^
m
itai^t
Digitized by the Internet Archive
in 2011 with funding from
University of Toronto
http://www.archive.org/details/historyofpopesf06past
/<Xt/. ^td^^^UA^ >:j^ oievx C. f.
— ' LIBRARY ST. MICHAELS COLLEGER
HISTORY OF THE POPES.
VOL VI.
PASTOR'S HISTORY OF THE POPES.
TEN VOLUMES OF THE ENGLISH EDITION NOW COMPLETED.
THE HISTORY OF THE POPES. Translated from the German of Dr. Ludwig Pastor, and edited by the Rev. Frederick Ignatius Antrobus of the London Oratory.
|
Vols. |
I. and II. |
A.D. |
I305-I458. |
Demy Svo. |
1899 |
|
Vols. |
III. and IV. |
A.I). |
I458-I483. |
) ) |
1894. |
|
Vols. |
V. and VI. |
A.D. |
I484-I513. |
1) |
1898. |
|
Vols. |
VII. and VIII. |
A.D. |
I514-I52I. |
j» |
|
|
Vols. |
IX. and X. |
A.D. |
I522-1534. |
» |
|
|
24s. |
net per 2 vols. |
- LONDON : KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER, & CO., LIMITED.
THE
HISTORY OF THE POPES,
FROM THE CLOSE OF THE MIDDLE AGES.
DRAWN FROM THE SECRET ARCHIVES OF THE VATICAN AND OTHER
ORIGINAL SOURCES.
FROM THE GERMAN OF
De. ludwig pastor,
PROFESSOR OF HISTORY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF INNSBRUCK- EDITED BY
FREDERICK IGNATIUS ANTROBUS
OF THE ORATORY.
VOLUME VI. THIRD EDITION
LONDON:
KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER, & CO., Ld. PATERNOSTER HOUSE, CHARING CROSS ROAD.
I 9 I I.
HE INSTITUTE CF KEDIAEYAL STUDIES
10 EL^PSLEY PLACE TCaONTO o, CAi'iADAt
M -''?
3763
CONTENTS OF VOL. VI.
Table of Contents ..... List of Unpublished Documents in Appendix
PAGE
vii-xxvi xxvii-xxx
BOOK I. Alexander VL, 1492-1503.
Savonarola and Alexander VI. . Alexander VI. and Louis XII. .
Louis XII. in Milan
Alexander VI. and the War against the Turks The States of the Church and the Borgia . Alexander VI.'s action in the Church . Alexander VI. as a Patron of Art
3-54
55-69 70-84
85-102
103-141
142-164
165-181
BOOK II. Pius III., 1503. Julius II., 1503-15 13.
The Conclaves of September and November, 1503
Disputes with Venice
Subjugation of Perugia and Bologna .
The Political Situation between 1507 and 1509
Wars in Italy . .
The Holy League ....
Annihilation of the Power of France in Italy
Julius II. and Art ....
Julius 11. and Michael Angelo .
Raphael and the Vatican Stanze .
Appendix of Unpubhshed Documents
Index of Names ....
185-231 232-258
259-289 290-320
321-365 366-404
405-454
455-502
503-539 540-607
611-659
661-670
TABLE OF CONTENTS OF VOLUME VI.
BOOK I.
CHAPTER I.
SAVONAROLA AND ALEXANDER VI. A.D.
1495 The hope of reform centred in Savonarola The moral revolution in Florence
His sermons become more political .
His numerous enemies in Florence .
His passionate advocacy of the French alliance .
And denunciation of the Medici and their adherents
The Pope summons Savonarola to Rome .
He excuses himself from coming on the ground of
expediency ......
The Pope forbids Savonarola to preach
And orders the Convent of S. Marco to be reunited to
the Lombard Congregation Savonarola acknowledges the duty of submission But defends himself, especially as to the reunion with
the Lombard Friars . The Pope yields this point, but forbids Savonarola to
preach .......
Piero de' Medici attempts to return to Florence Savonarola's sermons against him, before the arrival
of the Pope's Brief ..... His negotiations with the Duke of Ferrara The Signoria fail to obtain permission from the Pope
for Savonarola's preaching
1496 Savonarola resumes his sermons by their command His first Lenten sermon, in defence of his conduct His following sermons, against the vices of Rome Moderation and patience of Alexander VI.
PAGE
3 3 4
4 4
5 5
6 6
6 6
9 9
10 1 1
[2 12
13
Vlll
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
1497
A.D.
1496 The violence and terrorism exercised by Savonarola . The Pope proposes a new Dominican Congregation
under Cardinal Caraffa .... Unconditional refusal of Savonarola . The Pope endeavours to detach Florence from the
French alliance. .....
Savonarola's Lenten sermons in 1497 His friends alienated by their violence Disturbances in Florence .....
Savonarola's letter to the Pope ....
Excommunication of Savonarola by the Pope . Efforts of the Florentine Ambassador to obtain the
withdrawal of the Brief .... Savonarola's letter of defiance .... The Pope determines to persevere in the excommuni
cation .......
Disobedience of Savonarola, who celebrates Mass on
Christmas Day .....
And determines to resume his sermons Which the Vicar of the Archbishop tries in vain to
prevent .......
1498 Savonarola preaches in defence of his disobedience His attacks upon the Roman clergy , The Pope's Brief to the Florentines . He threatens them with an Interdict, if disobedient But promises to absolve Savonarola if he will obey The Signoria defend Savonarola The Pope insists that he shall be shut up or sent to
Rome .......
Letter of the Florentine Ambassador to his Govern
ment .......
The Pope embittered by the conduct of the Signoria Who finally forbid Savonarola to preach . The Pope insists on the vindication of his authority Savonarola appeals to the Christian Powers to con
voke a Council ......
His friendship and intrigues with Charles VHI. The knowledge of which exasperates the Pope . Savonarola begins to lose his influence in Florence General disbelief in his prophecies . His enemies in the Council insist on obedience to the
Pope .......
Savonarola challenges the ordeal by fire . The challenge taken up by Francesco of Apulia Savonarola refuses to take up the challenge in person Fra Domenico accepts it for him
PAGE 14
15
16
17 17
18 18
19
21 22
23
23 24
25
25 27
29
30 30 31
32
32
33 34 34
35 36 37 38 39
39 41 41
42 42
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
IX
A.D.
1498 Conditions imposed by the Signoria .
Disapproval of the Pope ..... Failure of the ordeal by fire .... Anger of the populace ..... Who lose faith in Savonarola .... Disturbances in Florence. Murder of Francesco
Valori .......
The Convent of S. Marco stormed. Savonarola im
prisoned .......
Savonarola to be tried in Florence
Savonarola deserted by his disciples .
He is condemned to death with Fra Domenico and
Fra Silvestro ......
His degradation and execution
His political fanaticism and insubordination to the
Holy See .......
His sincere belief in his own mission
PAGE
43
43
44
45 46
47
47 48
49
50 50
51 53
CHAPTER n.
ALEXANDER VI. AND LOUIS XII.
1498 Death of Charles VHI 55
Louis Xn. claims the Dukedom of Milan . . • 55
Alexander VI. sends Envoys to France ... 56 Dissolution of the marriage between Louis XH. and
Jeanne of Valois . . . . . -57
Marriage of Louis XII. with Anne of Brittany . . 57
Caesar Borgia desires to return to a secular Hfe . . 57
Projects of marriage for Caesar and Lucrezia Borgia . 58
Marriage of Lucrezia Borgia with Alfonso of Bisceglia 58 Proposed marriage of Caesar Borgia with Carlotta of
Aragon rejec ted by the King of Naples . . 58
League of the Orsini and Colonna against the Pope . 59
Caesar Borgia resigns the Cardinalate ... 60
He sets out for France ...... 60
He is created Duke of Valentinois . . . .61
His reception in France . . . . . .61
Breach between the Pope and the Sforza ... 62 Remonstrances of the Portuguese Envoys with the
Pope ........ 63
Reproaches of Ascanio Sforza . . . . . 63
Arrival of the Spanish Envoys in Rome ... 64
They threaten the Pope with a Council ... 64
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D.
1498 Alarm of Alexander VI
1499 Failure of the projected marriage of Caesar Borgia Treaty between Louis XII. and Venice for the par
tition of Milan ......
Louis XII. offers the hand of Charlotte d'Albret to
Caesar Borgia
Critical position of Alexander VI.
He makes concessions to Spain
Marriage of Caesar Borgia with Charlotte d'Albr^ t
Cardinal Ascanio Sforza leaves Rome
Lucrezia and Jofr^ Borgia leave Rome for Spoleto
PAGE
65 66
66
67 67 67 68 68 69
CHAPTER IIL
LOUIS XII. IN MILAN.
Invasion of Milan by the French . . . Flight of Lodovico Moro ..... Delight of the Pope at the success of the French Renewed threats of a Council by the Portuguese The Pope and Louis XII. plan the conquest of the
Romagna by Caesar ..... The fall of Imola and Forh .... Caesar suspected of poisoning his nephew, Cardinal
Juan Borgia ......
1 500 Lodovico Moro recovers Milan Triumphal reception of Caesar Borgia in Rome . French victory at Novara, Lodovico taken prisoner Cardinal Ascanio Sforza imprisoned in France . Rejoicings in Rome ..... Insecurity of life and property in the City . Alfonso of Bisceglia attacked and wounded He attacks Caesar Borgia, and is murdered by his
orders .......
Narrow escape of the Pope from death
Caesar resumes his plans against the Romagna .
1 501 His first successes. The siege of Faenza . Caesar is created Duke of Romagna . Terms of peace made with Florence . Treaty between the Pope, France, and Spain for the
partition of Naples ... The French invade Naples ; flight of King Frederick France and Spain divide Naples
70 70 71 71
72 72
73 73 74 74 75 75
75 76
77 78 80 81 82 82
83 «4
84
TABLE OF CONTENTS. xi
CHAPTER IV.
ALEXANDER VI. AND THE WAR AGAINST THE TURKS. A.D. PAGE
1498 The Pope's nepotism hinders efforts against the Turks 85 But he endeavours to organise a Crusade ... 85 Attacks of the Sultan on Christian countries . . 86 Hostilities between the Turks and Venice . . 87 Successes of the Turks — fall of Lepanto ... 87
1499 The Pope endeavours to form a League against the
Turks 88
Indifference of the Christian Powers to the fate of
Venice ........ 89
1500 Issue of a Crusade Bull by the Pope ... 90 Papal Brief to the King of France .... 90 The Cardinals taxed for the war. List of contribu- tions . . . . . . .91
Sincerity of the Pope's support of Venice ... 93
Successes of the Turks against Venice — fall of Modon 93
Efforts of Alexander against the Turks ... 94
Indifference of the Christian Princes • • • 95
Peraudi undertakes the mission to Germany . . 95
Maximilian refuses him entrance to the empire . . 96
1 501 Peraudi comes to an agreement with the Diet at
Nuremberg ....... 96
1502 And preaches the Crusade throughout Germany . 97 The King of England refuses material help . . 97 Invitation of the French clergy .... 98 Objections to the Crusade in Hungary ... 98
1500 Thomas Bakocs, the Primate, concludes an agree-
ment ........ 98
1 501 Conclusion of the League between Hungary, Venice,
and the Pope ....... 99
Alternative successes and failures of the fleet . . 99
Conquest of S^ Maura by Bishop Giacopo da Pesaro 100
1503 Peace concluded between Venice, Hungary, and the
Turks ........ loi
Pecuniary assistance given by the Pope to Hungary . loi
CHAPTER V.
THE STATES OF THE CHURCH AND THE BORGIA.
1 501 Alexander VI. and the Colonna .... 103 Confiscation of the possessions of the Colonna and
Savelli ........ 104
xii TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1 501 Their distribution among the Borgia . . 104 Legitimation of Juan Borgia ..... 105 Marriage of Lucrezia Borgia and Alfonso d'Este . 107 Her popularity as Duchess of Ferrara . . .110 Character of Lucrezia Borgia — her charity . .111 Position of Caesar Borgia in Rome . . . .112 Pamphlet against the Borgia . . . . - ^^3 Indifference of the Pope to such attacks . • 1^5 Development of epigrammatic satire in Rome . • 1^5 The erection of the statue of Pasquino . . .116
1504 Which becomes the centre of witty epigrams . • n? 1509 Loss of the caricatures attached to comic poems . 118
1502 Alexander VL and Caesar Borgia visit Piombini Plans of Caesar Borgia against Tuscany . .119 He takes possession of the Duchy of Urbino and
Camerino . . . . . . . .120
Camerino given to the infant Juan Borgia . .121
Interference of Louis XII. with Caesar's plans . .121
Caesar comes to terms with the King of France . • . 121
Conspiracy of the mercenary troops against Caesar . 122
Who receives help from France . . . .122
And breaks up the conspiracy . . . . .123
Caesar takes Sinigaglia. Flight of Andrea Doria . 123
Murder of the chief conspirators at Sinigaglia by
Caesar . . . . . . . .124
1503 Further successes of Caesar Borgia . . . .124 The Pope proceeds against the Orsini . . -125 Confiscation of the palace and property of Cardinal
Orsini . . . . . . . 125
Jofre Borgia attacks the Orsini strongholds 125
The Orsini attack Ponte Nomentano. Alarm of the
Pope .......
Death of Cardinal Orsini — suspicion of poison Caesar Borgia advances against the Orsini . Reverses of the French in Naples The Pope raises money by the sale of new offices Death of Cardinal Michiel, probably by poison Simoniacal creation of new Cardinals The Borgia policy inclines towards Spain . Negotiations between the Pope and the Emperor Occupation of Perugia by the troops of Cassar Borgia Sickness in Rome— depression of the Pope Illness of the Pope and of Caesar Borgia .
Death of Alexander VI
The suspicion of poison ungrounded Funeral of Alexander VI.
25 26
26
27 27
28
28
29
30 30 31 32 3A 35 37
TABLE OF CONTENTS. Xlll
A.D. PAGE
1503 Severe judgment of his contemporaries . . .138
Partly modified by modern research . , .138
WorldHness of Alexander VI. . . . . • 139
Its disastrous effect upon the Papacy . . • 139
But the purity of the Church's doctrine maintained . 140
Distinction between the Pope and the man . .141
CHAPTER VI.
ALEXANDER VI. 'S ACTION IN THE CHURCH.
Alexander VI. supports the religious Orders . .142
Especially the Dominicans and the Hermits of S.
Augustine ....... 143
He defends the liberties of the Church in the Nether- lands ........ 144
He promotes devotion to the Blessed Virgin , .145 1500 And restores the ringing of the Angelus . . .145
1499 Preparations for the Jubilee of 1500 . . . .147
1500 The opening of the Jubilee by Alexander VI. . . 148 Crowded Pilgrimages to Rome for the Jubilee . .149 Distinguished Pilgrims in Rome . . . .150 The receipts from the Jubilee given to Caesar Borgia 152 Serious inundation in Rome . . . . .152 The Jubilee extended to the whole of Christendom . 153 Disposal of the Jubilee alms . . . . -153 Resistance to the Jubilee Indulgences in Switzerland
and Germany . . . . . . -154
Cardinal Peraudi's efforts for reform in Germany . 154
1 501 Alexander VI. and the Censorship of Books . .154 1500 His repression of heresy in Lombardy and Bohemia . 156
His tolerance of the Jews due to political motives . 157 1493 Proceedings against the Maranas (crypto-Jews) . . 157
1492 Propagation of the Faith in Greenland . . .158 The discovery of the New World . . . -159 Arbitration of Alexander VI. between Spain and
Portugal . . . . . . . .160
1493 Definition of the boundaries between them . .161 Evangelisation of the New World . . . .163
CHAPTER VII.
ALEXANDER VI. AS A PATRON OF ART.
Improvements in the Leonine City . . .165
1499 Making of the Borgo Nuovo for the Jubilee of 1500 . 166
xiv TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1499 Alterations in the Castle of St. Angelo . . .168
Discoveries made during the alterations . . .169
Other improvements in the Trastevere . . .170
Works at the Vatican. The Appartamento Borgia . 171
The decoration of the Appartamento . . .172
Restorations in Roman Churches . . . i77
Building by Alexander VI. outside Rome . . .178
Patronage of Art by the Cardinals . . . -179
1499 Bramante's work in Rome . . . . .180
Churches erected in the reign of Alexander VI. 180
BOOK II.
Pius III. — 1503. Julius 11.-1503-1513.
CHAPTER I.
THE CONCLAVES OF SEPTEMBER AND NOVEMBER, 1503.
1503 Danger of the situation in Italy
Predominant influence of Caesar Borgia .
He swears obedience to the Sacred College
And consents to withdraw from Rome
He places himself under the protection of the French
The obsequies of Alexander VI.
Efforts of Cardinal d'Amboise to obtain the Tiara
Opposition of the Spanish Cardinals .
Arrival of Giuliano della Rovere in Rome
Divisions among the Italian Cardinals
Beginning of the Conclave ....
A new Election Capitulation drawn up
Position of Cardinal d'Amboise
The balance of parties among the Cardinals
Selection of Carduial Piccolomini as Pope
Who takes the name of Pius III.
Character of Pius III
His piety and regular life .....
Peter Delphinus on Pius III. .
Zeal of Pius HI. for the reform of the Church .
His peace-loving disposition
The Pope allows Caesar Borgia to return to Rome
Coronation of Pius III. .....
Caesar Borgia's army to be disbanded
185 186
187 188 188 189 191 191 192 192
193 194
195 196
197
198
198
199
200 201 202 203 203 204
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XV
A.D. 1503
A\
1508
Reconciliation between the Orsini and the Colonna Perilous position of Caesar Borgia
Illness of the Pope
Death of Pius III
Giuliano della Rovere comes to terms with the Spanish
Cardinals .......
Prospects of the Election . . . . •
Election of Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere
Who takes the name of Julius II. .
Terms of the Election Capitulation .
Appearance and character of Julius II.
His courage and strength of will
He devotes himself to the restoration of the States of
the Church ......
His freedom from nepotism ....
Contrast between Julius II. and Alexander VI. . Julius II. and his relations . . Cardinal Galeotto della Rovere Creation of Cardinals by Julius II. . Death of Cardinal Galeotto della Rovere . Economy of Julius II. .... .
His ways of raising money
And financial abihty .....
Order maintained in Rome by the Swiss Guards Reorganisation of the coinage ....
Storage of provisions in Rome ....
Improvement of agriculture in the Campagna . System of administration of the States of the Church Government of the Papal States by Julius II. . Justice and popularity of the Pope . , ,
PAGE
204 205 205 206
208 209 210 210 211 212
215
216 217 218 218 219 220 222 223 224 225 226 226 227 228 228 229 230
CHAPTER II.
DISPUTES WITH VENICE.
1503 Difficulty of the Pope's position
Anarchy in the States of the Church .
Encroachments of Venice in the Romagna
Legations given to Cardinal d'Amboise
Juhus II. and Caesar Borgia
The Pope remonstrates with Venice .
And resolves to recover the Romagna
Discouragement of Caesar Borgia
Facnza and Rimini fall into the hands of Venice
VOL. VI.
232 232
233 234
235 236
237 238 239
XVI
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1503 Csesar Borgia refuses to deliver up the forts of the
Roniagna . . . . . • • -239
Arrest of Caesar Borgia 239
His imprisonment and the confiscation of his property 240
1504 Agreement between the Pope and Caesar Borgia . 241 Who remains under surveillance at Ostia . . .242 Caesar goes to Naples, where he is again arrested by
Spain 243
Forli given up to the Pope 244
Caesar Borgia imprisoned in Spain .... 245
1506 His escape from Spain, and death in battle in Navarre 245
His heritage in the Romagna falls to the Church . 246
Relations of Venice and Julius II. .... 247
1503 The Pope insists on the restoration of the Romagna . 248 His relations with the Venetian Ambassador . . 249 Remonstrances of Julius II. . . . . .251
His resolution to recover the Romagna . . .252
1504 Brief of Julius II. to the Doge 253
Venice refuses to give way . . . . .254 The Pope seeks help against Venice . . . -255 His negotiations with Maximilian and Louis XII. . 255 Unfriendliness of Ferdinand towards the Holy See . 256 Conclusion of the agreement of Blois against Venice . 257
1505 Venice begins to give way . . . . .257 Failure of the agreement of Blois . . . -257 The Pope receives the Venetian profession of obedience 258
CHAPTER III.
SUBJUGATION OF PERUGIA AND BOLOGNA.
1505 The Pope makes family alliances with the Roman
Barons .......
1506 Marriage of Felice with Giovanni Giordano Orsini And of Marcantonio Colonna with a niece of the Pope Rule of the tyrants in Bologna and Perugia The Pope determines to recover them And to head the expedition himself . Opposition of Venice to the undertaking . Alliances concluded with other Italian States Uncertain attitude of France and Venice . Unsatisfactory conduct of Cardinal d'Amboise Ecclesiastical disputes with France . Negotiations concerning Perugia and Bologna The Pope sets out for Bologna
259 260
260
261
261
262
262
263
263
263
264
265
265
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XVil
A.D.
1506 His reception at Viterbo . • Entry of the Pope into Orvieto Submission of Giampaolo Baglione . Entry of Julius II. into Perugia He plans a Crusade against the Turks Restoration of the liberties of Perugia Reception of the Pope at Urbino Mission of Antonio da Monte San Savino Bentivoglio appeals to a General Council The Pope endeavours to conciliate Venice Arrival of the Envoys from Bologna Death of Philip of Castile Bologna placed under an Interdict . The Pope marches upon Bologna Flight of Bentivoglio from Bologna . Submission of Bologna to the Pope . His triumphal entry into the city Reorganisation of the Government of Bologna Conditions of the assistance of France Creation of three French Cardinals . Dissensions between Louis XII. and the Pope
1507 The Pope leaves Bologna His triumphal entry into Rome The address of Cardinal Riario .
PAGE
267 268 269 270 271
273
273 274
274
275
275 276
277 277
279
280
281 283 284 284 285 286 287 288
CHAPTER IV.
THE POLITICAL SITUATION BETWEEN 1507 AND 1509.
Enhanced prestige of the Papacy
Threatening attitude of France and Spain
Reconciliation between Ferdinand and Louis XII.
Large number of Cardinals at the French Court
Mission of Cardinal Pallavicino to the French camp
Louis XII. refuses to give up the Bnetivogli
The reform of the Church discussed by Ferdinand
and Louis XII. .....
The Pope dissuades Maximilian from coming to
Rome .......
