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OTIA

MERSEIANA

THE PUBLICATION OF THE ARTS FACULTY OF UNIVERSITY COLLEGE

LIVERPOOL

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DI5 5IDEK1EXI

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	VOLUME ONE	•
	1899
Paris	London	New York
C. KLINCKSIECK	TH. WOHLLEBEN	G. E. STECHERT
11 Rue de Lille	45 Great Russell Street	9 East i6th Street

HERTFORD PRINTED BY STEPHEN AUSTIN AND SONS.

CONTENTS.

• • •

• • •

Introduction

£. H. Parker.

The Population and Revenue of China ,.•

W. H. Woodward.

A Proposal for Teaching the Ancient Tongues hy a new method in the time of the Commonwealth ...

R. J. Lloyd.

An Attempted Reformation in the Pronunciation of Ancient

XJT/CCK ..• ..• ••* •«.

PAGE

vii

• • •

• • •

W. H.^ Woodward.

An Elizabethan List oj Works on Education mainly hy Humanists ... ... ... ...

. • .

. . t

J. A. TWEMLOW.

An Irish Bull of Urban IV attributed by Rymer to Urban V

R. Caton.

Two Lectures on the Temples and Ritual of Asklepios at Epidaurus and Athens

V. H. Friedel.

Etudes Compostellanes ...

KuNO Meyer.

Stories and Songs from Irish MSS»

R. Priebsch.

The Chief Sources of some Anglo-Saxon Homilies

John Sampson.

A Welsh Romani Folk- Tale

'5

'9

26

28

33

75

''3

129

148

INTRODUCTION.

THE INSTITUTION OF A FACULTY OF ARTS on October 28, 1896, by the Senate of the University- College of Liverpool, marked a stage in the advance- ment of humane studies in this community. The promoters and supporters of the Faculty believe that their claim to that historic title, with its ancient prerogatives, liberties, and franchises, will be best vindicated, and its place in the ordered republic of Learning chiefly determined, not so much by the success of its members in imparting knowledge, as by their efforts to increase it. In this belief they have made arrangements for the annual publication, under the name of Otia Merseiana, of original studies by Professors, Lecturers, Readers, and Graduates of the Faculty. It is their hope that by this means they may establish relations of mutual courtesy and co-operation with the members of other J'aculties of Arts, and that they may gain for their University and city some measure of recognition from Universities of a longer history and a more ancient renown.

In a narrower circle the publication, whereof this is the first volume, will, they hope, engage the interest and sympathy of those who concern themselves with the struggling fortunes of humane letters and the Arts at this recent University institution in the second city of the British Empire. While the studies that lend themselves most readily to industrial and commercial applications are happily assured of consideration and reward from a modern community, it is right that those other kinds of learning which serve for inward use, or which reward knowledge only with the pleasure of knowing, should be suffered to grow up together with them, encouraged by the favourable regard of all who cherish the ideal of a liberal and catholic humanity.

Dis sedem exiguam rogatniis,

J. M. MACKAY,

Honorary Dean of the Faculty, Liverpool. June, 1899.

THE POPULATION AND REVENUE

OF CHINA.

IT has been occasionally reproached upon those who have dealt with Chinese subjects that they have been a little too ready to delve down into remote antiquity for a foundation upon which to build their theories. In the present instance, references to the past will be confined to a few indispensable statistical data.

The Rev. J. Ross, of Manchuria, is the only European student who has — at least, so far as I am aware — produced figures from ancient Chinese history indicating what the popula- tion was supposed to be at a given date. I possess the Chinese originals, but I have not verified his figures, though I see no reason for doubting their accuracy. The period is too distant, and the social and economical conditions of those times are too little known to us, that we should accept these bare figures, apart from their context, as evidence bearing upon the popula- tion of modern times. I merely quote them as an introductory illustration for purposes of proportion, and I ignore all numbers below a hundred thousand.

In A.D. 609, after the expulsion of the Tartar rulers, and under a strong unifying native dynasty, there were 8,900,000 families ; but a few years later devastating wars with the Turks, bringing in their train the establishment of a new Chinese dynasty, greatly reduced this figure. In A.D. 723 there were 7,900,000 families and 45,500,000 souls ; say, rather under six mouths to a family : the increase of families and souls in the same proportion went on steadily until A.D. 755, when we find there were 9,100,000 families and 53,000,000 souls. A fearful drop to 3,100,000 families had taken place by A.D. 781, in consequence of anarchy, civil war, and external invasions. This fact alone throws us on our beam ends so far as any

I

2 THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA.

chance of righting our historical position goes. The Thirty- Years War in Europe is but a Western instance of what has taken place every few centuries in China.

