated, and Kan was employed as a commander elsewhere ; but he seems again to have given dissatisfaction ; for, in the following spring, he and 3,000 of his
TEMPER. 87
immediate followers were put to death. Thus the Dwan division of the Hienbi became finally incorporated in the Yen kingdom, originated by the Moyoong, the smallest of the Hienbi tribes. And if Yen was absorbing its barbarous cousins in the north, it was pushing down among the Chinese in the south ; for the Yen men had cleft their way, like a trap dyke in granite, between Chin on their west and Tsin on their east and south.
The kingdom of Chin in Shensi had been all these years at war, chiefly with the yet imperial house of Tsin (or Jin). In 354, a great battle had been fought, in which the Tsin General, Wun, gained a complete victory over Chin's forces. Just about the time when the battle was fought, the prince of Chin lost one of his best generals by death ; and, in mourning over him, he complained that Heaven did not desire him to restore peace within the "Four Seas." His idea of peace was that which all warriors have always desired, — peace, after war had utterly rooted up every existing government, he himself to be the Rooter up. He had one general, Yonur, who was extremely obstinate, and latterly roused his ire so that he gnashed his teeth every time he saw him. At last his rage became so great, that he put to death the general, his nine sons, and his twenty-seven grandsons. As Yonur was a Chiang (Tibet) man, all the Chiang men in Chin, and they were many, became uneasy ; for there was no crime assigned, nor state reason given, for the execution.
In 356, the prince of Chin was in great straits for money, because of the drains of his ceaseless wars ; but in his rage he put to death a minister who recommended peace, and counselled him to have some regard for the good of the people, as well as for his own interests. Just then Wun gained another signal victory over him ; but Jang Ping, one of his generals, defeated Hiang. The conqueror and his defeated foe became sworn brothers, and made an oath not to fight each other any more ! One day the prince of Chin ate quantities of dates (dsao\ and became very unwell. His principal physician was summoned, who frankly told him there was nothing seriously wrong; that his trouble sprang
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entirely from his having eaten too many dates, and from his hasty temper. Chin became very angry ; giving proof of his hasty temper, or, as we might call it, of his violent passion, for saying : "Are you a prophet ? How did you know I had eaten dates?" he ordered the physician to be led out to instant execution. He was known as a ferociously cruel monarch, and was very frequently drunk. These instances suffice to prove it, and also to show the condition of law and order. In 358, he had to carry on an unequal contest against both Tsin and Yen ; the latter of which powers seized much of his land. In 359, he nominated his General Wang Mung, "Kingdom-Separating Commander." We shall meet him again.
In the spring of 358, the Tsin commandant of Taishan,* in the west of Shantung, attacked the eastern flank of Yen ; but Go compelled him to beat a hasty retreat, crossed the river in pursuit, and ravaged the southern banks. When General Ping was marching south (p. 79), between the rivers Jang (Chang) and Woo, he summoned old Chief Jien and his Bohai -f- men to submit These had seceded from Jao, on the defeat of the latter by the rising Wei, and had not yet acknowledged any master. Old Jien compelled the Yen army to fight for mastery ; but he was easily overpowered. Jien was seized ; and the bravery, skill, ability, and the strength of the old man of sixty were highly praised. General Go set an ox as a target for the old man, at a hundred paces j distance. Jien said that "when young he could at that distance hit without wounding ; but he was afraid his eye was now uncertain, and his hand unsteady ; " — at the same moment letting fly an arrow which grazed the shoulder of the ox, and in an instant, another arrow grazed the belly. Each arrow cut away the hair, but left the skin unhurt ; both marks
* The famous mountain south of Tsinan, the Capital of Shantung.
t The modern Nanpi hien, south-east of Chihli, was the centre of Bohai.
J A Chinese pace is 5 f t. , a step being taken by each foot to make a pace. Froud, in his History of England, was staggered at the 220 yards demanded by law as the nearest target for manly archery in Old England. But as he found that the English archer was certainly ordered to hit at over 600 ft., we may allow 500 ft. as a not impossible distance for Jien.
OLD JIEN. 89
being exactly the same. A loud burst of admiration from all beholders rewarded the old man's skill. He was made com- mandant of a frontier station in the neighbourhood of Taishan ; his garrison consisting of only 700 men. He was attacked from the east by an army ten times as numerous, under Tsu, a Tsin commander ; yet he ventured battle, in spite of remonstrances that so small a force was suited only to act on the defensive within the walls of their fort. He, however, believed it was better to assume a bold face ; and fight in the open, rather than defend well a place out of which there was no hope of escape. He himself marched at the head of his men ; but though they fought furiously, they were driven within their ramparts, after having slain a thousand of the enemy. Tsu then besieged the fort ; his lines being several deep all around. Jien sighed, and said there was no hope. He urged his men to submit, and save themselvess ; that he would remain alone, and die inside. The men, bursting into tears, swore they would not part from him ; but would do whatever he did, and live or die with him. He replied that it was better to march out and die in battle, than be strangled in their hold. He, therefore, rode out at the head of his men ; but though he bravely pushed against the foe, his men, in spite of their own bravery and his magnificent archery, could not cut their way through the thick set, deep lines before them. He and his band were soon surrounded and taken. Tsu admired the old man's courage, and asked why he was not serving the true emperor. He replied that it was through no fault of his that Tsin had lost the empire, and that there was then no real emperor. He was again and again urged to revolt ; and he at length angrily asked if he were taken for a child. The sneer in this reply offended Tsu, who ordered him to be chained up. After a few days he died of indignation.*
It is a very common belief that the Chinese are a dull, phlegmatic, passionless race. Neither acquaintance with their history nor knowledge of their family and social life gives any countenance to such belief. Many die from the effects of a fit of passion like old Jien ; numerous suicides, murders, and dangerous and bloody attacks arise from the same cause. Their usual nonchalance springs partly from their national education inculcating strict self-control, and partly from the selfishness which so strongly pervades their life and principles of action, leading to a, careless indifference regarding either the welfare or the sufferings of others.