Cardinal Carvajal sent as Legate to Germany . 1508 Proposals for a League against Venice
Maximilian assumes the name of " Emperor-elect of
Rome"
Brief of Julius n. to Maximilian Defeat of Maximilian by the Venetians
290 291 291 292 292
293 294
295
295 296
296 297 298
xviii TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1508 Conclusion of the League of Cambrai . . . 299 Imprudence of Venice in dealing with JuUus II. . 300 Encroachments on the Pope's supremacy . . .301 Disputes about the appointments to Bishoprics . 301
Insolence of Jacopo Dandolo ..... 302
1507 Difficulties in Bologna — recall of the Papal Legate . 303 Intrigues of the Bentivogli ..... 304 Cardinal Alidosi sent as Legate to Bologna . . 305
1508 Venice persists in her unreasonable demands . . 306 Insolence of the Venetian Envoy to the Pope . . 308
1509 Julius II. joins the League of Cambrai . . 310 The Venetians intrigue with the Orsini and Colonna . 311 Bull of Excommunication pronounced against Venice 311 The Venetians appeal to a General Council . .312 Ferrara and Mantua join the League of Cambrai . 312 Defeat of the Venetians at Agnadello . . .313 Machiavelli on the character of the Venetians. . 314 The Venetians surrender the Romagna . . • 3^5 And send Envoys to Rome to sue for peace . .316 Crushing conditions proposed by the Pope . -317 Successes of the Venetians in the war . . -317 Negotiations with the Pope broken off . . .318 Julius II. fears the increase of the power of France in
Italy 318
15 10 And concludes peace with Venice . . . .319 Absolution of the representatives of Venice at Rome . 319
CHAPTER V.
WARS IN ITALY.
The Pope determines to deliver Italy from the French 321 Vacillation of Louis XII. ..... 322
Death of Cardinal d'Amboise .....
Failure of the Pope's negotiations with Germany and
England ......
He concludes an alliance with the Swiss . Through the assistance of Cardinal Schinner Imprisonment of Cardinal Clermont Ecclesiastical disputes and rupture with Louis XIL The Pope's plan of campaign against Ferrara . Disobedience of the Duke of Ferrara Who is excommunicated by the Pope Louis XII. summons a Synod to assert the Gallican
liberties ....... •229
323
323
324
325 326
327
327 328
328
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
Xlx
A.D. 1510
1511
1510
1511
Subservience of the Synod to the French King . Irresolution and procrastination of Louis XII. . Decision and energy of Julius 11. . He sets out for Ferrara ..... Difficulties of the journey ....
The. Marquess of Mantua, Standard-bearer of the
Church .......
Schism in the Sacred College ....
Oppression of the Bolognese by Cardinal Alidosi
Who succeeds in deceiving the Pope
The French army before Bologna
Illness of the Pope ......
He gives his blessing to the Bolognese Arrival of the Venetian and Spanish troops Retreat of the French army ....
Conquest of Concordia .....
Recovery of the Pope .....
Who joins the army before Mirandola Capitulation of Mirandola ....
The Pope endeavours in vain to come to terms with
the Duke of Ferrara ..... He goes to Bologna and Ravenna . Arrival of Matthaeus Lang as Envoy of the Emperor His reception by the Pope at Bologna Failure of the negotiations .... Trivulzio succeeds Chaumont as Commander of the
French army . .....
Bologna taken by the French and given up to the
Bentivogli ......
Murder of Cardinal Alidosi by the Duke of Urbino
Cardinal Isvalies Legate of Bologna .
The Council of Pisa called by the Emperor and the
King of France .....
Julius II. summoned to take part in it Proposed objects of the Council Which is supported by the Emperor and the King of
France .......
Anti-Roman spirit in Germany ....
Anti-Papal proposals of the Emperor
Who desires a Permanent Legate for Germany .
He endeavours in vain to force the Pope to join the
League of Cambrai ..... And in revenge joins in the plans of Louis XII. A French play directed against the Pope . Jean Lemaire's pamphlet in favour of GaUicanism Answer of Julius IL to the citation to the Council
PAGE
33^ 331 332 333
334 335 335 336 336 336 337 338 338 339 340
341 343
343
344 344
345 346
347
349 350
351
352 352 353
354 354 356 357
357
357
357
359 361
XX
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D.
1511 Return of Julius II. to Rome . . .
He appeals to the King of Spain for assistance Louis XII. makes overtures of peace Disunion among the schismatical Cardinals Julius II. summons an (Ecumenical Council And condemns the Council of Pisa .
FAGE
362
363 363 363 364 365
CHAPTER VL
1512
THE HOLY LEAGUE.
Julius II. forms an alliance with Spain . . . 367 Failure of the negotiations with Louis XII. . . 367 Formation of the Holy League against France . . 368 Dangerous illness of the Pope . . . . . 368 His recovery despaired of .... . 369
Ambitious schemes of Pompeo Colonna . . . 371 Sudden recovery of the Pope . . . . -37^ Who resumes the negotiations for the League . .372 Conclusion and promulgation of the League . . 373 Excommunication and deposition of the schismatical
Cardinals. ....... 374
Unfavourable change in the Emperor towards the
Council . . . . . . . -375
His supposed desire to become Pope . . .376 His letters on the subject to his daughter . . .377 And to Paul von Lichtenstein . . . . .380
Negotiations between the Pope and the Emperor . 383 Hostility of the German Episcopate to the Council . 384 Louis Xli.'s policy disapproved by the French clergy
and people ....... 384
Loyalty of the Italian clergy to the Pope . . -385 Writings of Cajetanus against the Conciliar theory . 385 Which is advocated by Zaccaria Ferreri and Decius . 386 Character of Cardinal Carvajal . . . -387
The Pope lays an Interdict upon Florence . . 388 Arrival of the schismatical Cardinals at Pisa . . 389 Opening of the Council of Pisa .... 390
Conflict between the Florentines and the Pisans . 392 The Council transferred to Milan .... 392
Where it is treated with contempt and disrespect . 393 Efforts of the Pope to equip a sufficient army . . 395 Failure of the Swiss attack upon Milan . . . 395
Cardinal Schinner appointed Legate to Lombardy
and Germany ....... 395
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XXI
A.D.
1512
Deprivation of Cardinal Sanseverino
Bologna and Brescia invested by the armies of the
League ......
Fall of Brescia to the Venetians
Gaston de Foix raises the siege of Bologna
And recovers Brescia for the French
Troubles in Rome, and withdrawal of the Pope to St
Angelo .... The battle of Ravenna Victory of the French Death of Gaston de Foix Terror in Rome
Courage and resolution of the Pope The Duke of Urbino offers assistance to the Pope The Pope begins negotiations with France He wins the Colonna and overawes the Orsini .
PAGE
396
397 397 397 397
398
399 400
401 401 402 403 403 404
CHAPTER VII.
ANNIHILATION OF THE POWER OF FRANCE IN ITALY.
Arrogance of the schismatic Council at Milan . Submission of the Milanese to Cardinal Medici Preparation for the Lateran Counci' . Opening of the Council in the Lateran Basilica Sermon of Aegidius of Viterbo, General of the
Augustinians ......
The Pope's address to the Council .
First sitting of the Council ....
The Council of Pisa pronounced null and void . Sermon of Cajetanus, General of the Dominicans The King of England joins the League against France The Emperor concludes an armistice with Venice Arrival of the Swiss in Italy ....
Evacuation of the Romagna by the French
Capitulation of Pavia to the Swiss
Flight of the schismatics from Milan. End of the
Council .......
Recovery of Bologna by the Pope
The French driven out of Italy
Rejoicings in Rome. The Pope at S. Pietro in Yin
coli ........
Rewards bestowed upon the Swiss by Julius H.
405
405 406
406
407 408 409 410 410 412
413 413 414
414
415
415 416
417
418
xxii TABLE OF CONTENTS.
PAGE 419
420 420 420 421
A.I>.
1512 The Duke of Ferrara in Rome .... He refuses the Pope's conditions of peace A Congress of the League held in Mantua Restoration of the rule of the Medici in Florence The Duchy of Milan given to Massimiliano Sforza Parma, Piacenza, and Reggio included in the Papal
States 421
Dissatisfaction of the Emperor and the King of Spain 422 Efforts of the Pope to win Maximilian. Matthaeus
Lang in Rome 423
Magnificence of his reception ..... 424 Failure of the Emperor's negotiations with Venice . 425 An alliance formed between the Pope and the Emperor 425
Matthseus Lang created a Cardinal 15 13 The Venetians ally themselves with France
15 1 2 Announcement of the alliance with the Emperor at
the Lateran Council The Pragmatic Sanction in France condemned by
the Lateran Council ..... Address of the Apostolic Notary, Cristoforo Mar
cello .......
Preponderance of Spain in Italy. Anxiety of the
Pope
Failure of the Pope's health .... Last illness of Julius II. .
1513 His last address to the Cardinals
Death of Julius II
Sorrow in Rome. Popularity of Julius II. His character — injustice of Guicciardini . His faithfulness to his ecclesiastical obligations .
1505 His Bull against simony in Papal elections
151 1 His zeal for the missions in America and the East
His repression of heresy .....
He opposes the severity of the Spanish Inquisition
And resists State encroachments upon the rights of the Church ......
Julius II. and the religious Orders. His reforms
His ecclesiastical acts and reforms .
His foundation of the Capella Giulia at S. Peter's
His ecclesiastical concessions for political reasons
Reform of the Roman Court, the object of the Lateran Council
Justification of the wars of Julius II.
Necessity of the temporal power
Julius IL, the Liberator of Itaiy
His title of " Saviour of the Church " well deserved
425 426
428
428
429
430 431 432 435 436 437 438
439 440
441
442
443
443
444 446
447 447
449 450 451 453 454
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
XXlll
CHAPTER VIII.
A.D. 1503
1505
1505 1506
1507
1508
1510
I513
1506 1507
1505
JULIUS II. AND ART.
Julius II. the Maecenas of the Arts .
He continues the work of Nicholas V. and Sixtus IV
Difference between the spirit of Nicholas V. and
Julius II
Julius II. *s appreciation of men of genius .
The home of Art transferred from Florence to Rome
Architecture under Julius II. Giuliano da Sangallo
Michael Angelo and Sansovino in Rome .
Julius II. and Donato Bramante
To whom is entrusted the rebuilding of S. Peter's and
the Vatican ..... Development of the idea of the rebuilding of S
Peter's
Grandeur of Bramante's original design
The loss of the old S. Peter's to be deplored
Opposition to the rebuilding of S. Peter's .
Satirical dialogue of Andrea Guarna .
Dangerous condition of the old S. Peter's .
The Pope provides money for the rebuilding
The laying of the foundation-stone .
Bramante master of the works .
Diligent prosecution of the rebuilding
Disregard shewn to the old S. Peter's and its relics
Destructiveness of Bramante towards ancient build
ings
His proposal to move the tomb of the Apostles
JuHus II. refuses his consent .
Zeal of Julius II. for the interests of religion
Progress of the works ....
Collection of funds throughout Christendom
State of the works at the death of Julius II.
Designs of Bramante for the Vatican
Later alterations by Sixtus V. .
Extension and decoration of the Belvedere
Beginning of the Vatican sculptures .
Discovery of the Laocoon
Arrangement of the statues in the Belvedere
Demand for antiquities in Rome
Michael Angelo and Sansovino in the service of
Julius 11. . Improvements in Rome under Julius II. . Formation of the Via Giulia . .
PAGE
455 456
457
458
459
459 46c
461 461
464
465
468 469 469
471 472
473 474 475
477
478
479
480
480 481 482
483 484
485
485 486
488
490
491
492
493 494
XXIV
TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
1505 Julius II. and the Churches of Rome . . . 49^
He strengthens the fortresses of the Papal States . 497
His Church-building at Perugia, Orvieto, and Bologna 498
Bramante's work at the Holy House at Loreto . . 498
Decoration of the Cathedral at Savona . . . 499
Strengthening of the Castle of St. Angelo . . . 500
Sanitary improvements in Rome .... 5°°
Francesco Albertini's guide to Rome . • . 5°^
CHAPTER IX.
JULIUS II. AND MICHAEL ANGELO.
1505 Michael Angelo invited to Rome by Julius II. Who gives him a commission for his own tomb
1506 Julius II. gives up the idea of the tomb . And refuses to see Michael Angelo . Who leaves Rome and refuses to return . Sangallo endeavours to make peace . Soderini remonstrates with Michael Angelo in vain Michael Angelo's reconciliation with the Pope . Julius commissions him to make a statue of himself
1508 Completion and erection of the statue at Bologna It is destroyed by the party of the Bentivogli Michael Angelo commissioned to paint the roof of the Sistine Chapel . . . ...
Agreement between him and Julius II. Relations between the Pope and Michael Angelo Impatience of Julius 11. . Difficulties and delays in payment
1 5 10 Completion of the ceiling, its difficulty
15 11 Unveiling of the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel .
1 5 1 2 Completion of the whole work .... The Pope celebrates Mass in the Chapel . The architectural painting of the roof The three periods of the frescoes according to the
Plan of Salvation ..... His treatment of the Creation, culminating in Adam The Fall of Man and the Deluge The series of the Prophets and Sybils Series of the Ancestors of Christ And of the Deliverances of Israel The ornamental figures employed in the roof Spiritual conception of the paintings . Michael Angelo again employed on the Pope s tomb
503
504
505 506
506
507
509
510
512 513
513
515 516 517 517
519 520
521
522
522
523
525 526
529 529 530 532 533
TABLE OF CONTENTS. XXV
A.D. PAGE
15 1 2 Design of the tomb of Julius II. . . . -533
15 1 3 Death of Julius II. during the execution of the work . 534 Agreement between Michael Angelo and his executors 535 Curtailment of the design and anger of Michael Angelo 537 Grandeur of the statue of Moses .... 537
CHAPTER X.
RAPHAEL AND THE VATICAN STANZE.
Character and early life of Raphael . 1508 He settles in Rome .....
1507 Julius II. leaves the Appartamento Borgia
1508 Decoration of the Stanze .... Different artists employed at first But are all dismissed in favour of Raphael The Camera della Segnatura The four allegorical figures in the ceiling . The wall frescoes in connection with them The fresco of the "School of Athens " Interpretation of the fresco
No opposition between Theology and Philosophy The " Disputa del Sacramento " — faith as distinct from
reason .......
No idea of controversy in the " Disputa " . The upper part of the fresco, the Heavenly Paradise The Divine Persons and the series of the Elect . Relation between the Heavenly Paradise and the
Church ......
Adoration of the Blessed Sacrament on earth
The Ploly Eucharist, the bond of union between
heaven and earth ..... Interpretation of the picture .... The preliminary studies for the fresco Humanistic conceptions seen in the Parnassus . The Dominican spirit seen in the " Disputa " The Camera della Segnatura intended for the Pope';
library .......
The frescoes not an expression of Humanistic free
thought ......
Contrast of the two frescoes
The Grisailles illustrate the attitude of the Papacy to
the new learning .... The frescoes show the relations between the Church
and culture .....
540 540
541 542
543 544 544 545 547 550 555 559
560 561 564 565
569
570
575 578
579 580
581 58:1
584 586
588 589
xxvi TABLE OF CONTENTS.
A.D. PAGE
151 1 Completion of the Camera della Segnatura . . 59°
The Stanza d'Eliodoro entrusted to Raphael by the
Pope . 591
His easel-paintings, the Madonna of S'^ Maria del
Popolo ........ 591
And the portrait of Julius II. ..... 591
The Madonna di Foligno and del Pesce . . . 592 The Stanza d'Eliodoro. The ceiling decorated by
Peruzzi .'....... 594
The miracle of the Mass of Bolsena .... 594
The Cathedral of Orvieto built to enshrine the relic . 596
Veneration shewn to it by Julius II. ... 596
Raphael's representation of the miracle in the Stanza
d'Eliodoro •597
The picture the key-note of the Stanza d'Eliodoro . 599
Which represents God's care for His Church . . 599
Its reference to the events of the reign of Julius II . 600 The picture of the expulsion of Heliodorus from the
Temple ........ 600
The picture of the meeting of Leo I. with Attila . 603
The picture of S. Peter's deliverance from prison . 604 Its supposed reference to the escape of Cardinal
Medici . 605
But it more probably refers to Julius II. . . . 606 The triumph of the Church, the fundamental idea of
the Vatican pictures ...... 606
LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS IN APPENDIX.
PAGE
I. Cardinal Ascanio Sforza to the Duke of Milan 6ii
II. . . " . » " ^^^
III. Giovanni Lucido Cataneo to the Marquess of
Mantua ...... 612
IV. Extract from the Letter of an Unknown Person 612 V. Giovanni Lucido Cataneo to the Marquess of
Mantua . . . . . .613
VI. Alexander VI. to Cardinal Giuliano della
Rovere ....... 614
VII. Giovanni Lucido Cataneo to the Marquess of
Mantua ...... 614
VIII. Report of the Florentine Chronicler, Bartolomeo Cerretani, on the Anti-Pope Pietro Bernardino, a Disciple of Savonarola .....
Beltrando CostabiU to the Duke of Ferrara Giovanni Lucido Cataneo to the Marquess of Mantua .....
)) )) >>
Ghivizano to the Marquess of Mantua .
>i >» •
'* . . "
Cosimo de' Pazzi, Bishop of Arezzo, to
Pius III
Beltrando Costabili to the Duke of Ferrara
5> J> »>
Ghivizano to the Marquess of Mantua .
Julius II. to Florence ....
to Forh ....
IX.
X.
XL XII.
XIII.
XIV. XV.
XVI.
XVII.
XVIII.
XIX.
XX.
XXI.
XXII.
to Angelo Leonini, Bishop Tivoli, Nuncio at Venice
of
615
617
618 618 619 619 620
620 621 621 622 622 622 622
623
xxviii LIST OF UNPUHLISIIED DOCUMENTS IN APPENDIX.
XXIII. Julius II. to Cardinal Bernardino Carvajal
XXIV. „ to Florence .... XXV. „ to Giovanni di Sirolo, Archbishop
of Ragusa, and to Petrus
Paulus de Callio . „ to Forli .... „ to Philip, Count Palatine on the
Rhine .... „ to Gonsalvo de Cordova „ to Anne, Queen of France . „ to Louis XII., King of France „ to Forli ....
„ to Angelo Leonini, Bishop of
Tivoli, Nuncio at Venice
XXVI. XXVII.
XXVIII.
XXIX.
XXX.
XXXI.
XXXII.
XXXIII.
XXXIV.
XXXV.
XXXVI.
XXXVII. XXXVIII.
&
XXXIX. XL.
XLI.
XLII.
XLIII.
XLIV.
XLV.
XL VI.
XLVII.
XLVIIL
XLIX.
XLIXa.
L.
LI.
LII.
PAGE 623 624
to
to
Ludovico Bruno, Bishop of Acqui, and to Francesco de Monte, Imperial Envoy at Venice .....
Angelo Leonini, Bishop of Tivoli, Nuncio at Venice
to the German Electors
to
of
to
to
of
of
Angelo Leonini, Bishop Tivoli, Nuncio at Venice Cosimo de' Pazzi, Bishop Arezzo Angelo Leonini, Bishop Tivoli, Nuncio at Venice Floramente Brognolo to Isabella, Marchioness of Mantua ......
>> >> >)
Julius II. to the Marquess of Massa
„ to the Augustinian Hermit, Aegidius of Viterbo .... ,, to Queen Anne of France Girolamo Arsago to the Marquess of Mantua Julius II. to Queen Anne of France
„ to Henry VIIL, King of England Girolamo Arsago to the Marquess of Mantua Julius II. to Francesco Gonzaga, Marquess of Mantua .....
624 624
625 626 627 627 627
627 629 630
630
631 631 632
633
633
633
634 634 635
635 636
636 636 636 638
638 639
LIST OF UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS IN APPENDIX, xxix
LIIL
LIV.
LV.
LVI. LVIL
LVIIL
LIX.
LX.
LXL
LXIL
LXIIL
LXIV.
LXV.
LXVI.
LXVII.
LXVIII.
LXIX.
LXX.
LXXL
LXXIL
LXXIIL
LXXIV.
LXXV.
LXXVL
LXXVII.
LXXVIIL LXXIX.
LXXX.
LXXXI.
LXXXII.
LXXXIIL
LXXXIV.
LXXXV.
LXXXVI.
Julius II. to the Marquess of Mantua and Niccolo Buonafede, Bishop of Chiusi .... „ to Cardinal Giov. Antonio di S Giorgio .... to Cesena .... to Ferdinand the Catholic to Leonardo Loredano, Doge of Venice ....
>> ^ )) >>
to Cardinal Alessandro Farnese to Ferdinand the Catholic to Louis XIL, King of France to Cardinal George d'Amboise to Gonsalvo de Cordova to M. de la Tremoille to Pierre le Filleul, Archbishop of Aix ....
to Ascoli ....
to the Legate of the Marches . to the Governor of Spoleto to the Governor of Cesena to P. Ferreri, Governor of Imola to Cardinal Antonio Ferreri . Beltrando Costabili to the Duke of Ferrara ......
Cardinal Scipio Gonzaga to the Marquess of Mantua .....
Beltrando Costabili to the Duke of Ferrara Julius II. to Louis XIL, King of France „ to Maximilian L, German Emperor
Elect ....
Cardinal Sigismondo Gonzaga to the Marquess of Mantua .....
Duke
of
Beltrando Costabili to the
Ferrara .......
Julius 11. to Bologna
„ to Duke Alfonso of Ferrara .
Lodovico de Fabriano to the Marquess of
Mantua ......
>} >> jj
Julius II. to Cardinal Franc. Alidosi ,, to Cardinal Ippolito d'Este
„ to Cardinal Franc. Alidosi and the
Magistrates of Bologna .
PAGE
639
639
640
640
640 641 641 641 642 642 642 642
643
643 643 643 644 644 644
644
645 646 646
647
649 650
650 650
651
651 652
652 653
653
XXX LIST OK UNPUBLISHED DOCUMENTS IN APPENDIX.
PAGE LXXXVII. Julius II. to Francesco Gonzaga, Marquess of
Mantua ....... 654
LXXXVIII. Giuliano de' Medici to Isabella d'Este,
Marchioness of Mantua . . . 654
LXXXIX- Report of Aegidius de Viterbo on Julius II.,
Rramante, and the rebuilding of S. Peter's 655 XC. Emperor Maximilian to Paul von Lichtenstein 656
BOOK I.
ALEXANDER VI. 1492-1503.
VOL. VI. B
CHAPTER I.
Savonarola and Alexander VI.