When the present Manchu dynasty had seated itself securely on the throne, it set about taking stock of its possessions. In 165 1 there were 10,630,000 taxable units; in 1652 the total had gone up to 14,500,000 ; but this increase simply points to further conquests of territory ; and there are then various ups and downs until 1657, when we reach our first secure basis of 18,600,000. From this time to 1672 there is steady progression year by year up to 19,500,000. But the " Revolt of the Three Satraps " had by 1676 gradually reduced this figure to 16,000,000, and it was not until 1683 that lost ground was fully recovered. From this time onwards we find the official returns are usually the same for pairs or triplets of years, showing apparently that they were no longer sent in annually ; but still the increase was steady and fairly uniform up to 17 12, when the Emperor resolved upon a new system. At this date the number of taxable heads was 24,600,000, and, roughly speaking, each taxable head paid one tael * a year. The way it was done was this : The poll-tax was merged in the land-tax. Each taxable unit, say, was an acre of first-class ground, and there were at that time about 100,000,000 English acres taxed. But that computation does not mean that only 100,000,000 acres were cultivated. Two second-class acres count as one good ; four poor as one good ; ten, or even twenty, barren as one good. In other words, nearly the whole available land in the Empire (i.e. in China proper) was appropriated ; and, as the revenue was sufficient, the Emperor decided that in future, no matter how the population might increase, the land, being a fixture, ought never to pay on more than one hundred million units divided amongst a quarter that number of taxable heads. Hence from 17 13 to 1734 we have a double computation, divided into taxable and non-taxable units. By 1734 the taxable units had increased to 25,500,000 ; not because taxes had been any way enhanced contrary to the new rule, but (probably) because emigrants had brought Mongol lands under cultivation ; reclama- tions of marshes and river beds had been made ; and the remaining scraps of untilled lands had been " raised to taxability." The

* Six shillings and eightpence, but now only worth from half-a-crown to three shillings in gold.

THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA. 3

progressive increase of untaxable heads is interesting, showing to us exactly, as it does, the rate of comparative growth year by year. In 17 1 3 the " free heads " numbered 60,000, and this proportionate rate of increase upon the double total was pretty uniform up to 1734) when the total had reached 940,000.

During the Kalmuck wars of 1735-40, no returns were sent in ; but, so soon as the Emperor found time to turn his attention to home affairs, he asked : " What is the use of our counting taxable heads when they never increase, and untaxable heads when they pay no poll-tax or land revenue? I want to know how many human souls we possess." Accordingly, in 1741 the first return of all ages, castes, and sexes was sent in, showing a total of 143,400,000 souls ; or (adding the 940,000 to 25,500,000) just a trifle under six souls to a (taxable or untaxable) family head, — the same proportion as in A.D. 723. Of course, between 1734 and 1 74 1 the untaxed heads must have increased. Let us therefore assume from the official figures issued by the Emperor's own authority, that in 1741 there were 27,000,000 " doors," or families, containing 143,400,000 souls.

From this time to 185 1, when the population had risen to 432,164,047, the official returns are given year by year, with the following exceptions : 1747-8, 1757, 1768, 1777, 1780, 1789, 1820. It is not explained why they are not given in those years. The increase up to 1774 is steady, uniform, and unbroken; but in 1775 there is a sudden and unexplained jump from 221,000,000 to 265,000,000, which I can only guess is partly to be accounted for by the formal annexation of Turkestan, Kalmuckia, and Tibet ; but all these together, including even Mongolia, Kokonor, and Manchuria, would scarcely account for 44,000,000 souls. I hope to elucidate the mystery some other time.

Starting from this new basis, the population increases regu- larly up to 313,000,000 in 1794, after which there is a great drop, in consequence of certain rebellions ; low-water mark is reached in 1797, and it is not until 1805 that lost ground is recovered. Two remarks of the Emperor are worth noting as showing (i) that the returns were issued under his solemn authority, and (2) that there were good reasons required for sudden fluctuations. He says in 1793: "I notice that the total population for 1792 (307,500,000) is thirteen times the number of taxable heads in 17 10 ; hence it is clear each taxable head now feeds a dozen mouths off the same land." In 1806, after the crushing of formidable rebellions, the

4 THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA.

Emperor "notices with pleasure an increase from 304,500,000 in 1804 to 332,000,000 in 1805 "1 alluding, of course, not to the rate of breeding, but to the pacification of territory and the possibility of once more securing full returns.