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Tsu had to repent the death ; for the Yen men demanded vengeance, poured upon him, retook the citadel, and drove him off. Jien's son was ennobled for his father's sake.
Soon after the defeat of Tsu, Jwun, feeling infirmities approach, and observing that his hair was becoming grey, was anxious for the future of his kingdom. His heir was constantly and loudly praised for the excellent qualities already developed, or beginning to show themselves ; but he continued ill at ease. He dreamed that Jao Wang was gnawing his elbow, — a dream, doubtless, arising from his anxiety, connected with his conquests, which he had wrenched out of Jao Wang's hands. The dream made so profound an impression upon him, that he sent to have the body searched out, but he was unsuccessful. He then offered the reward of a hundred ounces (Hang} of gold (there was no silver in use then) to the person who should find the body. This reward brought forward an old woman, who pointed out the grave to the south of the city. When the body was disinterred, it was found stiff and uncorrupted. Jwun stamped his feet in anger, reviled the body, and said, " How dare a dead Hoo frighten the living ' Son of Heaven ! ' " and than ordered the body to be whipped, and thrown into the river Jang. But the body stuck against one of the pillars of the bridge, and would not float away ! Afterwards, when the Chin empire was overturned, the poor woman Too, who had discovered the body, was executed, and the body buried. So much for the curious mixture of superstition and bravery ; seen not in China alone, and seen even more recently than fifteen centuries ago.
Jwun had, in 356, sent an army of 80,000 men against the Huns, on the north of his kingdom, which defeated their army, slew over a hundred thousand men, took over a million of horses, over ten million of sheep and oxen, and 35,000 Hunnish families, who, with their Shanyii chief, gave in their allegiance. These were all sent to Bohai in Shantung, where land was given them. It may not be out of place here to draw attention to the constant influx of strange blood into China. The Miao and Man, the inhabitants of China preceding the Chinese, could not fail to mix
MIXED BLOOD. 91
largely with their conquerors ; and in the present history we have noted large immigrations, or bands of captives, from Tibet on the west, the Huns on the north, and Hienbi on the north- east. All these amalgamated with the Chinese, whose blood, as a people, cannot by any means be considered pure. Are the physical and mental differences between the short, small, 'cute south Chinaman, and the tall, stout, solid, and slow inhabitants of northern China, to be ascribed to these admixtures of blood, which have been going on in all ages ?
The Tsin emperor was seriously alarmed at the rapidity and greatness of the Yen conquests. He issued a proclamation, calling upon his people to rise en masse and hurl back the northern barbarian. Yen, meantime, with a force of 50,000 men drove back the governor of Taishan, who had advanced with 20,000 men ; and elsewhere city after city fell before Yen troops, which added district after district to their southern frontier. But Jwun was still disquieted for the future, as the conquest was not yet rounded off completely, nor were the conquered districts firmly welded together. Go tried to pacify him, by showing him the support which his son and heir would have after he was gone. This seemed to raise his spirits, as if he had been formerly suspicious of the designs of Go ; for he said, •'' If my brother's mind be so, why should I grieve ? " Chooi the Woo Wang was then recalled from Liaotung, where he was governor for Yen.
In February, 360, while in the midst of preparations for a large expedition, Jwun fell ill, and died on the following day. His son Wei, only eleven years of age, was made emperor ; Go was nominated prime minister ; and among others, Gun received high honours and place. But he was discontented, and advised Go to assume the imperial rank, which step, he assured him, would delight all the people. His expressed reason was perhaps not far wrong ; but Go severely condemned the suggestion, and the spirit which gave it birth. He also declared that it would save much future trouble if the discontented, intriguing Gun were executed, as he deserved to be. Gun, to be revenged, then
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tried to poison the boy emperor's mind against Go, accusing him of plotting for the empire. The young "emperor" refused to believe, but urged the two chief ministers, left by his father, to peace and friendship.
When Go discovered Gun's double dealing he was very angry ; and especially so when Gun recommended the Court to retire to Loongchung, for there he could be master, as Go must necessarily remain in the south with the main army, which was then stationed at the modern Kweite foo in the north of Honan, where it had to watch Tsin on its south and Chin on its west. Go therefore set forth, in a formal memorial, the crimes of Gun, and prayed for the execution of him and his clique to prevent the evils which Ms agitations must inevitably produce. It was certainly no time then for disunion ; for the Tsin emperor, rejoicing that Jwun was gone, was determined to raise his people en masse against Yen. But the Tsin General Wun, who seems to have been a better politician, as well as an abler general, than his lord, said that if Jwun was dead, Go was living ; and the living brother would be AS formidable an enemy as the dead one had been.
The internal dissention at Court soon became known to the Yen people,