As it became more and more evident that nothing in the way of reform was to be hoped for from Alexander VI., the eyes of many in Italy began to turn towards the eloquent Dominican, who seemed to concentrate in himself all the elements of resistance to the anti-Christian Renaissance and the secularisation of the Church, personified in the Pope, which the country contained,*
In Florence, corrupted as it had been by the Medici, and made into a nest of "heathen philosophers, voluptuaries, dilettanti, money-lenders and traders, intriguing politicians and sharp-witted critics,"f Savonarola had, at least for the moment, succeeded in bringing about an amazing moral revolution. There seemed reason to hope that the reform of Rome might be achieved by the same hand, especially as in his preaching he dwelt so much on the vocation of Florence as " the heart of Italy " to diffuse the renovating lights throughout the whole world.J In his sermons he incessantly insisted, with ever-growing vehemence, on the absolute necessity of a complete reformation of Rome, the Pope, and the Court. At that time this sort of plain
(Chapter I. of this volume is, in the original edition, Chap. VI. of Book II.— F. I. A.)
* Frantz, Sixtus IV., 56. See Vol. V. of this work, pp. 170, 181. t Gregorovius, VII., 404, ed. 3 (410, ed. 4). X GUICCIARDINI, Stor. Fiorent., 138.
4 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
speaking c^ave little or no offence there. Alexander was extremely indifferent to strictures of that kind ; no doctrine of the Church was assailed, and he had no desire to curtail the orator's liberty of speech. Had Savonarola confined himself to the subjects proper to his vocation as a preacher and a religious, he would probably never have come into serious collision with the Pontiff; but as, on the contrary, his passionate zeal drove him in his discourses to trench more and more on political ground, they soon provided his enemies with a good excuse for calling on the Pope to intervene.*
Savonarola's growing influence threatened to make him the virtual " King of Florence," and his enemies were both nume- rous and powerful. Foremost amongst them was Piero de' Medici with his adherents, and next to them came those who disliked and resented the democratic and theocratic ideals and the stern moral discipline which he wished to introduce into the constitution of the State. This party was known as the Arrabiati, while the followers of the Friar were called Frateschi or Piagnoni (mourners over the corruption of the times). Finally, there were the anti-Gallican Italian States. Florence was the only Italian power which withstood the Pope on this point, and Savonarola was the. indefatigable and passionate advocate of the French alliance. The Divine commission, which he persistently claimed for him- self, emphatically included this advocacy. From first to last he believed the frivolous, dissolute King of France to be God's chosen instrument for the reformation of the Church. He predicted that Charles would be always victorious, and that Florence, if she remained faithful to him, would regain all her lost possessions. In almost every one of his sermons he insisted on the necessity of joining
* Cf. Cosci, Savonarola, 437, and especially PELLEGRINI, in the Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XI., 710.
SAVONAROLA SUMMONED TO ROME. 5
France.* He reiterated again and again that " Charles VIII. would certainly reform the Church."-|-
When we call to mind that the King of France had repeatedly threatened the Pope with a so-called Reformation Council, — in other words, a Council to depose him, — it can- not seem strange that Savonarola should gradually come to be regarded with more and more suspicion in Rome ; and all the more so as it was notorious that the one thing that the Pope had most at heart, namely, that Florence should join the League, had no more determined opponent than the Friar. Savonarola felt himself perfectly secure in the favour of the people ; all accounts agree in describing his influence as unbounded. " He is invoked as a Saint and revered as a prophet," writes the Ferrarese Envoy ;| the Florentine chronicler Landucci says that " many were so infatuated with the new^ prophet that they would have had no hesitation in going to the stake- for him." Encouraged by the enthusiastic support of his followers, the hot-blooded Dominican embarked in a general war of extermination against his opponents. In one of his sermons he went so far as to demand, crucifix in hand, that all who attempted to bring the tyrants back to Florence should be punished with death.§ At last Alexander VI. felt it necessary to take some steps ; but he proceeded with the greatest moderation.il On the 25th of July, 1495, a Brief couched in very friendly terms, summoned Savonarola, " in the name of holy obedience," to come at once to Rome to give an account of
♦ Meier, 93, and Ranke, Studien, 258.
t Cappelli, Savonarola, 52.
X 7h'd.,4\, 51, 52, 56, 63.
§ See Vol. V. of this work, p. 209.
II Ranke, in his Studien, 246, acknowledges this ; but Villari, even in his last edition, I., 392, ed. 2, speaks of the wrath of the Pope as bursting at once into flame.
6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the prophecies for which he claimed Divine inspiration. On the 30th the Friar sent his reply ; while acknowledging the duty of obedience, especially in a religious, he excused himself from coming, on the ground of the state of his health, and his conviction that his enemies would throw the whole city into confusion if he left Florence at this moment.*
Upon this a second Brief was sent in September addressed to the friars of S** Croce, who were on bad terms with those of S. Marco In this Brief, Savonarola was described as "a certain Fra Girolamo" who gave himself out to be a prophet without being able to prove his claim either by miracles or direct evidence from Holy Scripture. The patience of the Pope, it continued, was now exhausted. Savonarola must abstain from preaching of any kind, and the Convent of S. Marco was henceforth to be reunited to the Lombard congregation, to whose Superior the Friar must now render obedience. All recalcitrants were declared, ipso facto^ under the ban of the Church.f
This command of the Pope marked the turning point in Savonarola's life. As a priest and Friar he had sworn obedience to the Head of the Church. Alexander's personal character and the political motives by which he was actuated in no way affected this obligation. In issuing the ordinance contained in the Brief of September 8, the Pope was clearly acting within his canonical rights. Savonarola did not deny this. Writing to a brother of his Order in Rome on 1 5th September, he says : " I know the root of all these plots, and know them to be the work of evil-minded citizens who would fain re-establish tyranny in Florence. . . . Never- theless, if there be no other way of saving my conscience
* ViLLARI, Savonarola, II., 24 seq.^ 29 seq. (Engl, trans.). t See Gherardi, 388.
THE REPLY OF SAVONAROLA. J
I am resolved to make submission, so as to avoid even a venial sin."* His answer to Alexander, sent on 29th September, was not quite so clear or decided. In it he lamented that his enemies should have succeeded in deceiving the Holy Father. ..." As to my doctrines," he continued, " I have always been submissive to the Church ; as regards prophecy, I have never absolutely declared myself a prophet, although this would be no heresy ; but I have undoubtedly foretold various things, of which some have been already fulfilled ; and others, that will be verified at some future time. Moreover, it is known to all Italy that the chastisement hath already begun, and how solely, by means of my words, there hath been peace in Florence, the which failing, all would have suffered greater woes." ..." As to leaving our case to the decision of the Lombard Vicar, this implies making our adversary our judge, since the quarrels between the two congregations are publicly known.** In separating themselves from this congregation they had only passed from a laxer to a stricter rule, which all authorities agree may lawfully be done. " Our reunion with the Lombard Friars at this moment would only deepen the rancour already, unhappily, existing between the two congregations, and give rise to fresh disputes and fresh scandals. And finally, inasmuch as your Holiness declares that you desire this union in order to prevent others from lapsing into my errors, and inasmuch as it is now most plain that I have not lapsed into error, the cause being non-existent, neither should its effect remain. Having therefore proved the falsity of all the charges brought against me, I pray your Holiness to vouchsafe a reply to my defence and to grant me absolution. I preach the doctrine of the Holy Fathers .... and am
* Published by Perrens, 534-538. Cf. Vn.LARi, Savonarola, II. 34, 35 (Engl, trans.).
8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
ready if 1 should be in error .... to avow it publicly, and make amends before the whole people. And now again I repeat that which I have always said, namely, that I submit myself and all my writings to the correction of the Holy Roman Church." *
In his next Brief, despatched on the i6th of October, Alexander displayed admirable moderation and prudence. With " great consideration " it yielded the most important point, that of the reunion of the Convent of S. Marco to the Lombard Province, only insisting that Savonarola should absolutely abstain from preaching. In fact, for the Friar of S. Marco, politics and preaching were almost synonymous. The Brief began with a review of the action of Rome up to the present moment. In the beginning the Pope had expressed his disapproval of the disturbances in Florence, which had been in a great measure caused by Savonarola's preaching, because, instead of directing his ser- mons against the vices of the Florentines, he had filled them with predictions of future events, which, he said, had been revealed to him by the Holy Ghost. Such preaching was full of danger for many souls and could not fail to engender strife. Therefore, after mature deliberation, he had decided to summon Savonarola to Rome, there to give an account of his doings. Now, however, to his great joy, he gathered from the letter which he had lately received, and from what he had been told by others, that the Friar was ready, as a good Christian, to submit to the Church in all things. Hence he would willingly believe that Savonarola had erred rather through excess of zeal than with any evil intent. The matter, however, was too important to be passed over lightly, and therefore he determined to write to him again, commanding him in the name of holy
* ViLLARi, Savonarola, II., 35, 36 (Engl, trans.). Cf. Perrens, 326-329.
SAVONAROLA PREACHES AGAINST THE MEDICI. 9
obedience to abstain from all preaching, either in public or privately, until he was able, conveniently and safely, to appear himself in Rome, or until a commission had been sent to Florence. If he obeyed this command, the former Briefs would be rescinded.*
Meanwhile, on the nth of October, Savonarola, seeing Florence in imminent danger from Piero de' Medici, had thrown all other considerations to the winds and re- ascended the pulpit, in order to rouse his fellow-citizens to a strenuous resistance. x\gain he called for the death of all who attempted to bring back the Medici. " They must be treated," he cried, " as the Romans treated those who wished to bring Tarquinius back. You would rather let Christ be struck than strike a fellow-citizen. Let justice take its course. Off with the head of the traitor, were he even the chief of the first family in the city. Off, I say, with his head." f Similar expressions recur in the sermons of 1 6th and 26th October. For some hitherto unexplained cause, the Bull of i6th October did not arrive till after this latter date. Savonarola had by this time succeeded in baffling Piero de' Medici's attempt ; but he must have been forced to own to himself that he had violated his pledge of the 1 6th September, and acted in direct opposition to his Superiors, from whom alone his mission as a preacher was derived. The Brief must have caused him the greatest embarrassment. One fact, which is certainly not to his credit, shews that, in his excitement, he did not at all expect such lenient treatment. Through the Florentine Envoy of the Duke of Ferrara, he had secretly entered into relations with that Prince, and asked for his assistance in case the Pope should not accept his excuse and proceed
* Meier, 115, 359-360, with a wrong date ; Gherardi, 390-391, has the correct one.
t See Vol. V. of tliis work, p. 209.
/O HISTORY OF THE POPES.
further against him.* Now that Alexander had shewn himself so placable and ready to make concessions, and since also the chief object of his sermons, the frustration of Piero de' Medici's enterprise, had been achieved, to abstain from preaching during Advent entailed no very great sacrifice on Savonarola. And in addition to this, his party were gaining more and more the upper hand in the city.f A loyal and lasting submission was never contemplated by him ; on the contrary, he brought every influence that he could control to bear upon the Pope to induce him to withdraw the prohibition. The Government of Florence interested itself strongly in this direction, and addressed itself especially to Cardinal Caraffa, the Protector of the Dominicans in Rome. Florentine reports from Rome went so far as to assert that the Cardinal had, in a conversation with Alexander, persuaded the latter to permit Savonarola to preach again, provided he confined his sermons to matters of religion. The Friar himself, however, never ventured to maintain that any such permission had been granted. The attitude of the Signoria in Florence also shews clearly that nothing was even said by the Pope that could be so construed ; X of course, no Brief to that effect was forthcoming. They decided, on nth February, 1496, to command Savonarola, under pain of their indignation, to resume his sermons
* Despatch of 26th Oct. in Cappelli, Savonarola, 69. It is plain from this document that the Brief of i6th Oct. had not reached Florence at this date.
t Ranke, Studien, 252.
t See Cosci, 431-432 ; CiPOLLA, 735. Savonarola's letter to Antonio de Olanda of 2nd Feb., 1496 {cf. ViLLARl, II., cxiv., ed. 2), is significant in this connection. In it he says : — " Si impetrabitur licentia praedi- candi pro me a Summo Pontifice, dabo vobis in praedicatorem Fr. Dominicum de Piscia. Excitate ergo fratres et alios devotos ad orandum pro hac causa, quia res habet difficultatem."
Savonarola's lenten sermons. ii
in the Cathedral.* The Friar, who had found so many excuses for evading the commands of his spiritual supe- riors, lost no time in obeying the order of the secular power.
On 17th February Savonarola again ascended the pulpit, and preached regularly throughout the whole of Lent. His first sermon shewed that he had already entered on the devious paths which henceforth he was to follow. Like Huss in earlier times, he saw nothing incongruous or unbecoming in making his own subjective convictions the standard of the duty of ecclesiastical obedience. " The Pope," he said, " cannot command me to do anything which is in contradiction to Christian charity or the Gospel. I am convinced that he never will ; but were he to do so, I should reply : * At this moment you are in error and no longer the chief pastor or the voice of the Church.' If there can be no doubt that the command of a superior contradicts the Divine precepts, and especially the law of Christian charity, no one ought to obey it. If, however, the matter is not perfectly evident, so that no doubt is possible, we ought to submit." f He declared that he had
■* Gherardi, Documenti, 12<) seq. From the documents given here, p. 136 seq., we gather that even then the citizens were not unanimous in their approval of this step.
t This important declaration is to be found in the Prediche di frate Hieronymo da Ferrara. Firenze, 1496 (st. fl.). Against ViLLARl, II., 55 (Engl, trans.), who says that this Hussite doctrine of Savonarola's was " entirely Catholic, and differing in no respect from that laid down by S. Thomas Aquinas and many doctors and fathers of the Church f cf. Schwab, in the Bonn. Litcraturblatt, IV., 904, and specially Frantz, Sixtus IV., 79 seq. ; cf. 182. The latter remarks that Bayle 'lad already pointed out that if Savonarola rested his conduct on the pnncipiv that we ought to obey God rather than man, he was acting inconsistently when he gave up preaching at the command of the Ciovernment. Frantz also shews, loc. ciL, 80, that the case supposed by S. Thomas, " in which
12 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
earnestly examined all his ways and found them pure; for he had always submitted his teaching to the doctrines of Holy Church. Though convinced that the Briefs sent from Rome were invalid, inasmuch as they were solely inspired by lying reports, he had yet resolved to be prudent. Thus he had so far kept silence, but when he saw many of the good growing lukewarm, and the wicked more and more bold, he felt himself constrained to return to his post. " First of all, however, I sought the Lord, saying : I was rejoicing in my peace and tranquillity, and Thou drewest me forth by showing me Thy light. ... I would fain repose, but find no resting-place — would fain remain still and silent, but may not, for the word of God is as a fire in my heart, and unless I give it vent, it will consume the marrow of my bones. Come then, O Lord, since Thou would'st have me steer through these deep waters, let Thy will be done." * He seemed to have already forgotten that it was the secular power which had commanded him to preach, and launched him forth again on these " deep waters."
Savonarola's second sermon was directed mainly against the vices of Rome. He began with a curious application of the passage in Amos, iv. i. " Hear this word, ye fat kine, that are in the mountains of Samaria." " For me," he said, " these fat kine signify the harlots of Italy and Rome. . . . Are there none in Italy and Rome? One thousand, ten thousand, fourteen thousand are few for Rome ; for there both men and women are made harlots." And pursuing this strain, he describes the vices of Rome in terms scarcely to
the flock was abandoned and left entirely ^vithout preaching or adminis- tration of the Sacraments," was quite different to that of Savonarola, as at S. Marco there were many other good preachers, and the spiritual needs of the people were amply supplied. * ViLLARi, Savonarola, II., 55 (Engl, trans.).
HIS DECLAMATIONS AGAINST ROME. I3
be repeated at the present day.* The preacher seemed utterly regardless of the fact that his audience included hundreds of innocent children, for whom a special gallery round the walls of the Church had been provided.
This discourse, on the second Sunday in Lent, was by no means an isolated outburst of passion ; the whole course of sermons teemed with these extravagant diatribes against the sins of Rome. Politics were frequently touched upon, but every topic led back in the end to declamation against the Curia. '* Flee from Rome/' he cried out, " for Babylon signifies confusion, and Rome hath confused all the Scrip- tures, confused all vices together, confused everything." In his last Lenten sermon in 1496, Savonarola emphatically repeated his new theory of what constituted obedience to the Church, which, had it prevailed, must have overthrown all order and discipline. "We are not compelled," he said, "to obey all commands. When given in consequence of lying report they are invalid ; when in evident contradiction with the law of charity, laid down by the Gospel, it is our duty to resist them."f
Even in the face of all this provocation, Alexander VI. still maintained an attitude of great moderation and patience.^: He allowed more than six months to elapse before taking any action, so that Savonarola had ample time for consideration. Meanwhile, however, in Rome, the conviction that further steps must be taken continued to strengthen. On the one hand, from the ecclesiastical point of view, it was impossible permanently to tolerate his open
* ViLLARl, loc. cit.^ 58. This is the judgment of an enthusiastic admirer of Savonarola.
t Jbid.^ 68, justly remarks that these ideas were equivalent to a de- claration of war.
:j: Pellegrini, in Arch. d. See. Rom., XI., 713. See also Creighton, III.,
14 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
defiance of the Brief forbidding him to preach, the abusive tone of his sermons, and finally, his unauthorised assump- tion of the office of a prophet* On the political side, his efficacious advocacy of the French alliance in Florence, threatened the Pope with a repetition of the French King's invasion of Italy, involving possibly his deposition and a schism.
As time went on, the excitement of the contending parties in Florence continued to increase, and Savonarola's preaching added fresh fuel to the flames.f The accounts from Florence declared that he railed at the Pope as worse than a Turk, and the Italian powers as worse than heretics. His fulminations soon found their way abroad ; and he often said that he had received letters of sympathy even from Germany. It was reported that the Sultan had caused his sermons to be translated into the Turkish language.]: There was certainly quite enough in all this to cause Alex- ander to bestir himself, without needing any further stimulus from the League or from Cardinal Ascanio Sforza. The terrorism exercised by Savonarola and his adherents grew daily more and more intolerable. The prophet declared that no one could^be a good Christian who did not believe in him. His most zealous disciple, Fra Domenico da Pescia,
* GuERARDi, 141.
t Perrens, 261, points out that if Savonarola had really possessed that humility which is one of the first virtues that ought to characterise a religious, and which he so ostentatiously professed, he would have left Florence, or at any rate abstained from preaching. However convinced he might be of the truth of his views, a priest should have shrunk from securing their success at the cost of bloodshed, and from being a cause of embittered divisions amongst his fellow-citizens. But to his excitable temperament the stir of battle was a necessity of life. " I cannot live," he said, " unless I preach."
X ViLLARi, Savonarola, II., 87 (Engl, trans.). Cf. Ranke, Studien, 255, and Perrens, 236.
HE REFUSES TO OBEY THE POPE'S BRIEF. 1 5
went so far as to say that earth and sea and heaven would pass away, the Cherubim and Seraphim, our Lady and even Christ Himself, sooner than any of Savonarola's teaching.*
On the 7th November, 1496, the Pope despatched a new Brief with the object of putting an end to these scandals and removing Savonarola, who was the soul of the French party, from Florence, while sparing him as much as possible. The plan of uniting S, Marco with the unfriendly congrega- tion of Lombardy was entirely dropped. Instead of this the Pope proposed to form a new congregation out of the Dominican Convents in the provinces of Rome and Tuscany, with a separate Vicar to be elected in conformity with the statutes of the Order by the several Priors of the monas- teries every two years. For the first two years Cardinal Caraffa, who had always been friendly to Savonarola, was appointed vicar, f
This time the prophet's answer to his Superiors was an unconditional refusal. The reasons which he gave in jus- tification of this were peculiar. In his " Apology for the Congregation of S. Marco," he says : " The union with the new congregation does not depend on my decision alone, but needs the consent of 250 other monks, who have all written to the Pope protesting against it ; and I am neither able nor willing to oppose their wishes on this point, since I hold them to be honest and just." After explaining the reasons against it, he continues: " This union is therefore impossible, unreasonable, and hurtful; nor can the brethren of S. Marco be bound to agree to it, inasmuch as Superiors may not issue commands contrary to the rules of the Order, nor contrary to the law of charity and the welfare of our souls.
* See Parenti in Ranke, Studien, 265.
t This Brief from Cod. 2053 in the Riccardi Library, is in ViLLARl, I., ed.' 2, CXLII.-CXLIV. (Italian) ; also in the Bull. Ord. Praedic, IV.,
124-125.
l6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
We must therefore take it for granted that our Superiors have t)een misled by false information, and resist meanwhile a command that is contrary to charity. Neither must we allow ourselves to be cowed by threats nor excommunica- tions, but be ready to face death rather than submit to that which would be poison and perdition to our souls." At the same time, Savonarola preached frequently, descanting much on his prophetical gifts, and still more on politics. All this, retailed with exaggeration by his enemies in Rome, was naturally extremely irritating to Alexander VI. Nevertheless, with that practical statecraft which his contemporaries so highly praise in him, the Pope still held back from plunging into a direct conflict with the Friar. He resolved first to try another expedient. In order to detach the Florentines from the French alliance he promised to give them Pisa, and requested them to send an Envoy to negotiate on this subject. Accordingly, on the 4th March, 1497, Alessandro Bracci was despatched for this purpose by the Signoria to Rome. On the 13th he had- an audience from the Pope. Alluding to Lodovico Moro, Alexander said : — " May God forgive him who invited the French into Italy ; for all our troubles have arisen from that." He then endeavoured to persuade the Florentine Ambassador to renounce the alliance with France. " Keep to us," he exclaimed; "be loyal Italians, and leave the French in France ! I must have no more fine words, but some bind- ing security that you will do this." It was in vain for the Ambassador to point out the reasons which determined his Government to hold still with France; the Pope held to his point, and insisted that Florence must change her policy. He knew very well, he said, that this conduct, so unworthy of an Italian power, was prompted by the belief of the Florentines in the predictions of a fanatic. He was deej51y wounded at the way in which the Government of Florence
SAVONAROLA'S VIOLENCE AGAINST ROME. 1 7
permitted this Friar to attack and threaten him and hold him up to scorn *
There was ample justification for these complaints on the part of the Pope, for accusations against Rome again con- stituted the principal theme of the Lent sermons of the year 1497. The language of the preacher became more and more violent. " Come here, thou ribald Church," he cried out. " The Lord saith, I gave thee beautiful vest- ments, but thou hast made idols of them. Thou hast dedicated the sacred vessels to vainglory, the sacraments to simony ; thou hast become^ a shameless harlot in thy lusts ; thou art lower than a beast, thou art a monster of abomination. Once, thou felt shame for thy sin, but now thou art shameless. Once, anointed priests called their sons nephews ; but now they speak no more of their nephews, but always and everywhere of their sons. Every- where hast thou made a public place, and raised a house of ill-fame. And what doth the harlot? She sitteth on the throne of Solomon and soliciteth all the world ; he that hath gold is made welcome, and may do as he will ;
but he that seeketh to do good is driven forth And
thou, O prostitute Church, thou hast displayed thy foulness to the whole world, and stinkest up to Heaven." f
Language such as this was calculated to alienate man\- who had hitherto favoured the Florentine prophet. The General of his Order and Cardinal Caraffa now ceased to defend him ; and in Rome his cause was practically lost, while in Florence, also, public opinion was beginning to turn against him. His irreconcilable opponents, the Arrabiati and the Compagnacci (boon companions and lovers of the table), began to get more and more the upper
* Gherardi, 149 se^. ; Cosci, 440 seg,
t ViLLARi, II., 165-166 (Engl, trans.), who justly observes that the passage about the sons of priests was directly aimed at Alexander VI. VOL. VI. C
1 8 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
hand. The excitement became so great that at last the Signoria issued a decree forbidding all monks of all Orders to preach after Ascension Day. On this day (4th May) Savonarola once more stood up in the Cathedral pulpit and boldly repeated his former assertion, that all who persecuted him were fighting against God ; Italy, and especially Rome, would be terribly chastised, and then would come the reformation of the Church. It was untrue to say that he ought not to have preached that day because his preaching might give rise to disturbances ; the Signoria might forbid preaching, but all the same there would be strife to determine whether such tyranny ought to be endured. At this moment a tumult began in the Church which soon spread into the streets. A regular pitched battle between the opponents and adherents of Savonarola seemed imminent.* An Envoy in Florence writes : *' We have got back to the days of the Guelfs and the Ghibellines." f The authors of these disturbances remained unpunished, and the preacher could not fail to see that his party had lost its ascendency. Under these circumstances he resolved to make an attempt to avert the storm that was gathering against him in Rome. On the 22nd May he wrote a letter to the Pope, beginning with the words, "Why is my lord so wroth with his servant?" He had never, he declared, made any personal accusations in his sermons against any one, least of all against the Vicar of Christ — further, he asserted that he was always ready to submit himself to the judgment of the Church, and preached no other doctrine than that of the Holy Fathers, as would soon be proved to the whole world in his forthcoming work. The Triumph of the Cross. %
* Ranke, Studien, 274 seq.
f Somenzi in his Report, May 4, in the Arch. St. Ital., XVIII., 2, 19.