The vagaries of the Yellow River cause a good deal of irregu- larity during the next decade, and I may note (for the benefit of the student of original documents) that, when it is said " minus the returns of such a province not yet received," this qualification of a total does not appear to mean exactly that, but rather, elliptically, " quoting last year's returns for such a province, which has not yet sent its papers in." From this point things go on with uniformity until 185 1, when the record total of 432,000,000 is reached. The book from which I take these official returns — the Tung-hwa-luh — had not been brought (for publication) beyond the year 1735 until ten years ago, and consequently the later returns which I give were unknown to the last generation of Europeans. But in 1862 the Rev. W. Lobscheid translated from the Russian, and published in Hong Kong, a report by M. Sacharoff of Peking, who had himself obtained from the Chinese Board of Revenue the rolls for the years 1841 and 1842 ; these gave the totals as 413,457,311 and 414,686,994, which are exactly those given in my book. M. Sacharoff incidentally makes the remark that "the population for 1783 was 98,685,457 greater than that of I7S7-" Now 1757 is, as I have said, one of the blank years in the Tung-hwa-luh, and 1783 gives us 284,033,785 : so that we get the missing figure 185,348,328 for 1757 to compare with 186,615,514 given for 1756. M. Sacharoff also gives the increase between 1782 and 1 81 2 as 77,685,394, and that between 181 2 and 1842 as 53,993,797 : total 131,679,191. M. Sacharoff's intermediate figures do not correspond with mine ; but his total increase of 1 3 r, 679, 191 between 1782 and 1842 is sufficiently near mine of 132,864,319;

especially when we bear in mind that the expression " from

to ," or " between and ," often leaves it doubtful

from or to which year the inclusion begins or extends ; and this doubtful factor may also account for the apparent decrease between 1756 and 1757.

Having now examined the sole evidence upon which we can reasonably base our estimates, and arrived at conclusions which, though necessarily approximate and defective, are the only ones logically possible on the premises, let us see how far the Taiping rebellion of forty years ago reduced the population. In 1852

THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA. 5

there was already a reduction of 100,000,000; and by i860 (the last year for which official estimates are given) a further reduction of 70,000,000. The precise figures are 334,403,315 and 260,924,675. Of course this does not necessarily mean that 170,000,000 people perished in ten years (50,000 a day), but probably that the anarchy prevailing rendered it impossible to secure any returns at all in devastated districts. Peace has now reigned for 35 years at least, and it will therefore be pretty safe to assume that the increase between i860 and 1895 ^^^ ^s great as that between 1797 (the next last low- water mark after a rebellion) and 1832; i.e., as great as the difference between 271,333,544 and 397,132,659. In other words, by applying to definite evidence rules of inter- pretation already proved historically sound, we have a /r/w^ya^/V right to assume that the present minimum population of China is not far from 385,000,000.

The evidence we possess in support of this priviA facie assumption once more comes through Russian sources ; the Russians alone having taken the trouble to do what anyone else can do in China, i.e. purchase the necessary official documents. But this evidence is always the same ; it is simply the record of the Board of Revenue. There is no other. M. Popoff's returns were translated and published in Shanghai ten years ago ; ten provinces were for 1882, and eight for 1879 — a singular arrange- ment which seems to point to a practice such as I have above surmised to exist, that of continuing to use the same returns until the next set are sent in for the defaulting province. His total is 382,078,860, a figure at first sight twelve years too high ; but it must be remembered that the Yellow River reduced the population between 181 1 and 1821 ; so that, instead of 385,000,000 for 1895, we should add on ten years* increase to that figure. In 1828 this was, in fact, about the population, and by 1838 it had gone up to 409,000,000, which, therefore, by abstract reasoning should be the true figure for 1895. M. Popoff once more comes to the rescue. He has recently published in the Russian Geographical Society's Journal the returns for 1894, obtained, as usual, from his accommodating friends at the Board. His figures for the eighteen provinces of China proper are 421,870,716. But Formosa is included in this total, and in 1842 Formosa had not yet developed a true Chinese status, so that the difference between 409,000,000 and 421,870,000 (both on the basis of excluding Formosa) is not so very great.

6 THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA.

Having now explained how the population of China came to be 432,000,000 in 1852 and 422,000,000 in 1894, I will give two tables, both obtained by M. Popoff, at different dates, from the Board, showing the effects upon the population of each province produced by the Taiping Rebellion chiefly in the Yangtsze Valley, the Panthay Rebellion in Yiin Nan, and the Mussulman Rebellion in Kan Suh. For convenience I knock off or add all fractions of ioo,oco as being both uncertain and unessential.

Name of Province.	1842 Popoff.	1894 Popoff.	1879 Popoff.	1882 Popoff.	1885. (In case of Fuh Kien 1884.)
An Hwei ...	36,600,000	35,800,000	20,600,000	• • •	None given
Ch^h Kiang	30,400,000	1 1,800,000	• • •.	11,600,000	11,700,000
ChihLi	36,900,000	29,400,000	17,900,000	...	None given
Fuh Kien ...	25,800,000	25,200,000	25,800,000	• ■ •	23,500,000
Ho Nan	29,100,000	21,000,000	...	22,100,000	22,100,000
HuNan	20,000,000	22,000,000	« • •	21,000,000	21,000,000
Hu Peh	28,600,000	34,300,000	• • •	33,400,000	33,6oo,coo
Kan Suh......	19,500,000	'9.800,000	5,400,000	• • •	None given
Kiang Si	26,500,000	22,000,000	• • •	25,000,000	25.000,000
Kiang Su ...	39,600,000	24,600,000	• • •	21,000,000	21,000,000
Kwang Si ...	8,100,000	8,600,000	5,100,000	• • •	None given
Kwang Tung	21,100,000	29,900,000	• • •	30,000,000	30,000,000
Kwei Chou...	5,700,000	4,800,000	7,700,000	• ■ •	None given
Shan Si	17,100,000	11,100,000	...	12,200,000	10,800,000
Shan Tung	36,200,000	37,400,000	...	36,200,000	36,500,000
Shen Si	10,300,000	8,400,000	8,400,000	• • •	8,300,000
Sz ChSvan ...	22,300,000	79,500,000	...	67,700,000	71,100,000
YUn Nan ...	5,800,000	6,200,000	' 11,800,000	• • •	None given
Rough Totals	419,600,000	421,800,000	102,700,000	280,200,000

THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA. 7

It will be noticed that I give also three columns explanatory of the change of population between 1842 and 1894. Columns 1879 and 1882 combine to make M. PopofTs second total of 382,000,000 as above explained. The third column 1885 (in the case of Fuh Kien 1884) is anonymous, but I think I recognize in it the hand of a very able British official, who, of course, had his reasons for privacy. It will be noticed that in every case where M. Popoff had been obliged to fall back upon 1879 to eke out his estimates for 1882, the anonymous writer had also failed (except in the case of Shen Si) to secure returns for 1885.

In the case of An Hwei we know from Father Havret, S.J., who has recently written a book on that province, that in 1761 the population was 22,800,000. After wandering over the province for many years, he estimated the population in 1892 at 25,000,000; but of course such casual estimates can have little value. In the case of Cheh Kiang, I possess the Governor's returns for 1 879-93 J always between eleven and twelve millions ; moreover, I have myself tramped throughout the length and breadth of the province, and seen its desolation. Chih Li is unsatisfactory, for we do not know if the metropolitan district is included, not to mention the Mongols : the population of the Jehol (Mongol) military circuit was 725,000 in 1885. Fuh Kien*s exact figures (25,799,556) are exactly the same for 1842 and 1879, so that we may be certain they have been " carried on " for many years. Ho Nan lost ground during the Yellow River flood of 1887. Hu Nan and Hu Peh need no justification. Yakub Beg and the Dungans almost de- populated Kan Suh previous to the Chinese reconquest in 1873-4 ; probably the Mussulman rebellion of 1895-6 has reduced the population to 8,000,000. There was a famine in Kiang Si a few years ago, but I am surprised to see the population so much reduced. Kiang Su (and part of Ch6h Kiang) was the scene of Gordon's operations, and suffered most from the Taiping scourge ; I suspect the Kiang Si and Kiang Su figures for 1894 have been accidentally transposed by M. Popoff, for Kiang Su could hardly increase 20 per cent, in ten years. Kwang Si was the birthplace of the Taiping rebellion, as it now is of another anti-dynastic rebellion. Kwang Tung has recently suffered from floods, drought, and plague. The Kwei Chou figures for 1879 are probably a misprint for 4,700,000: anyway, nothing has occurred between 1879 and 1895 to reduce the population, and I was twice there myself in 1 880-1 ; on the other hand the Panthay and Taiping rebellions both affected

8 Till-: POPULATION ANDREVENUE OF CHINA.

the pro\iiice between 1852 and 1872. Shan Si was half de- populated hy famine and rats during 1877-9; the Rev. D. Hill has published full accounts of the hideous sufiering undergone. Shan Tung is stationary ; it sends off its surplus population to Manchuria, Mongolia, and even Corea. Shen Si suffered by the Hungan rebellion. I cannot possibly believe that the Sz Ch'wan |K'i'plc trebled their numbers in forty years. I have travelled on foot thnusnnds of miles in that province, which is particularly remarkable for the small size of Its chief towns ; also for the almost entire Absence of plains exceeding a few miles in extent The capital is the only really populous town, and its plain is the only extensive plain, Certainly, there is a vast and steady immigration of Kiang Si, Hu Nan, llu Peh, and Shen Si men ; but at least half the ^irovince is the almost inaccessiUe resort of Lolos and Tibetan irilx's, Trui', |3cace and prosperity have reigned for fifty years, iiud the fif^mcs given are positive. I simply do not believe them, itiul leave readers to judge for themselves whether a mountainous luiinlry like Switzerland, with a cultivated area not greater than ihiil of I'raiice, can support a population double that of France. If true, ihrn the maximum revenue of six millions means that each soul only contributes threepence a year for all taxes and charges put IngelluT. As to Yiin Nan there must be some mistake, the Tanthay rebellion having desolated the whole province; probably the fij-uie I l.«oo,ooo for 1879 should be 4,8co,CCX3.