X ViLLARi, Savonarola, II., 188 (Engl, trans.)
EXCOMMUNICATION OF SAVONAROLA. I9
While Savonarola was penning these words, judgment had been already pronounced against him in Rome. Even his former friend and supporter, Cardinal Caraffa, had now become convinced of the necessity for this step. Savonarola had invented all sorts of flimsy pretexts for evading the examination into his prophetical gifts which Rome was bound to require, and to which it was his clear duty to submit. What would become of the authority of the Holy See if every one were to follow his example ? At the same time, while withholding from his Superiors that submission to which his vows had bound him, he claimed un- questioning obedience to his own commands, as Divine revelations ! *
On the 1 2th May, 1497, Alexander attached his signature to the Brief of Excommunication. He had delayed his action as long as he could, and given the hot-headed Friar ample time to come to a better mind. Referring to the complaints brought to Rome of Savonarola's proceedings, the Florentine Envoy expressly says that Alexander had let it be clearly seen that he " was not inclined to make use of all the weapons that he had in his hand." But Savonarola's obstinate refusal to carry out the orders of the Holy See, in regard to the union of the Convent of S. Marco with the newly-erected Tuscan and Roman con- gregation, and his persistent disregard of the prohibition against his preaching, displayed an amount of insub- ordination towards the Papal authority that could not be left unchallenged. In addition to this, there were his incessant diatribes against Rome, and the assumption of prophetical authority on which these were founded ;f and no doubt political motives tended in the same direction,
♦ Perrens, 230 seq.
t Cf. the Despatch of the Florentine Ambassador in Rome, in Gherardi, 141.
20 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
since Alexander was making every effort to detach Florence from France, and Savonarola was in this his strongest antagonist. However, the Friar's persistent insub- ordination was certainly the main determining factor in the final decision against him. " It was impossible for even an Alexander VI. to tolerate a prophet overriding the Hierarchy." *
The Brief of Excommunication runs as follows : " We have heard from many persons worthy of belief, that a certain Fra Girolamo Savonarola, at this present said to be Vicar of S. Marco in Florence, hath disseminated per- nicious doctrines to the scandal and great grief of simple souls. We had already commanded him, by his vows of holy obedience, to suspend his sermons and come to us to seek pardon for his errors ; but he refused to obey, and alleged various excuses which we too graciously accepted, hoping to convert him by our clemency. On the contrary, however, he persisted still more in his obstinacy ; wherefore, by a second Brief (7th November, 1496), we commanded him, under pain of excommunication, to unite the Convent of S. Marco to the Tuscan-Roman Congregation recently created by us. But even then he still persisted in his stubbornness, thus, ipso facto, incurring the Censure. Wherefore we now command you, on the feast days and in the presence of the people, to declare the said Fra Girolamo excommunicate, and to be held as such by all men, for his disobedience to our apostolic admonitions
♦ Grisar, in the Zeitschr. fiir Kathol. Theologie, IV., 397 ; Balan, 379 ; and Ranke, Studien, 278, who assigns correct limits to the influence of political motives. He remarks : " The principal motive, however, was the vindication of the supremacy of the spiritual authority, which at that time could count upon a party in the city prepared to support it." On the co-operation of Card. Caraffa in regard to the Brief, see Gherardi, 160 seq. Cf. also Pellegrini, in the Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XL, 717.
EFFORTS TO OBTAIN ITS WITHDRAWAL. 21
and commands; and, under pain of the same penalty, all are forbidden to assist him, hold intercourse with him, or abet him either by word or deed, inasmuch as he is an excommunicated person, and suspected of heresy. Given in Rome, I2th May, 1497."*
In order to spare the Florentines as much as possible, the Brief was not sent to the Government but to the several convents. It was not solemnly published until the 1 8th June.-j- Meanwhile the Florentine Envoys in Rome were working hard to obtain from the Pope the withdrawal, or at least the suspension, of the sentence. Savonarola's letter of 22nd May had arrived in the interim and produced a softening effect on Alexander, who from the first had been doing his best to avoid extreme measures. It seems most probable that at this juncture, in spite of the intrigues of the enemies of the Friar, it would have been possible to have obtained a suspension of the Brief Alexander VI. was cut to the heart by the murder of the Duke of Gandia, and frightened also, as the assassin could not be discovered. :J: So prudent a statesman could not have desired to aggravate the tension of the situation just then by embarking in a new conflict. The fact that he put Savonarola's case into the hands of the newly-appointed commission for the reform of the Church, for further consideration, seems to prove that a pacific solution of it was quite within the bounds of possibility.§
At this critical moment it was Savonarola's own incon-
* See DEL LUNGO in the Arch. St. Itil., N. Serie, XVIII., i, 17 seq., and ViLLARl, Savonarola, II., 189-190 (Engl, trans.). Cf. Sanuto, I., 632 seq. Even Protestant historians, e.i(.^ Krabbe, Savonarola, 56 (Berlin, 1862), admit that the excommunication was merited.
+ Landucci, 152-153.
X See \''ol. V. of this work, p. 496.
§ See Pellegrini in Arch. d. Soc Rom., XI., 719.
22 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
siderate violence which effectually crushed this last chance of a reconciliation. On the 19th June he wrote in great haste an " Epistle against the surreptitious Excommunica- tion addressed to all Christians and friends of God." In it he endeavoured to defend himself against his opponents, and repeated his claim to a Divine mission. At the close he says : " This Excommunication is invalid before God and man, inasmuch as it is based on false reasons and accusa- tions devised by our enemies. I have always submitted, and will still submit, to the authority of the Church, nor will ever fail in my obedience ; but no one is bound to submit to commands opposed to charity and the law of God, since in such a case our Superiors are no longer the representatives of the Lord. Meanwhile, seek by prayer to make ready for that which may befall you. If this matter is pursued further, we will make the truth known to all the world."* This theory is in direct contradiction to the teach- ing of the Church, which enjoins obedience even to an un- just Interdict, and would obviously destroy all discipline.-f Savonarola was bound to obey the Holy See, however it might be desecrated by such an occupant as Alexander VI. The Pope had no choice but to treat this step as a declaration of war. On the 26th June he told the Floren- tine Envoys that he was determined to proceed against the disobedient Friar, in the manner prescribed by the Church for dealing with rebels and those who contemned her authority. The Florentines still hoped by diplomacy to avert the catastrophe, especially as Alexander declared that, if Florence would give up the French alliance, he
* ViLLARl, Savonarola, II., 193-194 (Engl, trans.) ; Meier, 135 seq. Savonarola's replies were always printed at once ; cf. Sanuto, I., 634, who obser\'es that for this reason he does not insert them, also because they are so lengthy, and " per esser cosa fratescha."
t Frantz, Sixtus IV., 82
SAVONAROLA DEFIES THE POPE.
23
would do everything in his power to meet all the wishes of the Republic. The Florentine Envoy was also indefatiga- ble in exerting himself to influence the Cardinals in favour of Savonarola, and not entirely without result, for some members of the commission recommended that the Censure should be suspended for two months, and the Friar induced meanwhile to come to Rome. But these views did not prevail. The commission of Cardinals agreed with the Pope that it was out of the question to comply with the request of the Signoria, unless Savonarola would first consent to yield obedience to the commands of the General of his Order and of the Holy See. People began to say that the Interdicts would be extended to the city itself Still the Florentine Envoy refused to relinquish all hope, but was forced on the 12th February, 1498, to confess, after months of toil, that the case presented extraordinary difficulties.*
Meanwhile Savonarola, more than ever convinced of his divine mission,f did everything that in him lay to increase these difficulties and to exasperate the Pope and make a reconciliation impossible.
Hitherto, even during the "Plague, he had abstained from attempting to exercise any sacerdotal functions ; he well knew that to do so while under a formal sentence of Excommunication would be a sacrilege.
At the end of the year 1497 he changed his mind on this point. On Christmas Day he celebrated three masses and gave communion to all his religious and a large number
* Gherardi, 172, 174-176. C/.the Ferrarese Despatch in Cappelli, Savonarola, 89 seg., who at the same time reports that Savonarola continues irreconcilable.
t Cf. the Report of the Ferrarese Envoy, in Aug. 1497, of his conversa- tion with the " prophet," who explained that he was only an instrument in the hands of God, and therefore had no fear of the result, as God must certainly conquer. Cappelli, 90, c/. 98-99, on Savonarola's firm deter- mination not to yield obedience to the Pope.
24 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
of the laity. Many of his partisans even disapproved of this sacrilegious act.* Presently it was announced that he intended to begin again to preach. The excommunication, he explained to the Ferrarese Envoy, was unjust and had no power to bind him ; he did not mean to take any notice of it; see what a life Alexander VI. was leading; nothing should hinder him from preaching, " his commission came from One who was higher than the Pope, higher than any creature."f The Vicar of the Archbishop of Florence
* Nardi, I., 1 20, says : con gran maraviglia d'ognuno e dispiacimento non piccolo de' suoi divoti. Savonarola had resumed his spiritual minis- trations.
t Cappelli, Savonarola, 102. Ranke is of opinion (Studien, 289 seg.) that " the Friar's action in permitting himself to resume his preaching outside the walls of S. Marco was far more important (than his exercise of sacerdotal functions) ; for this was an open defiance of the papal com- mands and the announcement made to him in the previous June of his Excommunication. This must not be regarded as an isolated act of disobedience ; it is plain that it imphed an attack on the whole system of the Church. The supreme authority of the Pope and his infaUibility are called in question by it. . . . Savonarola, in resisting the Excom- munication, was preparing the way for the Reformation." ViLLARI, Savonarola, II., 246, n, 4 (Engl, trans.), and Pellegrini iij the Giom. St. d. Lett. Ital, XII., 258, n. 2, justly dispute this latter assertion, but the error contained in the opening sentences of this passage is much greater. Ranke's Studien on Savonarola has the merit of being an impartial view of the " prophet," undistorted by the Dominican legends by which Villari has been far too much influenced. But this makes such remarks as those in the sentences quoted above all the more regrettable, ^^^len Ranke be- takes himself to the domain of Catholic theology, his utter ignorance leads him into serious error. Thus he says (p. 327} that Savonarola distincdy taught the doctrine of justification by faith only ! The parallel drauTi between the Friar and Luther and Cahnn on p. 33 1 is only partially true. Ranke says here that Luther " took up his position outside the hierarchy of the Church, while Savonarola still held to it." But if so. on what grounds does he. on p. 6, call Savonarola " a precursor of the Reforma- tion of the 1 6th Centur)' " ?
DISOBEDIENCE OF SAVONAROLA. 2$
tried to prevent this by issuing a mandate forbidding all from being present at the sermons, and desiring the parish priests to explain to their flocks that the excommunication was perfectly valid, and that any one attending Savonarola's preaching incurred the same penalty himself, and would be cut off from the Sacraments and from Christian burial. The Signoria, however, made short work of this proclama- tion, threatening the Vicar with the severest penalties if he did not withdraw it at once.*
On Septuagesima Sunday, nth February, 1498, Savon- arola again entered the pulpit of S. Marco under the aegis of the secular power and in open defiance of the commands of his spiritual superiors. In burning words he defended his disobedience. " The righteous prince or the good priest," he declared, " is merely an instrument in the Lord's hands for the government of the people, but when the higher agency is withdrawn from prince or priest, he is no longer an instrument, but a broken tool. And how, thou would'st say, am I to discern whether or no the higher agency be absent? See if his laws and commands be contrary to that which is the root and principle of all wisdom, namely of godly living and charity ; and if contrary, thou may'st be truly assured that he is a broken tool, and that thou art nowise bound to obey him. Now tell me a little, what is the aim of those who, by their lying reports, have procured this sentence of Excommunication ? As all know, they sought to sweep away virtuous living and righteous government, and to open the door to every vice. Thus, no sooner was the Excommunication pronounced, than they returned to drunkenness, profligacy, and every other crime. Thus, I will not acknowledge it, for I cannot act against charity. Any one who gives commands opposed
* ViLLARl, Savonarola, II., 247-248 (Engl, trans.), Appendix, LI.; Perrens, 333 ; Meier, 140 seg.
26 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
to charity is Excommunicated by God. Were such com- mands pronounced by an angel, even by the Virgin Mary herself and all the saints (which is certainly impossible), anathema sit. If pronounced by any law, or canon, or council, anathema sit. And if any Pope hath ever spoken to a contrary effect from this, let him be declared excom- municate. I say not that such a Pope hath ever existed ; but if he hath existed he can have been no instrument of the Lord, but a broken tool. It is feared by some that, though this excommunication be powerless in Heaven, it may have power in the Church. For me it is enough not to be interdicted by Christ. Oh, my Lord, if I should seek to be absolved from this excommunication, let me be sent to hell ; I should shrink from seeking absolution as from mortal sin."
" The Pope may err," Savonarola asserted in his sermon on 1 8th February, " and that in two ways, either because he is erroneously informed, or from malice. As to the latter cause we leave that to the judgment of God, and believe rather that he has been misinformed. In our own case I can prove that he has been falsely persuaded. Therefore any one who obstinately upholds the excommunication and affirms that I ought not to preach these doctrines is fight- ing against the kingdom of Christ, and supporting the kingdom of Satan, and is himself a heretic, and deserves to be excluded from the Christian community." *
These and similar utterances which occur in all his ser- mons were the result of Savonarola's unfortunate conviction derived from his visions, that he had a mission from God, and his attacks on the Italian, and especially the Roman
■^ ViLLARi, Savonarola, II., 248 seq. (Engl, trans.). Cf. Meier, 141 seq..^ and Perrens, 335 seq.\ the latter justly observes that Savonarola's theory paves the way for all kinds of insubordination. See also Frantz, Sixtus IV., 82.
HIS ATTACKS ON THE ROMAN CLERGY. 27
clergy, became more violent than ever. " The scandals," he says, '* begin in Rome and run through the whole of the clergy ; they are worse than Turks and Moors. In Rome you will find that they have, one and all, obtained their benefices by simony. They buy preferments and bestow them on their children or their brothers, who take posses- sion of them by violence and all sorts of sinful means. Their greed is insatiable, they do all things for gold. They only ring their bells for coin and candles ; only attend Vespers and Choir and Office when something is to be got by it. They sell their benefices, sell the Sacraments, traffic in masses ; in short, money is at the root of everything, and then they are afraid of excommunication. When the evening comes one goes to the gaming table, another to his concubine. When they go to a funeral a banquet is given, and when they ought to be praying in silence for the soul of the departed they are eating and drinking and talking. They are steeped in shameful vices ; but in the day-time they go about in fine linen, looking smart and clean. Many are absolutely ignorant of their rule and where to find it, know nothing of penance or the care of souls. There is no faith left, no charity, no virtue. Formerly it used to be said, if not pure, at least demure. Now no one need try to keep up appearances, for it is considered a disgrace to live well. If a priest or a canon leads an orderly life he is mocked and called a hypocrite. No one talks now of his nephew, but simply of his son or his daughter. The ... go openly to S. Peter's ; every priest has his concubine. All veils are cast aside. The poison is so rank in Rome that it has infected France and Germany and all the world. It has come to such a pass that all are warned against Rome, and people say, ' If you want to ruin your son make him a priest.' "* But the scene which Savonarola permitted himself to
* Meier, 143 seg.
28 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
enact on the last day of the Carnival, was even more out- rageous than his language. He began by sa\ing mass in S. Marco and giving communion to his monks and a large number of laymen. Then he mounted a pulpit which had been erected before the door of the Church, carrying the Blessed Sacrament in his hand, and, almost beside himself with excitement, blasphemously exclaimed, " Oh Lord, if my deeds be not sincere, if my words be not inspired by Thee, strike me dead this instant."*
" O ye priests," Savonarola cried out from the pulpit on the 1st March, " you have surpassed the pagans in contradict- ing and persecuting the truth of God and His cause. O my children, it is evident now that they are worse than Turks. Now must we resist the wicked as the martyrs resisted the tyrants. Contend ye evil-doers against this cause like pagans ; write to Rome that this Friar and his friends will fight against you as against Turks and unbeHevers. It is true that a Brief has come from Rome in which I am called a son of perdition. Write that he whom you thus designate says that he has neither concubines nor children, but preaches the Gospel of Christ. His brethren, and all who follow his teaching, reject all such deplorable things, frequent the Sacraments, and live honestly. Nevertheless, like Christ Himself, we will somewhat give way to wrath, and thus I declare to you, that I will preach no more from this pulpit except at the request of those who desire to lead a good life. I will preach in S. Marco but to men only, not to women ; under the present circumstances this is needful."t
* Landucci, 163, who describes this appalling scene, adds : Eravi venuto grande popolo, stimando vedere segni : e tiepidi si ridevano e facevano beffe e dicevano : Egli e scommunicato e communica altri. E benche a me e' pareva errore, ancora che gli credessi ; ma non volli mettermi mai a pericolo andare a udirlo, poiche fu scommunicato.
t Meier, 146.
THE pope's brief TO THE FLORENTINES. 29
Nothing could have pleased Savonarola's enemies better than this aggressive tone. His friends were in the greatest embarrassment. The Florentine Ambassador in Rome knew not what reply to make to the Pope's complaints of the intemperate sermons of the Friar and the obstinacy of the Florentines in clinging to their prophet and to the French alliance. On the 25th February, 1498, Alexander told the Envoys that "even Turks would not endure such insubordi- nation against lawful authority," and threatened to lay an Interdict on the city.* A few days later he attached his signature to a Brief to the Florentines, which ran thus : " On first receiving notice of the pernicious errors diffused by that child of iniquity, Girolamo Savonarola, we required him to abstain entirely from preaching, and to come to Rome to implore our pardon and make recantation ; but he refused to obey us. We commanded him, under pain of excommu- nication, to join the Congregation of S. Marco to the new Tuscan-Roman Congregation, and again he refused to obey, thus incurring, ipso facto, the threatened excommunication. The which sentence of excommunication we caused to be pronounced and proclaimed in your principal churches, likewise declaring that all who heard, or addressed, or held intercourse with the said Girolamo would incur the same penalty. Nevertheless, we now hear that, to the grave hurt of religion and the souls of men, this Friar still continues to preach, despises the authority of the Holy See, and declares the excommunication to be null and void. Wherefore we command you, by your duty of holy obedience, to send the said Fra Girolamo to us, under safe custody; and if he return to repentance, he will be paternally received by us, inasmuch as we seek the conversion, not the death, of the sinner. Or at least put him apart, as a corrupt
* Gherardi, 180 seq. Cj, Pellegrini in Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XL, 721.
30 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
member, from the rest of the people, and keep him con- fined and guarded in such wise that he may have speech of none, nor be able to disseminate fresh scandals. But if ye refuse to obey these commands, we shall be forced to assert the dignity of the Holy See, by subjecting you to an Interdict and also to other and more effectual remedies." *
This Brief, therefore, does not contain the Interdict itself but only threatens it. In a second the Canons of the Cathedral are enjoined not to allow Savonarola to preach on any pretext whatsoever. Thus the Pope still abstained from doing anything more than that which was absolutely necessary, and demanded nothing that was not strictly with- in his rights. According to the ecclesiastical laws of that time Savonarola was unquestionably a delinquent, and being a religious, Alexander had a right to require that he should be handed over to the Holy See for judgment. It is quite true that, from the beginning and throughout, the fact that the Friar was the soul of the French party in Florence was one of the weights in the scale, and not a light one ; but it is an exaggeration to assert that Alexander's only motive in his proceedings against Savonarola was to induce Florence to join the Italian League against France ; at this moment it is clear that in the Pope's mind the vindication of the authority of the Church was the foremost consideration.f " If the monk will prove his obedience," he said on 27th February to the Florentine Envoy, " by abstaining from preaching for a reasonable time, I will absolve him from the censures which he has brought upon himself; but if he persists in
* ViLlARl, Savonarola, II., 262, 263 (Engl, trans.). The whole text is in the Italian, II., ed. 2, App., LXVI.-LXVII.
t Grisar in the Zeitschr. fiir Kathol. Theologie, IV., 397. Cf. Ranke, Studien, 78.
FLORENCE THREATENED WITH AN INTERDICT. 3 1
his disobedience we shall be obliged to proceed against him with the Interdict and all other lawful punishments, to vindicate our own dignity and that of the Holy See." * The Pope again expressed himself in similar terms when, on the 7th of March, the Florentine Envoy presented the reply of his Government to the Brief of 26th February. The reply pointed out that Savonarola had never entered the pulpit in the Cathedral since the arrival of the Brief, defended him warmly on all points, declaring that he had been calumniated, and said that the Government was unable to comply with the Pope's request. Alexander, however, was well aware that Savonarola continued to preach and abuse him in S. Marco in exactly the same manner as he had done in the Cathedral. " This is a sorry letter," he said to the Florentine Envoy on the 7th March, " that your Government has written to me. I am not misinformed, for I have myself read the sermons of this Friar of yours, and conversed with people who have heard them. He despises the censures and has had the insolence to call the Pope a * broken tool,' and to say that he would sooner go to hell than ask for absolution." With growing irritation Alex- ander went on to complain that -the Signoria still permitted Savonarola to preach. More than once it had been at their express desire that the Friar had re-entered the pulpit at S. Marco ; the Pope demanded that he should be absolutely silenced, otherwise he would lay the city under Interdict. The Envoy strove to mollify the Pope by point- ing out that there was nothing reprehensible in Savonarola's teaching. Alexander replied that it was not the Friar's doctrines that he condemned, but his conduct in refusing to ask to be absolved from the excommunication, declaring it to be null and void, and continuing to preach in spite of his express prohibition. Such an example of open defiance of * Gherardi, 183,
32 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
his and the Church's authority was most dangerous * This declaration was endorsed by a new Brief dated 9th March, again denouncing in the strongest terms Savonarola's dis- obedience in preaching and exercising sacerdotal functions, notwithstanding his excommunication, and in disseminating through the press his denial of the validity of the Papal censures, and other subversive doctrines. " Does the Friar think," it said, " that he alone was excepted when our Lord conferred the power of binding and loosing on our pre- decessor S. Peter ? . . . Our duty as Pastor of the flock forbids us to tolerate such conduct any longer. We there- fore once more command you either to send Savonarola to Rome, or to shut him up in some convent where he can neither preach nor speak to any one until he comes to himself and renders himself worthy to be absolved. If this is not done we shall lay Florence under Interdict ; all that we require is that Savonarola shall acknowledge our supreme authority."f
The numerous letters of the Florentine Ambassador shew the extremely embarrassing position in which he was placed by the perfectly legitimate demands of the Pope. From Florence he received nothing but fair words excusing Savonarola, while Alexander VI. insisted on deeds. On the 1 6th of March, in a very outspoken letter, he again ex- plained the true state of things to his Government. The Pope, he says, absolutely requires that Savonarola shall be silenced ; if not, the Interdict will certainly be pronounced. They may spare themselves the trouble of any more fair words and apologies for the Friar ; they make no impression on any one. On the contrary, every one laughs at their notion that Savonarola's Excommunication can be set aside.
* Marchese in Arch. St. Ital., VIII., 167 seq.
f Gherardi, 194 seq. ; cf. PELLEGRINI in the Arch, d Soc. Rom., XL, 723.
CONDUCT OF THE SIGNORIA. 33
The power of pronouncing censures is by no means an insignificant part of the authority of the Holy See. They need not fancy that they will be permitted to question it. " I repeat once more," he adds, " what I have so often written to you, if the Pope is not obeyed, the Interdict will be laid on the city. Consider, moreover, how you yourselves would act if one who owed you obedience not only frankly acted against your commands, but flouted you into the bargain." *
A few days later the Ambassador announced that the Pope had received further accounts of the abuse showered upon him, the Cardinals, and the whole Roman Court by Savonarola in his sermons. The result of a consultation with several of the Cardinals was that to forbid his preach- ing was not enough, he must be sent to Rome ; otherwise, not only would an Interdict be laid upon Florence, but all Florentines residing in Rome would be arrested and put in prison and their property confiscated.-]-
It was so obviously the fault of the Signoria that matters should have been brought to such a pass as this, that their conduct has been suspected of having been due to the intrigues of Savonarola's enemies, whose influence was growing from day to day. The Milanese Ambassador in Florence wrote to his Government on the 2nd March, 1498, that the Signoria were endeavouring to irritate the Pope to the utmost, in order to provide themselves with a plausible pretext for taking proceedings against the Friar.j It is not necessary to determine whether this view is correct or not, but the fact remains that the behaviour of the Signoria
* Gherardi, 198-201, has been the first to publish this highly interesting report of the Ambassador. Villari did not know of it.
t Gherardi, 204.
I This report is quoted by ViLLARl, Savonarola, II., 267 (Engl, trans.). Cf. Arch. St. Ital., 3 Serie, XI 1 1., 186, and Pellp:grini in Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XL, 722 sc(/. ; cf. 724 seq.
VOL. VL D
34 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
did necessarily greatly embitter Alexander against Savo- narola. The Pope complained of the Friar's disobedience and of his being permitted openly to set his authority at defiance. The Signoria replied that the preacher was doing a great deal of good and was a true reformer, and that therefore they could not comply with Alexander's commands. When the accounts from Rome became more menacing, they gave way so far as to forbid him from preaching ; * but allowed his followers, Fra Domenico and Fra Mariano Ughi, to go on declaiming against Rome in their sermons as freely as ever. The Pope complained of this in a conversation with the Florentine Ambassador on the 23rd of March and demanded an answer to his Brief. " I do not require," he said, " that the friars should be pre- vented from preaching, but these attacks on the authority of the Church and abusive language against myself must be put a stop to." Referring to Savonarola, he added : " If he would be obedient for a while and then ask for absolu- tion, I would willingly grant it, and permit him to resume his sermons, but he must cease from abusing the Holy See, the Pope, and the College of Cardinals ; for I do not object to his doctrines, but only to his preaching without having received absolution, and to his contempt of myself and of my censures ; to tolerate this would be to give away my apostolic authority."f These words are remarkable as
* In his last sermon on 1 8th March, Savonarola said that the only re- source now left was an appeal to the highest tribunal. " We must turn from the earthly Pope to Christ, the heavenly Pope." He declared that he had never set himself against the true authority of the Church, " but if the power of the Church is corrupted, it ceases to be that of the Church, and becomes the power of Satan. When it encourages concubines, knaves, and thieves, and persecutes the good, and hinders those who de- sire to lead Christian lives, I tell you then it is a devilish power that must be withstood." See Meier, i 50.
t Bonsi's Despatch of 23rd March, 1498, in Gherardi, 209 ; c/. 210.
SAVONAROLA PRESSES FOR A COUNCIL. 35
clearly proving that at this time the vindication of the Church was the first consideration.
Could the proud Friar at this juncture have made up his mind to humble himself before the Pope and ask for absolution, possibly the storm which was ultimately to overwhelm him might, even at the last moment, have been averted. But nothing could have been further from his thoughts ; blinded by his false theory, that a Council is superior to the Pope,* he obstinately persisted in pushing matters to an extreme. On the 13th March he addressed an angry letter to Alexander, accusing him of having " made a compact with his enemies, and let loose savage wolves upon an innocent man."-[- Then, following in the way of all other rebels, he urged that a Council should be held to depose the Pope as " guilty of simony, a heretic, and an unbeliever." Savonarola's friends pressed the Flor- entine Envoy in France and Spain to support this plan ; he himself addressed a letter to all the great Christian Princes, to the Kings of France, Spain, England, and Hungary, and the Emperor of Germany, strongly urging them to convoke an anti-Papal Council. " The hour of vengeance has arrived," he wrote in this document, " God desires me to reveal His secret counsels and to announce to all the world the dangers to which the barque of Peter is exposed in consequence of your slackness. The Church is steeped in shame and crime from head to foot. You, instead of exerting yourselves to deliver her, bow down before the source of all this evil. Therefore, the Lord is angry and has left the Church for so long without a shepherd. I assure you, in verbo Domini^ that this Alex- ander is no Pope at all and should not be accounted such ; for besides having attained to the Chair of S. Peter by the
* Cf. Vol. V. of this work, p. 212. t Meier, 148 seq.^ 381 seq.
36 HISTORY OP THE POPES.
shameful sin of simony, and still daily selling Church bene- fices to the highest bidder; besides his other vices which are known to all the world, I affirm als© that he is not a Christian, and does not believe in the existence of God, which is the deepest depth of unbelief." After this intro- duction, he required all Christian Princes to unite in con- voking a Council as soon as possible in some suitable and neutral place. On his side he not only bound himself to substantiate all his charges with irrefragable proofs, but also assured them that God would confirm his words by miraculous tokens.*
The agitation in favour of a Council acquired a real force and extension from Alexander's growing unpopularity. The way in which he had given up the projects of reform which he had announced before the death of the Duke of Gandia, and his unblushing nepotism necessarily aroused bitter feelings against him, both in Italy and abroad. There was fermentation on all sides. The greatest danger seemed to lie in Savonarola's friendship with the French King Charles VIII. who had already, on 7th January, 1497, obtained a pronouncement in favour of his plans for calling a Council from the Sorbonne.f Alexander had got to know of these intrigues, either through intercepted letters or through some unwary speaker. He now thought that he had good reason to fear that Savonarola's mysterious threats, such as " Some day I will turn the key," or " I will cry, Lazarus, come forth," were more than mere empty
* The draft of this letter is to be found in MEIER, 349 seg'. This docu- ment is pronounced to be genuine, not only by Marchese in Arch. St. Ital, VIII., 86 seg'. {cf. Scritti, I., 254 seg.\ but also by Ranke, Studien, 307 seg.^ who also, in the same place, expresses his belief in the statements made by Savonarola in his trial.
t Du Plessis d'Argentre, Coll. Judic, T. I., P. II., pp. 335-336; Hergenrother, VIII., 333.
EXASPERATION OF THE POPE. 37
words. No doubt he recalled to mind Andrea Zamometic's attempts to bring about a Council, and especially dreaded combinations between the Friar and Princes or Cardinals who were hostile to him, with the object of getting him de- posed by a Council. " From henceforth all his moderation and gentleness vanished." At the same time the tempest burst upon Savonarola from another quarter.*
* Schwab, in the Bonn. Literaturblatt, IV., 906 ; cf. Pellegrini, in Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XL, 726. Armstrong, in the Engl. Hist. Review, IV., 455, strongly condemns the passionate partisanship with which Villari, even in his latest edition, and in contradiction to all the best authorities, describes the conduct of Alexander VI, in regard to Savona- rola. This author, a Protestant, remarks among other things : " Even a Pope has some rights of self-defence, and had Alexander overlooked the contumacy of the Friar, the continuance of the Papacy would have been impossible. Until the last act of the drama, he seems to have behaved with singular moderation, and the changes which the author ascribes to male- volent cunning were clearly due to a real difficulty in taking stringent measures against a man for whose life and moral teaching he had con- siderable respect. If the Pope had a right to separate the Tuscan from the Lombard congregation against the will of the latter, he certainly had the right to unite it to the Roman against the will of the former. Pro- fessor Villari is never weary of assuring his readers that Savonarola's opposition was directed not against the Papacy but against the Pope, and that no taint of heresy lingers round his memory ; but it is difficult to draw a hard and fast line between doctrine and discipline, and the head of the Church would appear to have an even stronger claim to enforce his views of discipline than of doctrine." In another place (p. 459), Arm- strong says that Villari's biography is a panegyric and an apology. Before him, Gaspary (II., 664) had also taken exception to Villari's point of view. Hartwig, in the Zeitschr., LXIV., 178 seg., endeavours to defend Villari against his critics, but has to admit that he had under- taken to glorify Savonarola (p. 179), and that he is prejudiced in favour of his hero (187). In introducing into this question the definition on Infallibility of 1870 (179), Hartwig only shews that he has not under- stood this dogma. I see in GOTHElN's work, Ignatius von Loyola, which has just appeared (782), that he also considers Villari's point of view " unsatisfactory."
38 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
At the very moment that the Friar was thus attempt- ing to stir up a revolt amongst the Princes of Europe his standing ground in Florence was slipping away from under his feet.
The days in which Savonarola was the guide and ruler of almost the whole of Florence had long gone by. The turning point for him came in the year 1497 with the failure of Piero de' Medici's attempt to make himself master of the city, and the execution of five of his adherents. Their relations set themselves as avengers of blood to hunt Savonarola down,* and the influence of the Arrabiati became so great that from that time his followers had to fight hard to hold their ground. The position of the Frateschi naturally was very much damaged when, on the top of this, the excommunication also came, for it produced a great impression in the city, and many held it to be bind- ing.f The disputes on this point and on the guilt or innocence of the Friar grew more and more vehement. The revolutionary character of Savonarola's attitude I was severely stigmatised by the Franciscans of S^ Croce. When he was silenced by the Government they redoubled their attacks upon him. The Dominicans were unwearied in de- fending him ; their chief argument was his Divine mission. In his sermons he had repeatedly asserted that supernatural tokens of the righteousness of his cause would not fail to be forthcoming if the natural evidence were insufiicient.§ For a time the moderation of his conduct and the fact that many of his prophecies came true had caused him to be
* See Hase, Savonarola, 53.
t Landucci, 162, reports that many were saying that, whether it were just or unjust, the Excommunication was a serious matter. C/. GUICCIARDINI, Op. ined, III., 167, and ARMSTRONG, /oc. cit.^ 456.
X Creighton, III., 238, considers it such.
§ Cf. supra, p. 28, and Arch. Veneto, VIII., -j^.
OPPOSITION TO SAVONAROLA IN FLORENCE. 39
widely believed. Gradually people became more and more sceptical, and he found himself more and more obliged to stand on the defensive against the cavillers who disbelieved in his prophecies. The very palpable disadvantages con- sequent on the state of tension between Florence and Rome which was the natural result of her championship of an ex- communicated religious, and especially the Pope's refusal to consent to the levying of a tithe on Church property, had a considerable effect in increasing the number of sceptics. The deliberations of the Council in March 1498, on the course to be pursued in their relations with Rome, shew how far matters had gone in this respect. Francesco Valori, Savonarola's confidential friend, and others, stood up for him, but they were strongly opposed.
His enemies took pains to point out, in addition to higher considerations, the material inconveniences that must attend persistence in the course which Florence had hitherto been pursuing. Giovanni Conacci observed that the Pope's jurisdiction was universal, and he ought to be allowed to have what rightly belonged to him. Giuliano Gondi reminded the Florentines of their profession of obedience ; in refusing to obey the Pope they were breaking a solemn oath. The result of Savonarola's preaching, denying that Alexander was a true Pope and vilifying his person, would be that a sect would be formed in Florence. It was not worth while to make enemies of the Pope and all the Italian powers for the sake of such a man ; in the end the Florentines would be declared rebels against the Church, and would be treated as such. Giovanni Brunetti remarked that however good and learned Savonarola might be, he was still not infallible. Guid' Antonio Vespucci said that, look- ing at the case on all sides, he thought it would be better to obey the Pope. " You have got an envoy in Rome," he said, *' who is commissioned to request the Pope to restore
40 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
his consent to the tax on the clergy, without which the city cannot exist. For this end he is charged to do all he can to conciliate the Holy Father ; there is no sense in contra- dicting a man from whom you are seeking to obtain a favour. Whether Savonarola be innocent or guilty is of no moment; the Holy See holds him to be guilty, and unless we satisfy the Pope on this point we shall certainly get nothing from him, and it is much to be feared that the Inter- dict, with all its disastrous consequences, will come upon us. Stress has been laid on the harm that will be done by silencing the Friar ; but since his own Superiors have for- bidden him to preach it is not at our doors that the sin will lie. For Rome the matter is far from being so unimpor- tant as some would make it out. Censures are the weapons of the Apostolic See ; if it is deprived of these, how can it maintain its dignity and authority? This is perfectly understood in Rome. It is said that we ought to consider God and His honour. I agree ; but the Pope is Christ's Vicar on earth, and derives his authority from God. It is therefore more meritorious to accept his censures, whether they be just or unjust, than to defend the Friar. No doubt if we could be sure that Savonarola was sent by God it would be right to protect him against the Pope ; but as we cannot be certain of this, it is more prudent to obey Rome." *
Meanwhile Savonarola unflinchingly maintained the supernatural origin of his prophecies, and asserted that if necessary they would be confirmed by a miracle. On the last day of the Carnival of the year 1498, before all the people, holding the Blessed Sacrament in his hand, he prayed, " O God, if my words are not from Thee, I entreat
* See the report of these transactions in the documents published by LUPI in the Arch. St. Ital., 3 Serie, III., i, 33-53. Cf. Ranke, Studien, 300 seq. ; Frantz, Sixtus IV., 71 seq. ; and Hase, 61.
PROPOSAL OF THE ORDEAL BY FIRE. 4I
Thee to strike me down this very moment." * On Quinqua- gesima Sunday of the same year, in his sermon he cried out, " I entreat each one of you to pray earnestly to God that if my doctrine does not come from Him, He will send down a fire upon me, which shall consume my soul in hell." In other sermons he had repeatedly told stories to his audience of cases in which the truth was not recognised until mani- fested by some direct token from God, and offered himself to pass through the fire in order to prove the reality of his mission.-j- After such utterances as these it was not sur- prising that on 25th March, 1498, the Franciscan, Francesco of Apulia, in a sermon in S*^^ Croce, should have taken up the challenge, and undertaken to submit to the ordeal by fire with Savonarola. " I fully believe," Francesco said, " that I shall be burnt, but I am ready to sacrifice myself to free the people from this delusion. If Savonarola is not burnt with me then you may believe him to be a prophet." I
Savonarola meanwhile shewed no great inclination to prove his mission by the ordeal, but it was otherwise with his followers. Not only the enthusiastic Fra Domenico da Pescia but also many other Dominicans, and even several laymen and many women, announced their readiness to undergo it. " It is wonderful," writes a Florentine to his friend on 29th March, 1498, "to see how many here are ready to go through the ordeal as joyfully as if they were going to a wedding." §
* " The test was somewhat cheap,*' says Bohringer, 974, " and the Arrabiati were quite justified in saying that Savonarola would have done better if he had promised a miracle if God were for him, than if He were against him ; for a negative proves nothing. But all that was needed was to set afloat the idea of a Divine" manifestation."
t Perrens, 361 ; Bohringer, 988.
X Cf. Landucci, 166-167, and Gherardi, 216.
§ Gherardi, 216. Ranke Studien, 310, says that this "strange
42 HISTORY OF THE POPES
Savonarola's enemies recognised at once that the question thus started might, and possibly must, entail the destruction of their hated foe. " If he enters the fire," they said, " he will be burnt ; and if he does not, he will forfeit the faith of his adherents, and it will be easy to stir up a riot, during which he may be arrested." They therefore resolved to do their best to have the trial by ordeal carried out. For this it was necessary to obtain the consent of the Government ; and here there was considerable opposition from many who recognised the scandalous nature of the proposal ; also Savonarola's refusal to take up the challenge in person was embarrassing. However, the majority agreed that all pos- sible means must be tried, including the ordeal if neces- sary, to heal the divisions in the city. Savonarola's party were the most eager advocates of the ordeal. Again and again their master had told them that one day his words would be miraculously confirmed and his enemies destroyed, and now it seemed as if the day had come. With fanatical confidence they clamoured for the ordeal ; convinced that when the decisive moment arrived, the master would no longer be able to restrain himself, he would plunge into the flames, and then would come the miracle.*
The propositions, the truth of which Domenico da Pescia hoped to establish by means of the ordeal by fire, were those which were most contested by Savonarola's opponents. They were the following : — " The Church of God is in need of reform ; she will be chastised first and then renovated. Florence also will be chastised and afterwards restored and flourish anew. All unbelievers will be converted to Christ. These things will come to pass in our own time. The
duel ■' was proposed because " no ecclesiastical authority existed which was acknowledged by both parties."
* ViLLARl, Savonarola, II., 307 (Engl, trans.). Cf. Ranke, Studien, 311 seg.
THE ORDEAL FORBIDDEN BY ALEXANDER. 43
Excommunication pronounced against our revered father, Fra Girolamo Savonarola, is invalid and may be disre- garded without sin."
The attitude of the Government towards the ordeal should have caused Savonarola and his followers to pause ; but common-sense had long been thrown to the winds by the Friar's party, to make way for a blind belief in the som- nambulistic oracles of Fra Silvestro Maruffi. On the 30th March, the Signoria had decreed, in regard to the ordeal, that the party whose champion succumbed must immedi- ately leave the city ; that if either of the combatants refused to enter the fire, he would incur the same penalty ; that if both were burnt, the Dominicans would be considered the vanquished party. In a new decree on 6th April there was no longer any mention of a penalty for the Franciscans ; it simply announced that if Fra Domenico perished, Savonarola would have to leave Florence within three hours.*
When the news of these proceedings reached Rome, Alexander at once expressed his disapprobation. The Florentine Ambassador endeavoured in vain to obtain his sanction for the ordeal. He condemned it in the strongest terms, as did also the Cardinals and the whole Roman Court. The Ambassador insisted that the only way of prevent- ing it would be for the Pope to absolve Savonarola, an obviously impossible alternative.f
Meanwhile the 7th of April, the day fixed for the ordeal,
* This decree is in ViLLARl, Savonarola, IL, ed. 2, XCL-XCIIL t In the face of the documents published by Gherardi, 217 seq.y Villari's assertion, in which he persists even in his second edition, IL, 145, that Alexander had approved of the ordeal by fire, is absolutely un- tenable. Creighton, III., 240 ; Pellegrini in the Arch. d. Soc. Rom., XL, 727 ; and Armstrong in the Engl. Hist. Review, IV., 458, all rightly agree in rejecting Villari's theory. Cf. also Christophe, II. , 503, n. i, and CiPOLLA, 755, n. 2.