The principles upon which the Chinese Revenue is collected were cxplaiiieii in a series of letters which I wrote to T/te Times (hiring the year 1896 (i8th and 27th August, I2th and 15th Sepleiiilier. ii>t December). Since then Mr. Consul Jamieson of Shanghai has contributed an official paper based on exactly the same iiali\e evidence (Foreign Office Reports, No. 415, 1897). I uitw ruiiii-.h an amended statement of what I conceive the Chinese Revenue to be ; -

I III .iiininpanying Revenue Table has been prepared with care froin tlie an .Hints furnished to the Emperor by his viceroys within the patl Iweiily years. Like the Population Table, it is notably defective, in that the figures of each item for one and the same year arc rarely obtainable; the Foreign Customs column alone In uniformly taken for the year 1896, and the true gross total is

\

T I 1 i 1 1 t	:e	Subsidies from other Provinces.	Native Loans and Benevolences.	Tea Taxes.	Fuel and Grain Taxes.	Total.
1 ci,	1 0,000 • • •	• • • 1895 100,000	• • • • • •	1895-6 560,000 • • •	4,033,000 5,786,000
cb	1,400,000	• • •	• • •	• • •	6,360,000
Fb	• • •	a • •	600,000	• • •	6,035,000
H H	20,000 • • •	• • • 1895 50,000	• •• 60,000	• • • 100,000	3,235,000 2,765,000
H	• • •	130,000	60,000	• a •	7,320,000
Ko Ko K	5,000,000 • • • 800,000	125,000 1895 320,000 1894-5 5,125,000	80,000 50,000 50,000	• a • 10,000 • • •	5,946,000 4,800,000 21,450,000
K	200,000	• • •	• • •	• • •	1,730,000
K	• • •	• • •	• • •	• ••	7,525,000
Kj, si	497,000 • a •	• • • 189s 100,000	• • * • • •	• • • • • •	1,107,000 4,040,000
1 si	100,000 • • •	• •• 1895 384,000	• • • • • •	• • • • • •	4,530,000 2,380,000
sh	• • •	• • •	• • •	• • •	6,050,000
n	555,000	• • •	• • •	• • •	1,985,000
1 *	8,582,000	1895 6,334,000	900,000	110,000	97,077,000
si 1	200,000	a • •	• • •	• • •	3,340,000
Kl 1	300,000	• • •	• • •	• •«	470,000
T	200,000	■ • •	• « •	• • •	680,000
_
	1	9,282,000	1895 6,334,000	900,000	110,000	101,567,000
	L.

IN A.

II

iiate presented

n was drawn

.: Board's own

: of io,cxx),ooo

gard Tonnage

cign Collected

Miscellaneous,"

• Ititude of other

ustoms are apt

iinese say. • The

luLigh estimates

taels ; and that

. Jamieson agree

iving worked in

venue Table for a subject upon ' imes (23rd May ■ 'pofTs estimates ;)()pulation of all lollowing are his

'^ 1753 Mels).	Yield in taels now according to regulation (Jamieson).
,110	221,774
Jven	Not given
,110	221,774

. but floods and c\ enue of Man- t two years, and

lO

THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA.

Foreign Office Report. The three Manchurian provinces are in all cases excluded, and Mr. Jamieson's Foreign Customs are for 1893.

Head of Revenue.	The Times.	Jamieson.	Board's Present paper. Report, J897. .
Foreign Customs Land-tax sail •.. ••• ••• ••• Likin Native Customs Miscellaneous	- - 21,000,000 20,000,000 10,000,000 1 5,000.000 3,000,000 3,000,000	21,989,000 25,088,000 13,659,000 12,952,000 1,000,000 5.500,000	21,482,000 25,887,000 12,600,000 1 1,930,000 . 3,560,000 { 1,865,000 ) ( 1,991,000 J	1 5,000,000 10,000,000 12,000,000 i3,oco,ooo 2,000,000 15,000,000
Totals	72,000,000	80,188,000	79,115,000 1 67,000,000 1

Head of Revenue.	TAe Times.	Jamieson.	Present paper.	Board's Report, 1897.
Brought forward	72,000,000	80,188,000	79,115,000	67,000,000
Grain-tax	Excluded	6,562,000	^ 7,420,000	Excluded
Native Opium	Excluded	2,229,000	1,960,000	Excluded
Tea Taxes, Pawnshops, and Benevolences ... Savings on reduced 4\iIIlV«a« ••• ••• •••	( N	OT INCLUI	)ED	3,500,000- 530,000
Amended Totals.	72,000,000	88,979,000	88,495,000	71,030,000
Grain-tax and Native Opiumexcluded; now added	9,380,000
By supposed error of 10,000,000 in land-tax	• • •	• • •	• • •	10,000,000
	81,380,000	88,979,000	88,495,000	81,030,000

A

THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA.

II

The fourth column alludes to an official estimate presented to the Emperor by the Board, to which attention was drawn in The Economist of the 3rd April, 1897. As the Board's own total is " over 80,000,000," it is evident a misprint of 10,000,000 has somewhere occurred. The Board does not regard Tonnage Dues, Collections on Chinese Steamers, and Foreign Collected Likin as "Foreign Customs": hence the swollen "Miscellaneous," which probably covers those three items and a multitude of other mysteries. Salt, Likiu^ Tea Taxes, and Native Customs are apt to "run into each other like dogs' teeth," as the Chinese say. • The main point of the comparison is that the two rough estimates of myself and the Board agree within 250,000 taels ; and that the two worked-out estimates of myself and Mr. Jamieson agree within 484,000 taels ; each of the three parties having worked in ignorance of what the other two were doing.

To complete the subject, I append to the Revenue Table for China proper further estimates for Manchuria, a subject upon which I have also addressed two letters to The Times (23rd May and 1st August, 1898). According to M. PopofTs estimates (based upon the Board's documents) the total population of all Manchuria does not exceed six millions. The following are his figures for 1894 : —

	Popoflf's Population.	Payers of Land- lax 1743.	Land-lax 1753 paid (taels).	Yield in taels now according to regulation (Jamieson).
Shing King {alias Flng- tien, alias Kwan-tung, alias Liao-tung) or Manchuria proper ... Kirin (cradle of the A Av>Cy ••• ••• ••• ••• Tsitsihar {alias H6h- lung Kiang)	4,724,674 626,232 400,000	47,124 > Not given	38,110 Not given	221,774 Not given
	5,750,906	47,124	38,110	221,774

The population exceeded 7,ScxD,oco in 1893, but floods and famine carried away great numbers. The large revenue of Man- churia proper has only been raised within the last two years, and

12 THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA.

the gold-mines of Tsitsihar are a very uncertain asset. Previous to the Japanese war, it may be said in round terms that each of the three Manchurian provinces required a subsidy of 500,000 taels a year, but a fearful condition of confusion and peculation reigned in all departments.

Though we are thus able to get near the total revenue figures, it would puzzle the shrewdest firm of chartered accountants to arrive at an exact total for the/^r contra. Indeed, were it possible to at all clearly unravel the tangled web of Chinese peculation, the thorough reform of the finances would be merely the matter of a few months' work by Sir Robert Hart and his men. However, I herewith furnish the best table I can. It will be seen from the last column but one that one-third of the total receipts cannot be accounted for in detail at all, and that the proportion of unaccount- ability varies with each province. It is certain that official authorized pay must amount in each case to half a million or a million taels, according to the number of cities. On the other hand it must be remembered that ironclads, torpedo-boats, cruisers, Krupp and Armstrong guns, and so on, have all to be paid for, chiefly by the Governments of Kiang Su, Chih Li, Hu Peh, and Kwang Tung. Then there are the Imperial Tailors or Silk Commissioners at Nanking, Soochow, and Hangchow ; the Envoys abroad ; the support of Duke Confucius' Temple and Court ; luxuries, drugs, timber, and miscellaneous tributes in kind for Peking ; sea-walls and dykes ; rice lighters ; the payment of a,t least 200,000 Manchu ' banner-men ' at Peking, as to which I possess no accounts, but which must absorb 4,000,000 taels and 1,000,000 peculs of rice at the most moderate computation. The local loans must be paid off; the walling in of the reconquered Turkestan cities has to be paid for ; the Board and the Eunuchs want their ' rice money ' ; there are many colleges and training schools at Peking, Canton, Nanking, Tientsin, Wuchang, etc. There is the copper-mining, under official auspices, of Yiin Nan ; official herds in Mongolia and Manchuria ; presents for Mongol princes ; support of parks and hunting-grounds ; and so on. Of all these, exact statements are lacking. The remittances to Peking in hard cash have for many years been fixed at 7,000,000 * ordinary,' plus i ,000,000 extra, so that our worked-out total of 7,790,000 comes near the mark. Some of the grain-tax is retained to feed provincial Manchu garrisons, and several provinces use up

or

Plor n s.

AnH ChShpo Chih [)o Fuh io

Ho N)0

HuN

HuPoo

Kan 6

Kiang

Kiango

Kwan

Kwai>o Kwei

ShanK) ShanxD Shen Sz Cho Yun]

To Shing Kirin TsitsJ

!

GrIo

Aids to Yellow River, Grand Canal,

or other Local Rivers

(floods).

30,000

12,000

90,000

5,000

500,000

10,000 50,000

20,000

672,000

1,389,000

1,389,000

Proportion

of ten per

cent. Foreign

Customs

Expenses.

General

Provincial

administration

and other

matters lumped

in one. *

Aids to

support other

poorer

Provinces.