44 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
had arrived. Savonarola's misgivings had been dissipated by a vision of angels which had been vouchsafed to Fra Silvestro. On the morning of the appointed day he said mass and delivered a brief address to those who had attended it "I cannot promise you," he said, "that the ordeal will take place, for that does not depend upon us ; but, if it does, I have no hesitation in assuring you that our side will triumph." Then he set out for the Piazza accom- panied by all his friars singing the Psalm, " Let God arise and let His enemies be scattered," as they walked in proces- sion. The Franciscans, who had come quietly, were already there. An enormous multitude had assembled and were eagerly awaiting the unwonted spectacle. The Signoria had taken ev^ery precaution to secure the preservation of order. Two piles of faggots forty yards long and saturated with oil and pitch were prepared, divided by a space wide enough to allow a man to pass between them. It had already struck twelve when the Dominicans and their adherents, walking in solemn procession (Savonarola carrying the Blessed Sacrament), reached the Piazza. The Franciscans had come earlier, simply and without any demonstration, and now stood in silence on their side of the Loggia, while the Dominicans prayed aloud. All was ready. But now a difference arose between the two parties as to what each of the champions should be allowed to take with him into the flames. Fra Domenico insisted on taking the Crucifix, and this the Franciscans refused to permit. While this question was being discussed, a heavy shower came on, threatening to drive the spectators away, but they were too eager to be easily scared and it ceased in a few minutes as suddenly as it had begun. Fra Domenico persisted in his determination not to lay aside the Crucifix. At last he said that he would be willing to take the Sacred Host instead. Against this not only the Franciscans but the whole body
I
FAILURE OF THE ORDEAL. 45
of spectators energetically protested, rightly judging that such a proceeding would be nothing less than an outrage on the Blessed Sacrament. Savonarola and Fra Domenico were of a different opinion ; later, Fra Domenico acknow- ledged that the reason he refused to give way on this point was, that Fra Silvestro's angel had expressly ordered him to carry the Blessed Sacrament with him into the fire. The only possible explanation of Savonarola's persistence in this matter was the influence exercised over his mind by this friar. As a priest he must have known that to introduce the Sacred Host in such a manner into a personal experiment was absolutely forbidden by Canon Law. He seemed to have entirely forgotten that in the Church the only purposes for which the body of the Lord can lawfully be used are for the adoration of the faithful, or for their food. He main- tained that only the species could be burnt, and that the Host itself would remain untouched, and quoted a number of doctors of the Church in support of his view, which the Franciscans as resolutely contested.* Meanwhile it was growing dark and Savonarola's opponents were becoming more and more violent. The only course now open to the Signoria was to command both parties to withdraw. The mob, disappointed of the spectacle to which they had been so eagerly looking forward, were furious. Their wrath naturally was directed against the Dominican, '* whose pro- posal of carrying the Sacred Host into the fire was looked upon as an insult to the Blessed Sacrament." The bad impression produced by this was all the stronger because
*■ BOHRINGER, 999, remarks, " If Savonarola believed in the certainty of a miracle in his favour, why then should he carry the Sacred Host into the fire? Or if, on the other hand, It was to serve as a sort of talisman to protect Fra Domenico, would it not have had the same effect if Rondinelli also had insisted on carrying it, and thus reduced the whole ordeal to a farce ? "
A.6 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Franciscan had been ready to enter the fire without any more ado and without expecting- any miraculous interposi- tion. The conduct of Savonarola and his party was uni- versally condemned, especially after having so confidently announced that a miracle would take place in their favour ; " the idea that the whole thing was a fraud gained ground from moment to moment"* If Savonarola was so confi- dent that God would protect him, it was said, why did he shrink from himself undergoing the ordeal ? Also, why did he insist on Domenico's being allowed to carry the Blessed Sacrament with him into the flames ? Even those who believed in the prophet said that if the proof of his Divine mission were to be held as really incontestable, he ought to have entered the fire alone. Thus, in a single day, Savona- rola by his own act had dissipated the prophetic halo which had hitherto surrounded him in the eyes of the people.f His fate was sealed. " He had himself led the populace to look for, and believe in, such tokens as the ordeal would have been, and whenever the masses find themselves disappointed in their expectations, and think themselves cheated and insulted, their resentment is bitter and ruth-
less."t
* Ranke, Studien, 313-314 {c/. 352 seq.) ; he cites Cerretani and the Report of the Milanese Envoy, Somenzi, in the Arch. St. Ital., XVIII., 2-31 seg'. Ranke rightly follows Cerretani's impartial account and rejects Violi and Burlamacchi's Dominican Legend, which ViUari reproduces in all essential points. A fresh authority, overlooked by Villari, has now come to light in SiGlSMONDO DE' CONTI (II., 194), who is all the more trustworthy because he fully recognises Savonarola's great qualities. Pellegrini in the Giorn. St. d. Lett. Ital., XII., 262 seg'., also points out the strong bias in Villari's account of the ordeal by fire.
t II popolo si conturbo tutti quasi perdendo la fede del Profeta, writes Landucci, 169. C/. Creighton, IL, 242 ; Cosci, 456 ; and Perrens, 378 seg.
X Fra>7TZ, Sixtus IV., 80.
SAVONAROLA BEFORE THE SIGNORIA. 47
On the following morning, Palm Sunday, Savonarola still further damaged his position by again preaching in S. Marco in direct contradiction to the command of the Signoria. On the same day his banishment was decreed ; but this sentence was not carried out.* The Compagnacci resolved to take advantage of the anger and disappoint- ment of the populace in order once for all to crush the Frateschi. Before Palm Sunday was over the two parties into which the city was divided had come to blows. The sermon of a Dominican friar who was preaching in the Cathedral was violently interrupted. Francesco Valori, Savonarola's chief supporter, was murdered, and the Con- vent of S. Marco was stormed. At first Savonarola thought of defending it, but when the city officials presented them- selves and summoned him to appear before the Signoria, he followed them. By torchlight he and Domenico da Pescia were led to the palace through the seething crowd, which hooted and jeered at the prophet as he passed.-j-
The Signoria lost no time in acquainting the Pope and the various Italian powers with what had taken place. The Florentine Ambassador in Rome was also charged to beg for a general absolution from all Church penalties that might have been incurred by having allowed the Friar to go on preaching for so long, or by proceedings against ecclesiastical persons. In addition they asked for powers to try the religious who had been arrested, and also again
^ The Decree is in ViLLARi, IL, ed. 2, XCIV. C/. PORTIOLI in the Arch. St. Lomb., I., 351 seg.
t C/. Cerretani and Farenti's reports in Ranke, 3 r 4 seg. " So great was the rage of the people," says the chronicler Vaglienti, " that Savonarola, if he had not had the Blessed Sacrament with him, would have been torn to pieces." See Riv. d. Biblioteche dir di G. Biagi, IV., 60. See also Jacopo Pitti, 1st. Fior., in the Arch. St. Ital., 152, and the letter of a Mantuan Agent in the Arch. St. Lomb., I., 347 seg., and also Cosci, 457 seg.
48 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
approached the question of the tax on the clergy. Alexander VI. expressed his satisfaction that the scandal caused by the excommunicated Friar was at last put an end to ; he willingly granted the absolution, but desired that the prisoners should be sent to Rome. Although this request was afterwards repeated with considerable urgency, no attention was paid to it in Florence. To send the delinquents to Rome was held not consistent with the dignity of the Republic ; the sentence ought to be carried out where the crime had been committed. It was finally decided that two Papal Delegates were to assist in the trial, and on May 19th the General of the Dominicans, Gioacchino Turiano, and Francesco Romolino, Bishop of Ilerda, came to Florence in this capacity. But long before they arrived the trial had begun, and it was evident that Savonarola's opponents were now complete masters of the city and were prepared to employ any amount of torture and falsification of evidence to ensure his destruction.
It is plain that Savonarola's statements, forced from him by torture and further distorted by interpolated sentences and omissions, cannot be accepted as proofs of anything. Thus the justice of his sentence can never be either proved or disproved ; but the excitement of Florence was so great that the Government believed that it was absolutely necessary to put a stop to the Friar's proceedings. No doubt Alexander VI. was urgent in his demands that the rebel who had intended to call in the help of the secular powers to achieve his dethronement should be punished. Nevertheless the responsibility for the severity with which he was treated must rest on the rulers of Florence. It has been truly said, in excuse for this, that the Republic was at that time in such a critical position, both externally and internally, that the Government were convinced that this was a case for the application of the old Roman maxim,
SAVONAROLA DESERTED BY HIS DISCIPLES. 49
" the good of the State before everything else," and that they were bound to adopt any measures, however extreme, that seemed expedient for its defence.*
What was given out as Savonarola's " Confessions " was of a nature to shake the faith even of his most trustful disciples in his Divine mission and his prophetic character, and the mass of his disciples began rapidly to fall away. " On the 29th April, 1498," writes the loyal Luca Landucci in his Diary, " I was present at the reading of the deposi- tions at the trial of Savonarola, whom we had all believed to be a prophet. He confessed that he was no such thing and that his prophecies were not from God. When I heard this I was filled with amazement and confusion. My soul was pierced with anguish when I perceived that the whole of the edifice which my faith had reared was founded on lies and was crumbling away. I had thought that Florence was to be a new Jerusalem, out of which would proceed the law of holy life, the reformation of the Church, the con- version of unbelievers, and the consolation of the good. Now all this has vanished. My only comfort is in the word : In voluntate tua Domini omnia sunt posita'.' f The majority even of the friars of San Marco now abandoned their master. On the 21st of April they sent a letter of apology to Alexander. " Not merely ourselves," they said, " but likewise men of far greater talent, were deceived by Fra Girolamo's cunning. The plausibility of his doctrines, the rectitude of his life, the holiness of his manners ; his pretended devotion, and the good results he obtained by purging the city of immorality, usury, and every species of vice; the different events which confirmed his prophecies in a manner beyond all human power and imagination, were such that had he not made retractation
* Cosci, 460, cf. 462.
t Landucci, 173.
VOL. VI. E
50 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
himself, declaring that his words were not inspired by God, we should never have been able to renounce our faith in him. For so firm was our belief in him that we were all most ready to go through the fire in support of his doctrines." *
As every one had foreseen, the trial resulted in the sentence of death being pronounced upon Savonarola, Fra Domenico, and Fra Silvestro, " for the monstrous crimes of which they had been convicted." On the following day the sentence, death by hanging, was executed.
All three met their fate courageously and calmly. Before being delivered over to the secular arm, they were degraded from their priestly dignity as " heretics, schismatics, and contemners of the Holy See."-]- One of the spectators is said to have called out to Savonarola, " Now is your time, Prophet, let us have the miracle." When life was extinct
* ViLLARi, Savonarola, II., 375 (Engl, trans.). Cf. Perrens, 597 seq.
t For those readers who are unfamiliar with ecclesiastical terminology, I think the follo\\dng remarks will not be superfluous. It was not only the Papal Commissioners but Alexander VI. himself who charged Savonarola with disseminating "falsa et pestifera dogmata" (see the Brief of 12th March, 1498, in Gherardi, 267). But by this phrase, according to the ordinary language of the time and the legal points of view, which was also that of the Inquisition during the following centuries, we are not to under- stand the teaching of erroneous dogma. Under certain circumstances, as Grisar in the Zeitschr. fiir Kathol. Theologie, 398, justly points out, teaching, the tendency of which was practically schismatic or unecclesias- tical, was so designated. " Thus, any one who was giiilty of insordescentia in excommunicatione made himself ' suspect of heresy' in the eye of the law, by seeming to deny the right of the Church to pronounce the sen- tence of excommunication, or the necessity of membership with the Church." And Savonarola's claim of being a divinely commissioned prophet would fall under the same category. Cf. the Letter of the Papal Commissioners of the 23rd May, 1498, in Rudelbach, 494-497, from which it is evident that the charge of heresy in this case is to be under- 3tood in the constructive and not in the strict sense.
EXECUTION OF SAVONAROLA. 5 1
the bodies were taken down and burnt : a gust of wind for a moment blew the flames aside, and many cried, " A miracle, a miracle " ; but in another moment the corpses were again enveloped. The ashes were thrown into the Amo so as to leave no relics of the prophet for his disciples to venerate.*
Such was the end of this highly gifted and morally blameless, but fanatical, man. His greatest faults were his interference in politics and his insubordination towards the Holy See. His intentions, at least in the earlier years of his active life, were pure and noble ; later, his passionate nature and fanatical imasrination carried him far awav and led him to overstep the bounds of what was permissible in a religious and a priest. He became the head of a political party and a fanatic, openly demanding the death of all enemies of the Republic ; this could not fail in the end to bring about his destruction.
In theory Savonarola remained always true to the dogmas of the Catholic Church; but in his denial of the penal authority of the Holy See, and in his plans for calling a Council, which, if they had succeeded, must inevitably have produced a schism, his tendencies were practically uncatholic.f
* Landucci, 177-178; cf. ViLLARi, Savonarola, II., ed. 2, 2435'^^. See also F. Ricciardi da Pistoja, Ricordi, 51-52, and Un testo oculare del supplizio del Savonarola, in the periodical Zibaldone of ist Jan., 1888.
t The old Lutheran view, that Savonarola was a precursor of the Re- formation, and taught the doctrine of justification by faith alone, can no longer be held by any serious historian ; cf. GUERZONI, Rinascimento, 80, and the Jahresberichte der Geschichtswissenschaft, I. (1878), 325, 360. Next to Marchese, I.^ 193 seq.^ Villari has undoubtedly rendered great services in exposing the unhistorical character of this view, of which Rudelbach is one of the principal supporters ; though, from his imperfect acquaintance with Catholic theology and philosophy.
52 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
It may justly be urged in Savonarola's defence that in Florence and in Rome, and indeed throughout Italy, a
he has not been able to avoid falling into some contradictions and errors. Schwab in the Bonn. Literaturblatt, IV., 897, and Frantz, Sixtus IV., XV., pp. 91-93, have pointed these out, but Villari, against his own interest, has refused to notice them. The absurd notion of introducing Savonarola, who in his " Triumph of the Cross " places defection from the Catholic Church in the same category with defection from Christ (Qui ab unitate Romanae Ecclesiae doctrinam dissentit, procul dubio per devia aberrans a Christo recedit, sed omnes haeretici ab ea discordant, ergo ii a recto tramite declinant neque Christiani appellari possunt. Lib. IV., c. 6) into the Luther memorial at Worms, has set a number of Catholic pens to work to prove his orthodoxy. Amongst these are : ( i ) Das Lutherdenkmal zu Worms im Lichte der Wahrheit (Mainz, 1868, 2nd ed., 1869) ; (2) ROUARD DE Card, H. Savonarola und das Lutherdenkmal zu Worms ins Deutsche iibersetzt. (Berlin, 1868). See also SiCKiNGER, Savonarola, Eine historische Studie (Wurzburg, 1877) ; Frantz, Sixtus IV., 80 seq ; CiPOLLA, 760 ; DiTTRICH, Contarini, 478 seq. ; Cantu, Eretici, I., 232, and Ital. 111., III., 6/^0 seq. \ Capponi, Gesch. der Florent. Republik, II., 229; American Catholic Quarterly Review, XIV. (1889), 2,(iseq.', and Hergenrother, VIII., 335. The latter says of him : " He certainly was not a formal heretic or a precursor of the so-called Re- formation, unless the mere fact of being in opposition to Rome is enough to constitute him such. His teaching was thoroughly Catholic, and, with the exception of a few which have been put into the Index, his writings have held their ground unquestioned in the literature of the Church." In the reaction against this unhistorical point of view, a Dominican, E. Bayonne, went so far as to write a book (Etude sur J. Savonarola d'apres des nouveaux documents, Paris, 1879) with the object of prepar- ing the way for his canonisation. The " New Documents " have been published by Gherardi, but contain nothing to justify such a proposal ; nor can the reverence and esteem entertained for him by S. Philip Neri and S. Cath. Ricci be considered enough to support it. The legend that Benedict XIV. " inscribed the name of Savonarola in the Catalogue of the saintly and blessed seivants of Go^ " is entirely false. See Grisar, in the Zeitschr. fiir Kathol. Theologie, IV., 392 seq. Bayonne's pretension is in contradiction also with the old tradition of his Order. The docu- ments in Gherardi, 329 seq.^ shew that the Dominican Superiors for a
CHARACTER OF SAVONAROLA. 53
deplorable corruption of morals prevailed, and that the secularisation of the Papacy in Alexander VI. had reached its climax ; but in his burning zeal for the reformation of morals he allowed himself to be carried away into violent attacks on men of all classes, including his superiors, and he completely forgot that, according to the teaching of the Church, an evil life cannot deprive the Pope or any other ecclesiastical authority of his lawful jurisdiction He certainly was quite sincere in his belief that he was a prophet and had a Divine mission, but it soon became evident that the spirit by which he was led was not from above, for the primary proof of a Divine mission is humble submission to the authority which God Him- self has ordained. In this, Savonarola was wholly wanting. *' He thought too much of himself and rose up against a power which no one can attack without injuring him- self No good can come of disobedience ; that was not
whole century combated the tendency to the veneration of Savonarola among their subjects, and that it was forbidden to have any picture of him, or even to mention his name. See Vol. V. of this work, p. 214, on a heretical development of Savonarola's tendencies. It is well-known that in the i6th Century, during the disturbances of 1 527-1 530, and at the time of the opposition to the Grand Duke Alessandro Medici, Savon- arola's views and methods were revived, and exercised considerable in- fluence. In this connection it is useful to compare Marchese, Scritti, I., 307 seq.^ with the documents in Gherardi, loc. cit. Reumont, III., I, 154, thinks that there has been some exaggeration in the descrip- tion and estimation of Savonarola's influence on the Florentine clergy of that time. In the present state of our knowledge this question cannot be certainly determined ; but a careful investigation of the subject would be very valuable. 1 should wish to draw the attention of any one who felt disposed to undertake this, to an apparently uni)rinted paper written on the 7th June, 1578, at Fiesole. I found this panegyric of the virtues of Savonarola (with the text : Credidi propter quod locutus sum) in the Varia Polit., 47, f. 447 scq.^ in the Secret Archives of the Vatican.
54 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the way to become the apostle of either Florence or Rome." *
♦ Cardinal N ewman's judgment in Weiss, IV., 246 (VI I. 532, ed. 3); cf. Rohrbacher-Knopfler, 277. Cesare Balbo, Storia d'ltalia (ediz. decima, Firenze, 1856), has the following passage (p. 276) on the Friar of San Marco : Di Savonarola chi fa un Santo, chi un eresiarca precursor di Lutero, chi un eroe di libertk. Ma son sogni : i veri Santi non si ser- von del tempio a negozi umani ; i veri eretici non muoion nel seno della Chiesa, come mori, benche perseguitato, Savonarola ; e i veri eroi di libertk sono un po' piu sodi, non si perdono in chiasso come lui. Fu un entusiasto di bon conto ; e che sarebbe forse di buon pro, se si fosse ecclesiasticamente contentato di predicare contro alle crescenti corruttelle della spensierata Italia.
CHAPTER II.
CiESAR Borgia resigns the Cardinalate, and becomes Duke OF Valentinois. — Change in the Papal Policy. — Alliance between Alexander VI. and Louis XII.
Only a few weeks before Savonarola's execution the Prince on whom the visionary Dominican had hung such strangely baseless hopes for the reformation of the Church and the salvation of Italy, had passed away. Charles VI 1 1, died suddenly in the prime of life on the 7th April, 1498.* He was succeeded by Louis XII. The new ruler shewed at once what Italy had to expect from him by assuming not only the title of King of Jerusalem and the two Sici- lies, but also, as descendant of one of the Visconti, that of Duke of Milan.
These pretensions were hailed with satisfaction in Flor- ence, and still more so in Venice, the Republic having fallen out with Milan about Pisa. Louis lost no time in securing the services of the turbulent Gian Giacomo Trivulzio,-]- and Venice, in the same breath with her con- gratulations on his accession, proposed an alliance. J: The
* On Charles' latest project and his promises to Alexander VI., see Delaborde, 684.
t Sanuto, I., 963 ; CiPOLLA, 761 ; Balan, 386. Cf. P^lissier, La politique de Trivulce au debut du regne de Louis XII. (Paris, 1894). Louis XII. sent an Envoy to Siena to induce that city to enter into an alliance with France and Venice. See Pelissier, Lettre de Louis XII. h, la Seigneurie de Sienne. Siena, 1894.
X RoMANiN, v., 101-102 ; Sanuto, I., 1012.
56 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
French King had announced his accession to the Pope in remarkably friendly terms.* Alexander hastened, on the 4th of June, to respond to these advances by sending persons of unusual distinction, the Archbishop John of Ragusa, the protonotary Adrian of Corneto, and Raimondo Centelles, as Envoys to France.f They were charged, first of all, to congratulate the new King on his accession, and to call his attention to the war against the Turks ; in the next place, they were to say that the Pope would investigate certain claims made by Louis in regard to the Neapolitan question ; and to warn him against making any attack upon Milan. They were to ask him to endeavour to obtain the restitu- tion of Pisa and Florence. Finally, they were to require him to give up the alliance with the Orsini and Colonna, and to abstain from taking the banished ex- Prefect of Rome, Giovanni della Rovere, under his protection. J On the 14th June the Envoys were again desired to impress upon the King that nothing must be done against Milan. §
* Cf. Pelissier, UAlleanza, 310.
t Sanuto, I., 979 ; BURCHARDI Diarium, II., 474. "^Letter of Card. A. Sforza, dat. June 4, Rome, 1498 : Hoggi N. S. ha inviato per soi oratori al ser^o Re de Franza el rev. Arcivescovo de Ragusa, M. Hadriano da Corneto prothonotario et secretario de S. S"^ et M. Santigles Spagnolo prothonotario antique servitore de Sua B^^. State Archives, Milan.
X The Instruction is to be found in Maulde, Proced. Polit., 1 106 seq.^ taken from Cod. XXXIII., 170 f., 41 1^, of the Bibl. Barberini ; and in Thuasne, II., 673 seq.^ printed from a MS. in the Papal Archives. Maulde and Thuasne, however, and also Gregorovius, VII., 409, ed. 3 (ed. 4, 415), are not aware that this document had been published long ago by Ferri (Comment, de rebus gestis Hadriani Castelli. Faventiae, 1771 M. X.). Cf. Gebhardt, Adrian, 9, where the reference to SiGiS- MONDO de' Conti, II., 200, is wanting. On R. Centelles, see Dal Re, 136 seq. ; and on the journey of the Envoys and their arrival in the French Court, Pelissier, L'Alleanza, 323 seq.
§ Alex. VI. ven fratri Jo. Archiepisc. Ragusin ac dil. filiis Hadriano
ALEXANDER'S RELATIONS WITH LOUIS XII. 57
About the same time an Envoy from Louis XII. ap- peared in Rome, asking for the dissolution of his marriage with his consort Jeanne, to which he had been con- strained in eadier days by Louis XI. The King swore that he had never consummated the marriage. The Pope, on the 29th July, 1498, appointed a judicial commission to examine into the case, and in December they decided in favour of the dissolution. On the 13th of September Alex- ander had already granted a dispensation to Louis to con- tract a fresh marriage with Anne of Brittany, the widow of his predecessor, stipulating at the same time that something was to be done for his beloved Caesar.* The advances made to France, formerly so energetically repelled, though only begun in June, soon developed into a firm friendship. Many causes, besides those already mentioned, conduced to this result, and especially the conduct of Naples.
Ever since the Autumn of 1497 Caesar Borgia, who was only in minor orders, had been seeking to return to the secular state,-}- to obtain a principality, and to marry a Princess. The Pope at first seems to have been averse to these projects ; but Caesar had little difficulty in overcoming this feeling, and Alexander's ambition began forthwith to
Castellen. cam. ap. clerico et secret, nostro et Raymundo Centell thesaur. Perusin. protonotariis, oratoribus nostris. Dat. Rom., 1498, Juni 14, Ao 60. State Archives, Milan.