59,600 130,000

84,000 240,000

235,000

100,000 880,000

10,000

320,000

42,000

32,000 15,000

2,147,600 57,000

2,204,600

1,586,400

( 225,000 } 644,000

i 200,000 ( 891,000

1,445,000

( 60,000 ) 612,000

( ' 5)Ooo ( 701,000 ( 125,000 j 2,174,000 \ 491,000 ( 2,035,000

1,197,000

J 950,000 ( 8,320,000

1,220,000

( 60,000 I 2,222,000

i 10,000 ( 197,000 { 2,000 ( 2,160,000 i 15,000 1 1,819,000

672,000

100,000 2,434,000

250,000 1,220,000

2,493,000

31,549,000

10,000

1,993,000

- 280,000

80,000 100,000

{

36,225,000

30,000 200,000 210,000

50,000 358,000 450,000 764,000

239,000 1,265,000

199,000

20,000 180,000

• • •

780,000

4,745,000 30,000

4,775,000

Total.

4,033,000 5,786,000 6,360,000 6,035,000 3,235,000 2,765,000 7,320,000 5,946,000 4,800,000 21,450,000 1,730,000 7,525,000 1,107,000 4,040,000 4,530,000 2^380,000 6,050,000 1,985,000

97,077,000

3,340,000

470,000

680,000

101,567,000

jr refers to presumed large expenditure on salaries

12 THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA.

the gold-mines of Tsitsihar are a very uncertain asset. Previous to the Japanese war, it may be said in round terms that each of the three Manchurian provinces required a subsidy of 500,000 taels a year, but a fearful condition of confusion and peculation reigned in all departments.

Though we are thus able to get near the total revenue figures, it would puzzle the shrewdest firm of chartered accountants to arrive at an exact total for the per contra. Indeed, were it possible to at all clearly unravel the tangled web of Chinese peculation, the thorough reform of the finances would be merely the matter of a few months' work by Sir Robert Hart and his men. However, I herewith furnish the best table I can. It will be seen from the last column but one that one-third of the total receipts cannot be accounted for in detail at all, and that the proportion of unaccount- ability varies with each province. It is certain that official authorized pay must amount in each case to half a million or a million taels, according to the number of cities. On the other hand it must be remembered that ironclads, torpedo-boats, cruisers, Krupp and Armstrong guns, and so on, have all to be paid for, chiefly by the Governments of Kiang Su, Chih Li, Hu Peh, and Kwang Tung. Then there are the Imperial Tailors or Silk Commissioners at Nanking, Soochow, and Hangchow ; the Envoys abroad ; the support of Duke Confucius* Temple and Court ; luxuries, drugs, timber, and miscellaneous tributes in kind for Peking ; sea-walls and dykes ; rice lighters ; the payment of at least 200,000 Manchu * banner-men ' at Peking, as to which I possess no accounts, but which must absorb 4,000,000 taels and 1,000,000 peculs of rice at the most moderate computation. The local loans must be paid ofif ; the walling in of the reconquered Turkestan cities has to be paid for ; the Board and the Eunuchs want their ' rice money ' ; there are many colleges and training schools at Peking, Canton, Nanking, Tientsin, Wuchang, etc. There is the copper-mining, under official auspices, of Yiin Nan ; official herds in Mongolia and Manchuria ; presents for Mongol princes ; support of parks and hunting-grounds ; and so on. Of all these, exact statements are lacking. The remittances to Peking in hard cash have for many years been fixed at 7,000,000 * ordinary,' plus 1,000,000 extra, so that our worked-out total of 7,790,000 comes near the mark. Some of the grain-tax is retained to feed provincial Manchu garrisons, and several provinces use up

or

or

5.

K)

An ¥ Chdhbo Chih Fuh lo Ho ^)o Hu ^ Hu Po Kan I Kian Kianfto Kwai

Kwaio

Kwei

Shan^

1

Shan^ Shen Sz Cl>o Yun J

~x

Shin^ Kirinj Tsits

Gr^o

Aids to Yellow River, Grand Canal,

or other Local Rivers

(floods).

Proportion

of ten per

cent. Foreign

Customs

Expenses.

30,CXX) I2,OCX}

90,000

5,000

500,000

10,000

50,000

20,000

672,000

1,389,000

1,389,000

General

Provincial

administration

and other

matters lumped

in one.*

59,600 130,000

84,000 240,000

235,000

100,000 880,000

10,000

320,000

42,000

32,000 15,000

2,147,600 57,000

2,204,600

1,586,400

225,000 644,000 200,000 891,000

1,445,000

60,000

612,000

5,000

701,000

125,000

2,174,000

491,000

2,035,000

1,197,000

950,000 8,320,000

1,220,000

60,000

2,222,000

10,000

197,000

2,000

2,160,000

15,000

1,819,000

672,000

100,000 2,434,000

250,000 1,220,000

Aids to

support other

poorer

Provinces.

2,493,000

31,549,000

10,000

1,993,000

- 280,000

80,000 100,000

{

36,225,000

30,000 200,000 210,000

50,000 358,000 450,000 764,000

239,000 1,265,000

199,000

20,000

180,000

780,000

4,745»ooo 30,000

4,775,000

Total.