* Sanuto, L, 998 seg., 1019, 1030, 1047. Cf. Balan, 387 ; Guettee, VIII., 83 seg. ] Pelissier, L'Alleanza, 335 seg. ; and, especially, Maulde, Proced. Polit., 789 seg.^ 812 seq., 945 seg.
t Cf. Vol. V. of this work, p. 519 ; the Ferrarese Despatch in Balan, 376 ; and the ^Report (in cypher) of A. Sforza, dat. Rome, 1497, Aug. 20 : " Questi di passati h stato rasonato di fare il car'e de Valenza seculare et darli la principessa de Squillace per mogliere col stato chel principe ha nel reame il qual per quelle se intende non ha fin qui tocato camalmente la principessa et in questo caso si dariano ad epso principe li bencficii del pto carle." Milanese State Archives.
58 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
busy itself with a plan for obtaining the throne of Naples for the house of Borgia by means of an Aragonese alliance,*
Caesar was to marry Carlotta, the daughter of the Neapoli- tan King, and receive the principality of Tarento. The Mantuan Envoy states expressly that this was the Pope's real object in bringing about the marriage between Lucrezia and Alfonso, the natural son of Alfonso II., and now Prince of Bisceglia and Quadrata.f On the 15th July Alfonso came incognito to Rome, and was cordially re- ceived by Alexander and Caesar.;|: On the 21st the marriage itself took place very quietly, but was celebrated on the following days with great festivities, in which Alex- ander took part with boyish gaiety. On this occasion a sharp encounter took place between Caesar's retainers and those of the Duchess, not a good omen for the future. Alfonso's good looks are much vaunted by one of the chroniclers, and this marriage of Lucrezia's was a happy one.§ On the other hand, Caesar's alliance with Carlotta, who had been brought up at the French Court, fell through. She herself refused, and her father was even more opposed to it than she was. On the 24th July, writing to Gonsalvo de Cordova, he said that the Pope was insatiable, and that
* Brosch, Julius II., 319-320 ; Sanuto, II., 250. Ccesar's famous sword (now in the possession of the Duke of Sennoneta) bears witness to his plans and aspirations. The engraved designs with which it is covered contain many plays upon his name with appropriate mottoes, e.g.^ Cum numine Cesaris omen. It was first described by Ademollo, and later Nvith admirable illustrations by Yriarte, Autour des Borgia, 143 seq.
t See Appendix N. 3, "^Despatch from G. L. Cataneo, 8th Aug., 1498. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
X See Appendix N. i and 2, ^Letters from A. Sforza of 15th and 17th July, 1498. Milanese State Archives.
§ Cf. BURCHARDI Diarium, II., 493 seq. ; Sanuto, I., 1030, 1042 ; and in Appendix N. 3, Cataneo's ^Despatch of 8th Aug., 1498, with Gregorovius, Lucrezia Borgia, 104 seq.
LEAGUE OF THE ORSINI AND COLONNA. 59
he would rather lose both his kingdom and his life than consent to this marriage. In this remarkable letter the King confesses the extreme weakness of his Government.* The Pope was perfectly aware of all this, and the know- ledge made him still more desirous of entering into closer relations with the growing power of France. Yet another motive was added by the conflict between the Orsini and Colonna, which had broken out afresh. The Orsini, in spite of their union with the Conti, were completely defeated at Palombara on the 12th April, HpS.-f The Pope's efforts to bring about even a truce between the contending parties were unsuccessful. j: It seemed as if both sides were bent on continuing the contest until one or other was destroyed, when suddenly, on 8th July, they came to an agreement to place the decision in regard to Tagliacozzo and Alba in the hands of King Frederick of Naples. § This mysterious reconciliation meant a combination against the Pope. In his own palace, one day, a set of verses were put up, urging the Colonna and Orsini to come forward bravely to the rescue of their afflicted country; to slay the bull (a play upon the Borgia arms) which was devastating Ausonia ; to fling his calves into the raging Tiber, and himself into hell ||
* Arch. St. Ital., XV., 235 seq. Cf. Brosch, Julius 11., 79 ; Sanuto, I., 988 ; and P^LISSIER, L'Alleanza, 307 seq.
t Sanuto, I., 940, 965, 988, 998, and 1007 ; Sigismondo de' Conti, II., 175 seq. ; and the Report in Balan, 373 seq.^ 376.
X "^Letter from A. Sforza, Rome, 2nd May, 1498. Milanese State Archives.
§ "^Heri che fu alii 8 h stata conclusa la pace tra S^ Colonesi et Ursini comprendendosi in epsa li Savelli et Conteschi. Letter from A. Sforza, Rome, 9th July, 1498. (Milanese State Archives.) See Sanuto, I., 1014, 1015 ; GreGOROVIUS, VII., 409 seq.^ ed. 3 (415 ed. 4) ; anil Balan, 377. On 3rd Feb., 1499, Frederick awarded Tagliacozzo, Alba, and Carsoli to the Colonna. See Coppi, Mem. Colonn., 236.
II Malh^iero, 508, says these verses were affixed to the door of the
6o HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Alexander VI. and Caesar meanwhile had succeeded in obtaining what they wanted,* and on the 17th of August Caesar resigned his Red-hat with the consent of all the Car- dinals.f Sigismondo de' Conti calls this a new and un- heard of proceeding ; but at the same time dwells on the fact that Caesar was naturally a warrior, and unsuited for the priesthood. Sanuto, in his Diary, is much more severe in his judgment. He says : " When Cardinal Ardicino della Porta wished to resign the Cardinalate in order to become a monk, many in the Consistory were against it, while all gave their consent to Caesar's plan ; but now in God's Church everything is topsy-turvy." I The disposal of Caesar's benefices, which were worth 32,000 ducats, was left with the Pope, who later gave the Archbishopric of Valencia to Cardinal Juan Borgia. §
On this same 17th August the French King's Envoy, Louis de Villeneuve, arrived in Rome in order to accompany Caesar to France. The preparations for the journey took so long that they did not start until the ist of October.ll A few days earlier Alexander addressed an
Libraria del Papa ; Sanuto, whose version is a little different (I., 1016, 1017), that they were found : in su una collona nel palazo dil papa.
* In the postscript of a ^Letter from Card. A. Sforza to his brother in July, 1498, we read: Come piu volte ho scripto alia Ex. V. io extimo che N. S. non sia per riposare fin che non habia date assetto alle cose del rev. card, de Valenza. Milanese State Archives.
t Gregorovius, VII., 412, ed. 3 (418, ed. 4) ; Cipolla, 764 ; Reu- MONT, III., I, 228; and Balan, 388, give a wrong date — 13th Aug. That in the text is the date in BURCHARDI Diarium, II., 492.
:|: Sigismondo de' Conti, II., 201 ; Sanuto, I., 1054. C/. also Diario Ferrarese, 390 ; NOTAR GiACOMO, 225 ; Carpesanus, lib. III., 6 ; and Raynaldus, ad an. 1492, n. 34, in connection with Mansi's note.
§ Sanuto, L, mo ; II., 67, 629 ; and *Acta Consist., C. 303, f. 8. Consistorial Archives.
II Burchardi Diarium, II., 493 ; Pelissier, 344 (of course it is
C^SAR BORGIA SETS OUT FOR FRANCE. 6l
autograph letter to Louis XII., in which he commended Caesar to him as one who was more dear to him than anything else on earth. * In this Brief Caesar is called Duke of Valentinois ; thus this principality must have been already bestowed upon him, although the formal investiture did not take place till later.f It is a curious coincidence that the former Archbishop of Valencia should have become Duke of Valentinois, so that he still retained the appellation Valentinus, which could stand for either.
The new Duke set forth on his journey in royal state; 100,000 ducats were said to have been spent on his outfit. He was clad in silk and velvet and bedizened with gold and jewels. The equipment of his suite corresponded with his own. The trappings of his horses were mounted in silver, and their saddle-cloths were embroidered with costly pearls. I French galleys were waiting for him at Civita Vecchia. On the 3rd of October he embarked for Marseilles, where on the 19th he was received with royal honours. § In Avignon, Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, who was now completely reconciled with the Pope, and in August had been reinstated in Ostia, also gave him a splendid reception. j| Slowly, and with great pomp, the
Oct. I instead of Nov. i); ■'^Acta Consist., Oct. i, 1498, in the Con- sistorial Archives. "^Exitus, 531, f 151 : 28th Sept., 1498, Joh. Cardona missus in Franciam cum card'i Valent. with 9 armigeris and several comestabiles. Secret Archives of the Vatican.
* Brief of 28th Sept., 1498, in MOLINI, I., 28, and also in P^LISSIER, 344.
t See Sanuto, I., 1095 ; II., 154.
X Sanuto, I., iiii; II., 15, 320; Branca de Telini in GORI, Arch., II., 113^1?^.; Cambi, XXI., 135; YriaRte, Cesar Borgia, I., 157 seg.; Havemann, II., 3 seg.
§ Sanuto, II., 25 ; P^lissier, 345.
II C/. Vol. V. of this work, p. 502, on Alexander's reconciliation with Giuliano. See further, Gregorovius, VII., 421, ed. 4 ; Brosch, Julius II., 79 ; CreigHTON, III., 265. See also Sanuto, I., 1091 ; II., 158;
62 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
proud Duke pursued his journey through Lyons to the Royal camp, which was then at Chinon. On the 19th of December (according to other accounts, the 20th) he made his entry there with a splendour hitherto unknown in France. He brought to the King the Bull of dispensation for his marriage, and a Red-hat to the Archbishop of Rouen, George d'Amboise. At this time Louis spoke openly of his designs on Milan, in which he expected the Pope's support*
The closer relations with France caused a breach between the Pope and Ascanio Sforza and Lodovico Moro. As early as September, 1498, we find this mentioned in the Envoy's reports. The Colonna and Frederick of Naples were on the side of Ascanio Sforza. Their attitude was so menacing that on All Saints' Day the Pope appeared in the Church with a strong guard ; and later this occurred again several times.f
Even when the Portuguese Envoys, on 27th November, came for their audience, they found a large guard in the ante-chamber. If, as many thought, this was intended to overawe the Envoys, it quite failed in its effect. On the
and SiGlSMONDO DE' Conti, II., 201 ; and on the festivities at Avignon, G. Bayle'S paper in the Mem. de TAcad. de Vaucluse, Vol. 7.
* Ferrato, Entrata del Valentino nel 1499 a Cinone (Venez., 1868) ; Sanuto, II., 39, 175, 317, 320, 347 seq., 367-368 ; SiGISMONDO DE CONTi, loc. cit.\ MUNTZ, Hist, de I'Art, I., 318. On the dissolution of LouisXII.'s marriage, see Leonetti, III.,25I ; CiPOLLA, 764 ; andEHSES, Documente zur Gescht. der Ehescheidung Heinrichs VIII., 56, note i. Panvinius, 334, and Cardella, 275, erroneously place d'Amboise's nomination on the 12th of September. See, against this, Burchardi Diarium, II., 516, and ■^■Acta Consist., where the 17th September is dis- tinctly mentioned as the day of nomination. (Consistorial Archives of the Vatican, C. 2.) Upon d'Amboise, see Novaes, VI., 100 ; Migne, s. v.\ and de Montbard's work, Le Card. G. d'Amboise, Ministre de Louis XII. Limoges, 1879.
+ Sanuto, I., iiii ; II., 102, 113, 186. Cf. Pelissier, 353 seq.
THE PORTUGUESE ENVOYS IN ROME. 63
contrary, they remonstrated in unsparing terms with Alexander on his nepotism, his simony, and his French policy, which, they said, endangered the peace of Italy, ^.nd, indeed, of the whole of Christendom. If the Pope persevered in this they openly threatened a Council. " The demeanour of the Portuguese Envoys," Ascanio Sforza wrote on 3rd December, " is all the more unpleasant to the Pope in that he believes their Spanish Majesties to be at the bottom of it, and that the Spanish Envoys, who are daily expected, will say the same things, or worse. He thinks the King of the Romans also has a hand in it, as he has made similar representations." * Under these circumstances Alexander VI. awaited with keen anxiety the announcement from France, which, he hoped, would bring the assurance of the French alliance, f
In the Consistory, in December, the Pope and Ascanio Sforza came to a sharp passage of words. The testy Cardinal declared that Alexander, in sending Caesar to France, was bringing ruin on Italy. " Are you aware, Monsignore," replied Alexander, " that it was your brother who invited the French into Italy ?" The Venetian Envoy, who reports this incident, adds that Ascanio intended, with the help of Maximilian I. and King Ferdinand of Spain, to get a Council summoned to dethrone Alexander. We can understand with what misgivings the advent of the Spanish Envoys was awaited. I
They arrived on the 19th December. On the same day Cardinal Borgia started for Viterbo, in order to quell the
* Report in cypher from Card. A. Sforza of 3rd Dec, 1498, taken from the original in the Milanese Archives, now printed in the Bollet. St. d. Suizz. Ital., VII., 202-204.
t Sanuto, II., 157, 249.
t Sanuto, II., 217, 250. C/. Lanz, Actenstucke zur Gesch. Karls V., Einleitung, 47.
64 ' HISTORY OF THE POPES.
disturbances which had broken out there.* Three days later they appeared before the Pope with that display of anxious concern for the welfare of the Church which Ferdinand's successors were so apt at employingj-f while, in fact, their aims were entirely political. Ferdinand of Spain dreaded, above all things, an alliance between Rome and Louis XII., which would give to France the pre- dominance in Italy, and frustrate all his designs in regard to Naples. Consequently, he had charged his Envoys to threaten Alexander with a Council and reform. They began by telling the Pope to his face that the means by which he had obtained the Pontificate were notorious. Alex- ander interrupted them with the remark that, having been unanimously elected Pope, his title was a far better one than that of their Spanish Majesties, who had taken possession of their throne in defiance of all law and conscience. They were mere usurpers, and had no right whatever to their kingdom. The rest of the audience corresponded with this beginning. The Envoys reproached Alexander with his simony and his nepotism, and threatened a Council. The Pope justified himself, and accused the Spanish Ambassador, Garcilasso de la Vega, of concocting false reports. When the Envoys spoke of the death of the Duke of Gandia as a Divine chastisement, he angrily replied that the Spanish monarchs were more severely punished than he was, for they were without direct successors, and this was doubtless on account of their encroachments on the rights of the Church. I
* BURCHARDI Diarium, II., 500, and ^Acta Consist., C. 303, f. 9 seg. Consistorial Archives, t Havemann, II., 15.
t SaNUTO, II., 279 ; Cf. 836, and ZURITA, V., 159^-160. Cf. HOFLER,
Rodrigo de Borja, 83; Wiffen, Life of Juan Valdes, 25 (1885); Maurenbrecher, Kathol. Ref., 379.
SPAIN AND PORTUGAL THREATEN THE POPE. 65
Louis XII. endeavoured to tranquillise the Pope by informing him that he had an agreement with Ferdinand, and consequently there was nothing to fear from him.* Meanwhile, Alexander became more and more disturbed, as he found the Portuguese and Spanish Envoys making common cause and combining to threaten him with a Council.f In January 1499, the Ambassadors of Portugal and Spain presented themselves together before the Pope. In presence of Cardinals Costa, Ascanio, Carvajal, de S. Giorgio, and Lopez, one of the Envoys told the Pope to his face, that he was not the lawful Head of the Church. Alexander in his anger threatened to have him thrown into the Tiber, and retorted by attacking the conduct of the Queen of Spain, and complaining of the interference of both King and Queen in matters concerning the Church. The Venetian Ambassador thought he perceived that the Pope, in his alarm, was beginning to repent of his alliance with France and to wish to be friends again with Ascanio.;]; To add to his annoyance, news came from France that, in spite of all Giuliano della Rovere's persuasions, the daughter of the King ot Naples persisted in her refusal to marry
* Sanuto, II., 2%o{cf. Prescott, II., 219), and *Acta Consist., C. 303 : 9th Jan., 1499 . . . Per rev. D. Sanseverinat. lecte sunt littere Christ. Francor. regis ad s. Collegiam idiomate Gallico date ex oppido Chinon XX, Decemb. 1498 quibus significabat se de present ietiam ad S. D. N. scripsisse. (Consistorial Archives.) An account, written by Mattia del Canale on 3rd Jan., 1499, ^^ Alexander's interests in the Carnival festivities in Ademollo, Alessandro VI., 24, curiously illustrates the frivolity of his nature. The Ferrarese Envoy, Manfred!, on 8th Jan., 1499, reports : "'^'Le oratori spagnoli tengono et prefato N. S. multo svegliato et tocco suso el vivo. State Archives, Modena.
t Sanuto, II., 343.
X Sanuto, II., 385 ; cf. 343, and Burchardi Diarium, 11., 506-507. See also Zurita, V., 160, and S. Pinzoni's ^Despatch of ist Jan., 1499. State Archives, Modena.
VOL. VI. F
66 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
Caesar.* Alexander laid the blame of this on Louis XII. In a letter of 4th February, 1499, to Giuliano della Rovere. he complained of the King's faithlessness, which had made him the laughing-stock of the world ; as every one knew that, but for this marriage, Caesar would never have gone to France.f On the 13th of February he spoke in a similar strain to Ascanio, and begged him to endeavour to persuade the King of Naples to agree to the marriage. Ascanio, however, replied that this was impossible. The Cardinal thought that the Pope was v-ery much afraid of Spain and thoroughly mistrustful of France.^ Just at this time Louis XII. concluded his treaty with Venice for the partition of Milan, leaving it open to the Pope to join in the League if he pleased. § At this juncture it seemed extremely un- likely that this would take place. |j If Caesar had not been in France, the Venetian Envoy, in a report of 12th March, says he believes that Alexander would have allied himself
* Sanuto, II., 412, where, however, the date should be the 19th instead of the iSth Jan. Giuliano's letter was discovered by Brosch, Julius II., 79. C/. also Pelissier, 369 se^.
t Gregorovius, VII., 416-417, ed. 3 (423, ed. 4).
t Notizenblatt (1856), p. 5^7.
§ In regard to the League of 9th Feb., 1499, which was published in Blois on the 1 5th April, and Giuliano della Rovere's part in it, see Brosch, Julius II., 80. In the *Acta Consist, C. 303, we find (f 36), Feb. 27, 1499 : S. D. N. legit litteras rev. d. S. Petri ad Vine, quemadmoduin Veneti die 9 Febr. confederati forent cum rege christ. dixitque etiam oratorem Venetum hac de re litteras habuisse ac locum Sue S'^ reser- vatum esse. Consistorial Archives.
II Giuliano della Rovere was the person counted on to bring the Pope round. In the ^Report of an anonymous person, dat. Lyons, 28 Mar., 1499, we find the following passage on Giuliano's journey, which may ser\'e to fill up the gap in Brosch's Julius II., 80 : Ali xxrv. de questo axrivo qua lo card, de S. Petro, Yesterday he went on to A\ignon : se stima vulgarmente per tirar el papa in la liga. State Archives, Modena.
CRITICAL POSITION OF ALEXANDER VI. 67
with Milan.* Perhaps that was too much, but it is certain that at that time Alexander was extremely dissatisfied with France, and was still in the same mood when Louis XII. offered the hand of the charming Charlotte d'Albret to Caesar.-|-
Alexander's position was an extremely critical one. In Rome, the probability that Germany and Spain would renounce their obedience was freely discussed. | There can be no doubt that in both these countries there was a strong party hostile to Rome. This explains why Christopher Columbus, when on 26th February, 1498, he settled his estate upon his son Diego, commanded him to employ his wealth in the support of a crusade, "or in assisting the Pope if a schism in the Church should threaten to deprive him of his seat or of his temporal possessions." § The danger from Spain was pressing. In order to remove at least one of that country's grounds of complaint, Alex- ander resolved, on the 20th of March, 1499, to take Bcne- vento away from the heirs of the Duke of Gandia and restore it to the Church. || In May, Alexander promised to
* Sanuto, II., 530. The following note in the *Acta Consist., C. 303, 8 Aprihs, 1499, '^ interesting : Cum ego vicecancellarius dixissem oratorem ill. ducis Mediolani ad S. D. N. hodie ingressurum esse in urbem, statuerunt rev. d. cardinales cum honore suscipiendum esse licet fuerit dictum consuetudinem fuisse non mittere obviam oratoribus praeterquam venientibus ad praestandam pontifici obedientiam. Con- sistorial Archives.
t Sanuto, II., 562, 617, 640.
X The Ferrarese Envoy, Manfredi, in a "♦^Report, dat. Rome, ist March, 1499, announces : La obedientia si e levata al papa in le terrc del imperatore ; el simile seguira in Spagna secundo il commune credere. State Archives, Modena.
§ Navarrete, Colecion, II., 260. C/. BiJNDGENS, Was vcrdankt die Lander- und Volkerkunde den mittelalterlichen Monchen und Missionaren ? p. 49. Frankfort, 1 889.
II *Acta Consist., C. 303, f. 46. Consistorial Archives in the Vatican.
68 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
send his children away from Rome and to carry some reforms into effect ; he granted powers for the adjustment of ecclesiastical affairs in Spain, and made large concessions to the King and Queen in regard to their control. In con- sequence, his relations with Spain became more friendly.*
Alexander had nearly given up all hope of the realisa- tion of Caesar's marriage with the French Princess,f when an autograph letter from Louis arrived announcing that it had taken place. On the 24th of May Cardinal San- severino read the letter in the Consistory. J This event created a complete revolution in the Pope's dispositions ; he now openly embraced the French side and that of Venice, and announced that the Milanese dynasty must be done away with.§ Cardinal Ascanio Sforza saw that Rome was no longer the place for him ; on the 14th July he quitted
BURCHARDI Diarium, II., 387 ; Sanuto, II., 562 ; and -^^Despatch from Manfredi, Rome, 23rd March, 1499. State Archives, Modena.
* Cf. the Ambassadorial Report of 29th May, 1499, in the Notizenblatt of 1856, p. 593 seq. (not correctly printed), and Prescott, II., 221 ; see here, p. 201, for Alexander's Bull of i6th Nov., 1501, empowering the Spanish Government to levy all tithes in the Colonies.
t See the Ambassadorial Report, Notizenblatt (1856), p. 592.
X "^Per eund. r. d. Sanseverinatem lecte fuerunt in Sacro consistorio littere eiusdem christ™ regis sua manu Gallico idiomate ad S. D. N. scripte in monticulis Blesis die XIII. Maii 1499 de matrimonio scilicet inter D. Cesarem Borgiam et dominam Carolam de Labreto die X. Maii contracto ac XII, consumato. Lecte fuerunt et in s. consistorio littere ipsius dominae de Labreto sua manu ad S. D. N. sine ulla data exarate in quibus cum placuisset christ^o regi et ill. genitori suo ut domino Cesari Borgiae nuptui traderetur sibi quoque talem virum placuisse ferebit futurumque perpetuo gratum atque jocundum sperare et se bonam filiam fore semper venturamque brevi ad osculandum pedes Se Bnis polliceri. Acta Consist., C. 303, f 54. (Consistorial Archives.) Cf, ^Letter from A. Sforza, dat. Rome, i8th May, 1499. (Milanese State Archives.) BuRCHARDi Diarium, II., 532; Sanuto, II., 759; and Yriarte, Cdsar Borgia, I., 168 seq. ; II., 324 seq.
§ Sanuto, II., 799, 826, 923, 958, and Notizenblatt (1857), p. 7.
ASCANIO SFORZA LEAVES ROME. 69
the city, taking all he had with him. In the first instance he went to the Colonna at Narni, and thence sailed in a Neapolitan ship to Genoa, whence he fled to Milan. Thither he was afterwards followed by the Cardinals Colonna and Sanseverino,* and Alfonso, Lucrezia's husband. Lucrezia was, on the 8th August, made Regent of Spoleto, and went there at once, accompanied by her brother Jofre. Alexander's children had all now been removed from Rome;f but this had no effect on his nepotism. Nepi was soon bestowed upon Lucrezia, and the governor left there by Ascanio Sforza had to hand it over; 4: meanwhile, the plans for Caesar's advancement were maturing.
* BURCHARDI Diarium, II., 546, 549; Sanuto, II., 933,958,959, 1017. See in the Notizenblatt (1857), pp. 8-9, Milanese Report and Letter of A. Sforza.
t *Dice el papa vole monstrar al Re chel sa viver senza li soi. Des- patch from G. L. Cataneo, dat. Rome, 9th August, 1499. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
X Gregorovius, Lucrezia Borgia, 108 seg. Cf. Dal Re, 139, and Sanuto, II., 1049, 1075. On the banishment of Sancia, Jofre Borgia's consort, whose reputation was none of the best, cf. Sanuto, II., 1089.
CHAPTER III.
The French in Milan. — C^sar Borgia conquers Imola and FoRLi. — Restoration of Lodovico Moro. — Louis XIL CONQUERS Milan a Second Time. — Anarchy in Rome. — Murder of the Duke of Bisceglia. — Frivolity and Nepotism of Alexander VI. — Partition of the Kingdom OF Naples between France and Spain.
By the month of July of the year 1499, a French army had already crossed the Alps, and fortress after fortress went down before the " rush of the Swiss and the French." Venice would have chimed in from the eastern side had not her hands just then been over full with the war against the Turks.* Lodovico Moro had hoped that the German Emperor and Frederick of Naples would have come to his aid, but Maximilian was fully occupied in fight- ing the Swiss. Frederick was to have declared war against the Pope ; but when Alessandria fell into the hands of the French, he gave up all thoughts of this.f Thus Lodovico was left to face the French entirely alone. Seeing that the situation was hopeless, on the evening of ist September he fled to the Tyrol, to put himself under Maximilian's protection. Cardinals Ascanio Sforza and Sanseverino followed him.J The moment he was gone the Milanese opened their gates to the French ; on the 6th September
* HaVEMANN, II., 49 ; ZiNKEISEN, II., 529 seq.
t Sigismondo de' Conti, II., 205.
X CiPOLLA, 770 ; Havemann, II., 56 seq. ; MAGENTA, I., 554, places the date of his flight on 2nd September.
THE FRENCH INVADE MILAN. 7 1
Trivulzio entered the city, and the fort surrendered almost immediately. A few days later Cremona submitted to the Venetians.* Upon this Louis XII. hastened to Italy to enjoy his triumph. On the 6th October he entered Milan, and was greeted with acclamations by the populace. The King was accompanied by the Marquesses of Mantua, Montferrat, and Saluzzo, the Dukes of Ferrara and Savoy. Caesar Borgia, the Cardinals d'Amboise and Giuliano della Rovere, as well as the Envoys from Genoa, Florence, Siena, Lucca, and Pisa.f
Alexander VI., now that the alliance with Louis XII. was turning out so favourably for his beloved Csesar, hailed the success of the French arms with unconcealed delight, quite regardless of the scandal he was causing throughout the whole of Europe. On the 24th of August, 1499, two Portuguese Envoys arrived in Rome and at once asked for an audience. On the part of their Government, they animadverted strongly on the Pope's nepotism, on Caesar's resignation of the Cardinalate, and on the French alliance, which was fatal to the peace of Europe. If he persisted in these paths, the result would be the calling of a Council. J Alexander was annoyed and troubled at these new threats, but did not make any change in his proceedings. On the 25th September he went to Lucrezia at Nepi.§ Here it
* Sanuto, II., 2210; SiGiSMONDO de' Conti, II., 2o6 ; Gumi, Sommi Picenardi, Cremona durante il dominio de' Veneziani, 8. Milano, 1866.
t Sanuto, III., 24-25 ; Diario P>rrarese, 370; AlvisI, 60-61. On the complete reconciliation of the Pope with Giuliano della Rovere, who now cordially supported Cassar, see Brosch, Julius II., 81 seg.
X Cf. the Report of the 3rd September, 1499, in the Notizenblatt for
1857, 54-55- § Lucrezia's husband, Alfonso, had returned to his wife at the
command of the Pope. On the 14th October she went back to Rome,
and on the ist November gave birth to a son, who was called Rodrigo.
72 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
was arranged that Caesar was to conquer the Romagna. The King of France manifested his gratitude by placing a portion of his army at the Duke's disposal.* " It was not difficult to make the expedition appear as though undertaken for the interests of the Church, though in reality the interests of the family were the first consideration. The relations between the rulers of the cities of the Romagna and their feudal Lord were so variable, and often so unsatisfactory, as easily to afford a handle for proceeding against them to any Pope who wished to do so. Alexander resolved to make use of this opportunity to strike a crushing blow."-]- Bulls were issued declaring the Lords of Rimini, Pesaro, Imola, Faenza, Forli, Urbino, and Camerino to have forfeited their fiefs by the non-payment of their dues. Louis XII. arranged that proceedings should only be taken against those who belonged to the party of the Sforza, and this plan had also the advantage of satisfying the suscepti- bilities of the Venetians. J
In the middle of November Caesar began the campaign by attacking Caterina Sforza and the sons of Girolamo Riario. Imola opened her gates of her own accord, and the fort fell in the early part of December. In Forli, also, the inhabitants offered no resistance, but the citadel here was far stronger and was bravely defended by the high-spirited Caterina her- self ; yet on I2th January, 1500, it was forced to capitulate.§
On the loth Aug., 1500, Lod. Borgia, Archbishop of Valencia, was made Lieutenant-governor of Spoleto. See Sansi, Documente dall' Arch. Comm. di Spoleto, 81. Spoleto, 1861.
* SiGISMONDO DE' CONTI, II., 209.
t Reumont, III., 1,229. C/IGOTTLOB, Cam. Ap.,223; Gregorovius, VII., 422, ed. 3 (428, ed. 4) ; and Creighton, IV., 4. In September the Pope had thought of getting the Dukedom of Ferrara for Caesar, but Venice objected. See Hist. Zeitschr., XXXIII., 380.
X Burchardi Diarium, II., 570 ; Balan, V, 394, n. 3 ; Alvisi, 67.
§ SaNUTO, III., 56, 84; SiGISMONDO DE' CONTI, II., 209 se^. ;
LODOVICO MORO RECOVERS MILAN. 73
When Caesar's nephew, Cardinal Juan Borgia, heard at Urbino the good news of the fall of Forli, he set out on horseback, although suffering from fever, to offer his personal congratulations, but was prostrated by a fresh attack of the malady before he could get beyond Fossom- brone. Later, an utterly groundless story was concocted of Caesar's having poisoned his nephew.*
Just as Caesar was preparing to proceed against Cesena and Pesaro,f an event occurred which deprived him of his French troops and brought the whole campaign to a stand- still. The Milanese rose against the extortions of the French, while Lodovico Moro appeared in Como at the head of a body of Swiss and Germ.an troops ; and on the 5th of February, 1 500, re-entered the city in triumph. The French lost the whole of Lombardy as quickly as they had won it. J Without the help of the French troops, which had now been sent against Lodovico Moro, it was impossible to go on with the conquest of the Romagna, the more so as Venice had grown jealous and now strongly supported
Diario Ferrarese, 374, 375, 377 ; Alvisi, 63, 70 seq. ; Balan, V., 395 ; see here also on supposed plots of some inhabitants of Forli for poisoning the Pope. Cf. BURCHARDI Diarium, II., 579. See also Yriarte'S recent work, Cesar Borgia, 21 seq.\ and especially Pasolini, II., 134 seq.^ 170 seq.^ and ClAN, Cat. Sforza, 28 seq.^ where the history of Caterina's fate is given in detail.
* See Alvisi, 83 j^^.; Maury in the Rev. Hist, XIII., 60-91. Cf. also Kindt, Die Katastrophe L. Moro's in Novara, 80 seq.^ and in Appendix, N. 4, the ^Letter of 23rd Jan., 1500. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.
t Balan, V., 395, n. 3 ; Yriarte, Cesar Borgia, I., 200 seq. On the assistance sent him by the Pope, see Dal Re, 122.
X Sanuto, III., 103 ; Balan, V., 396 ; Anz. f. Schweiz. Gesch. (1890), 43 seq.\ DierauER, II., 384 ; LuziO-Renier, Relaz. di Isabella d'Este, 157-158 (at .p. 154 read 5th instead of 4th February). PIlLISSIER, La politique du Marquis de Mantoue, in the Annal. dc la fac. des Lettres de Bordeaux (1892), 104.
74 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
the Lords of Faenza and Rimini.* Caesar, therefore, returned to Rome and made his triumphal entry into the city on the 26th. February, clothed in black velvet and with a gold chain round his neck ; all the Cardinals and Envoys came to meet him. Alexander VI. was beside himself with joy ; he wept and laughed in the same breath.f Amongst the Carnival-plays the triumph of Julius Cyesar was represented in the Piazza Navona. On Laetare Sunday (29th March), the Duke received from the hands of the Pope the insignia of a standard-bearer of the Church and the Golden Rose.J The power of the Duke of Valentinois was now almost unlimited. Even on the 23rd of January a report from Rome announced that, at the approaching nomination of Cardinals, Caesar's influence would be de- cisive : he was the person to apply to. No Castellans were appointed to any of the strong places within the Papal States but such as were devoted to him ; the governorship of the Castle of St. Angelo was given to one of his retainers. § Meanwhile the state of affairs in Lombardy had again completely changed. Louis XII. had lost no time in send- ing a fresh army across the Alps, and the battle at Novara proved a decisive victory for France. The Swiss refused to fight against their kinsmen in the French army, and abandoned Lodovico, who was taken prisoner (10th April, I500).|| Louis XII. shut him up in the fortress of Loches
* See in Appendix, N. 4, the ^Letter of 23rd Jan., 1 500. Gonzaga Archives, Mantua. '+ Sanuto, in., 140-14 1 ; BURCHARDI Diarium, III., igseg. "j BURCHARDI Diarium, III., 22, 26 seg. ; Sanuto, III.. 198; SiGiSMONDO DE' Conti, II., 228 ; *Acta Consist. Consistorial Archives of the Vatican.
§ See Appendix, N. 4.
ii See RUSCONI, Lod. il Moro e sua cattura in Novara (Novara, 1878); Kindt, Die Katastrophe L. Moro's in Novara ; and DiERAUER, IL, 386-387. See also Knuth, Jean d'Auton, 37 seg.
ROMAN FEELING ON LODOVICO S REVERSES. 75
in Touraine; Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, who fell into the hands of the Venetians, was delivered over to the French and imprisoned in Bourges;* thus reaping the reward of his unprincipled conduct at Alexander's election.
On the evening of the 14th of April, 1500, the news of Lodovico's catastrophe reached Rome ; the Pope is said to have given 100 ducats to the messenger who brought it ; the Orsini lighted bonfires everywhere, and Rome re- sounded with cries of " France and the Bear" ( = Orsini).-|- This occurred in the midst of the Jubilee festivities, which had filled the city with pilgrims from foreign parts. '' The events of the year and the state of Rome were anything but suitable however to a religious celebration." In spite of the precautions taken by Alexander, even in the previous year, the insecurity of both life and property in the city was frightful ; murders occurred nearly every day. The severest punishments effected no improvement in its con- dition, which indeed was not worse than that of most of the other Italian cities ; | but the events which took place
* See BURCHARDI Diarium, III., 41, 46, 141. On the imprisonment of Card. Sforza, see Kindt's investigation, Katastrophe, 73 seg. It seems very doubtful whether Alexander's mediation to procure Ascanio's liberation (see Marini, I., 304) was meant to succeed ; for the Pope promptly took possession of Ascanio's art treasures, and gave away his benefices ; Giuliano della Rovere obtained one of these latter. See the "^Deed in the Secret Archives of the Vatican, in Appendix, N. 6. Ascanio Sforza was not released until the 3rd Jan., 1 502, through the good offices of Card. d'Amboise. He accompanied his benefactor to the Conclave in Rome which elected Pius III., and died there at the end of May, 1 505, not of poison but of the Plague ; see Balan, 398 ; Ratti, I., 87 seg'. His splendid monument by Andrea Sansovino in S"^^ Maria del Pcp'^l" is world-famed. See MuNTZ, Renaissance, 347, 493 se^.^ and SCHONFELD, A. Sansovino and s. Scluile. Stuttgart, 1881.
t BURCHARDi Diarium, III., 35,
I Compare what SUGENHEIM, 380 se^., says of Perugia.
76 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in the Borgia family attracted more attention than any of these deeds of violence.*
Next to Caesar, Lucrezia at that time again stood highest in the Pope's favour. In the Spring of the year 1501 Ser- moneta, which had just been snatched away from the Gaetani, was added to Spoleto and Nepi, which had already been bestowed upon her.f As she was on excellent terms with her present husband, there seemed nothing now to mar her happiness. It was, however, not destined to last long : on the evening of the 15th of July, as Alfonso was re- turning from the Vatican he was set upon by five assassins in the Piazza di San Pietro. Though badly wounded he succeeded in making his escape. He was so much afraid of poison that he refused all medical help, and sent word to the King of Naples that his life was in danger, as his own physician had endeavoured to destroy him by this means.J A report was immediately circulated that the attempt originated from the same quarter as the murder of the
* Cf, BURCHARDI Diarium, III., 39-42 seq.^ 45 ; Sanuto, III., 319 ; Letter from Brandolinus in Brom, 190 seq. ; Reumont, III., i, 232. On the precautionary measures of the Pope, see, specially, *Acta Consist., Consistorial Archives of the Vatican. In the library at Siena, A. III., T., f 15, is an unprinted Bando against the Corsi in Rome and the States of the Church.
f "^Alexander VI. vendit Sermonetam et alia loca sublata a Caietanis praetextu rebellionis Lucretiae Borgiae. Dat. Rom., 1499 (st. fl.), 7 Id. Mart. Cod. Ottob., 2504, f. 287 seq. (Vat. Library.) Cf. Gregorovius, VII., 421, ed. 3 (427, ed. 4), and L. Borgia, 114 ; GOTTLOB, Cam. Ap., 238 ; and Balan, 393-394.
X Besides the notice in Sanuto, III., 521, and Burchardi Diarium, III., 69., 9^ Brandolinus' Letter in Brom, 185 ; the Florentine Report in Thuasne, III., \yj seq.\ and especially the Report of B. Calmeta, which has been strangely overlooked by Gregorovius, although there is a triple copy of it in the Gonzaga Archives at Mantua. I had intended to give it in the Appendix, but can now refer the reader to Luzio-Renter, who has printed it in his work, Mantova e Urbino, 103.
C.^SAR MURDERS LUCREZIA S HUSBAND. J^J
Duke of Gandia.* All the probabilities of the case point to the Orsini, who believed that Alfonso was intriguing against them with the Colonna, who were allied with the King of Naples. It is most unlikely that Caesar had any- thing to do with it.-j- Nevertheless, Alfonso was convinced that his brother-in-law was the author of this foul deed, and the moment he felt himself recovering he was bent on re- venging himself Lucrezia and Sancia strove to make peace, and the Pope posted a guard at the door of the sick- room, but all was in vain. In a despatch of i8th August, which was forwarded at once, Paolo Capello, the Venetian Ambassador, writes that on that day Alfonso, looking out of the window, saw Caesar walking in the garden. In a moment he had seized a bow, and discharged an arrow at his detested enemy. Caesar retaliated by having Alfonso cut to pieces by his own body-guard. J Lucrezia, who had * P. Capello's Despatch in Sanuto, III., 532.
+ CREIGHTON, IV., II.
X Despatch from the Venetian Envoy, P. Capello, of i8th Aug., in Sanuto, III., 671. Cf. Creighton, IV., 12, 257 seq.^ whose remarks supply the necessary criticism on P. Capello's narrative of 28th Sept., 1500 (to be found in Alberi, 2 Serie, III., 3-14, and Sanuto, III., 842 seq. Cf. Ranke, Papste, III., 5*-6'*'). Unfortunately Hagen's careful paper on Alexander VI., " Casar Borgia und die Ermordung des Her- zogs von Biselli," in Zeitschr. fiir Kathol. Theolog., X., 313 seq., has escaped Creighton's notice. This writer comes to the conclusion that much stronger evidence of the Duke's guilt is furnished by Capello's Despatches, and especially by that of 23rd Aug., than by the personal convictions of Burchard and the Florentine Envoy. (See p. 78, note X-) " There is no formal argument," says Hagen, " to contradict these state- ments. We must therefore hold them to be true, whatever general doubts may rest on his report, and especially on his narrative." CiPOLLA, 778, is also against Alvisi's defence of Caesar, 109 seq. On the other hand, there can be no doubt that Capello's account of the murder of the Pope's servant, Pierotto, is false, although Gregorovius and Ranke uphold it. Cf. Hagen, loc at., 317; Reumont, III., i, 207; and Brosch in Sybels Zeitschr., XXXIII., 370.
78 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
been herself nursing her husband with the tenderest care, was inconsolable. Overwhelmed with grief she went back to Nepi to hide herself in its solitude. Some of Alfonso's Neapolitan servants were arrested on a charge of having planned an attempt on Caesar's life, but nothing of any importance was extracted from them.* When the Neapoli- tan Envoy heard what had happened he at once took refuge in the palace of the Spanish Ambassador. f Alex- ander told the Venetian Envoy, who came to see him on the 23rd August, that Alfonso had tried to kill Caesar. Beyond this nothing on the subject was allowed to tran- spire ; a few conjectures were whispered about, but no one dared to speak above his breath. Evidently Alexander VI. thought it prudent to hush up the whole affair as much as possible ; no doubt he too was afraid of Caesar.J
Shortly before the murder, Alexander's own life had been in great danger. In the ninth year of his reign, on the Feast of SS. Peter and Paul, Sigismondo de' Conti relates, just as the Pope was about to give his audience, the sky being clear, suddenly, with no warning, a tornado of wind sprung up and tore off the very solid roof of the upper part of the Sala de' Papi as though, it had been made of straw. In consequence, that portion of the roof under which the Pope was sitting also gave way, but the balcony over his head, still remaining attached to the wall, protected him from the falling masonry, and the gold embroidered hanging over his throne from the smothering dust. Half an hour elapsed before his servants could make their way through the wind
* Florentine Despatch in Thuasne, III., 438, and in Appendix, N. 5, a Letter from G. L. Cataneo, of 19th Aug., 1500. (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.) On Lucrezia at Nepi, see Gregorovius, Lucrezia, 154 j-*?^., 159.?^^., ed. 3.
t See Appendix, N. 5.
J Despatch from P. Capello, 23rd Aug., in Sanuto, III., 685 ; Creighton, IV., 12.
ESCAPE OF ALEXANDER FROM DEATH. 79
and dust to the place where he lay, bleeding and apparently hardly alive. He was carried into the adjoining hall and there soon recovered consciousness. His physicians found that two fingers of the right hand had been injured, and he had a wound in his head. The first night he was very feverish, but soon began to get better.* "If nothing unforeseen occurs," the Mantuan Envoy writes on the 2nd July, "he will recover." This Envoy states that on the previous day also Alexander had a narrow escape of being killed by a heavy iron chandelier, which fell just in front of him.f Any other man would have been led to look into himself and consider his ways by such a series of narrow escapes ; but Alexander was a true Borgia, he thanked God and the Blessed Virgin and SS. Peter and Paul for his preservation,! and lived on as before. Writing of Alexander
* SIGISMONDO DE' CONTI, II., 269. Cf. the Papal Briefs of 3rd and 4th July, 1500, in BaLAN, 398-9, and Sanuto, III., 477-479 ; BURCHARDl Diarium, III., 65 seq. ; ibid.^ 433 seq. ; the Report of P. Capello ; LaN- DUCCI, 211 seq. ; NOTAR GlACOMO, 235 ; "^Letters from G. L. Cataneo of 28th June and 2nd July, 1 500 (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua) ; and one from Brandolini in Brom, 183-185. All these authorities agree in giving the date of the catastrophe as 29th June, and Gregorovius, VII., 434, ed. 3 (in the 4th ed., 440, the true date is given), and Creighton, IV., 9, require to be corrected in accordance with them. Sanuto, III., 455, contains an account from the Venetian Envoy of the accident, the date of which must be 29th June, 1500, instead of 29th May, 1501, as there given. In France it was thought that the Pope would die, in which case the Tiara was to be secured for Giuliano della Rovere. See Brosch, Julius II., 85. On a poem relating to this incident, see ZiNGERLE, XXXIL
t G. L. Cataneo's **Reports, dat Rome, 2nd July, 1 500. (Gonzaga Archives, Mantua.) Details in regard to the Pope's health after this time are to be found in the Reports in Thuasne, III., 434 seq. ; cf. Sanuto, III , 469. In the Spring the Pope had had an attack of fever : this was the date of the Dialogus mortis et pontificis laboraniis febrc. preserved in Sanuto, III, 277.
X Sanuto, III ,478. Here-enacted the ordinance of Pope Calixtus III.
80 HISTORY OF THE POPES.
in September 1500, Paolo Capello says : " The Pope is now seventy years of age ; he grows younger every day, his cares never last the night through ; he is always merry and never does anything that he does not like. The ad- vancement of his children is his only care, nothing else troubles him." *
In Caesar's eyes this accident was a warning to carry out his plans with as little delay as possible. His campaign against the Tyrants of the Romagna required a consider- able sum of money and the acquiescence of Venice, where, since the month of May, a Papal Nuncio, Angelo Leonini, had been permanently residing.f He succeeded in ob- taining both money from the creation of Cardinals of 2nd September, 1500,+ and the consent of Venice in return
on the ringing of the Angelus, about this time. See Vol. II. of this work, p. 400, and Rayn ALDUS, ad an. 1 500, n. 4.
* Sanuto, III., 846-847. In