4,033,000 5,786,000 6,360,000 6,035,000 3,235,000 2,765,000 7,320,000 5,946,000 4,800,000 21,450,000 1,730,000 7,525,000 1,107,000 4,040,000 4,530,000 2,380,000 6,050,000 1,985,000

97,077,000

3,340,000

470,000

680,000

101,567,000

jr refers to presumed large expenditure on salaries

A

THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA. I3

all their own grain-tax. The Palace remittances are certainly now fixed at very near the detailed total I give. The North-East Fund is fixed at 2,000,000, but for many years it has admittedly been in arrear. The North-West Fund of 4,800,000 has always been promptly remitted, and all the viceroys and governors con- cerned were thanked for doing so in 1896 ; but, as will be seen, I am 1,200,000 taels short in the detail. Both these funds simply mean *' Defence against Russia." The impecunious Peking Officials Fund, Extra Military Rations Fund, and Extra Rations in place of Fuh Kien Remittances Fund, I lump together ; but I have never quite understood them, and in any case they are as often as not * diverted,* or, as the French say, used as viremeuts. The Ku-pen Fund is always steady. The Admiralty Fund is very capricious, and in any event, for some strange reason, only four- fifths of the sums asked need be sent. In some mysterious way the Railway Fund (pretty steady) is mixed up with it ; but also, by some hocus-pocus, is occasionally * veered ' to do duty for the Empress' private pleasures. " Local armies" absorb at least half of the total sum for the expenditure of which I can account, and this is the greatest peculation preserve in the Empire. The Emperor recently gave orders for seven-tenths to be at once abolished, but each province fights fiercely for its * squeezes.* There are sup- posed to be 650,000 * green flag ' troops in the eighteen provinces which means about 10,000,000 taels a year utterly wasted ; not to mention the highly paid * trained braves,* who in many cases show signs of degenerating like the * greens/ I have the accounts of all the Arsenals, and am fairly sure of my ground there ; but of course deduction, in the case of Shanghai and Tientsin, must be mentally made of the sums contributed to their Arsenals by Cheh Kiang, Shan Tung, etc. The Yellow River, South River (Canal), and Yung Ting River (Peking) absorb varying sums according to whether there is or is not a flood for the year. The Aids in Support (like the Subsidies on the other side) cannot reasonably be counted twice, as they already form part of the total expenditnre of the provinces granting them.

I have been tied down to space, and cannot therefore enlarge further upon the subject of expenditure. No attempt has yet been made to draw up a Chinese budget, and I can only hope, therefore, that this skeleton table, which at best is very defective, may be of service in indicating the way for future inquirers. At present the only plan is to arrest every fugitive statement of official fact, nail

14 THE POPULATION AND REVENUE OF CHINA.

it down, group it, collate it, and dish it up with others of its kind in its presumed place ; accepting this as statistics until the moment shall arrive when some financier pounces upon the quarry, and finds it possible to turn chaos into order.

I may make one more remark. The 4,800,000 contributed by the provinces to Kan Suh seems to be expended by Kan Suh (3,400,000) and Shen Si (1,400,000) combined; it all depends, however, upon what is meant by *intra-mark* and *extra-mark' ; or, in other words, from where the * military ' frontier is reckoned.

As to the military expenditure of Manchuria proper, it must be mentioned that the cost of General Sung's I-kdn army at Port Arthur (now Newchwang) has been included under Chih Li expenditure ; and, generally speaking, the contributions of Manchuria to * North Ocean ' naval expenditure are so dovetailed in with Chih Li contributions to Mancharian army expenditure that it is difficult to get a clear view of the whole. Moreover, the Chinese department of the Newchwang customs (confusingly styled Shan-hai Kwan, though that place is far away) seems to be under the Viceroy of Chih Li, at least for some purposes.

In order to strike a balance between the Revenue and Expenditure Tables, I have been obliged to adopt the device of inserting a minus quantity of 280,000 taels under the head of unexplained Kirin outgoings. Kirin is the one province whose obvious incomings, even including subsidies, are short of its expenditure; hence the sum is rather an unexplained asset than an unexplained shortage. The fact is, I can find out very little of Manchurian receipts and expenditure (thiee provinces), and Lonly happjn to know the exact receipts for 1897 in Manchuria proper because the Generalissimo or Viceroy has quite recently reported them ; but it is not likely that they will continue at so high a figure, as the chief item, (opium licences, etc.) savours of time monopolies and bonuses paid in advance. The whole question of Manchurian receipts and expenditure is a very loose one, and I only include those three provinces in order to indicate a basis for future inquiry.

E. H. PARKER.

A PROPOSAL FOR TEACHING THE ANCIpNT TONGUES BY A NEW METHOD IN THE TIME OF THE COMMONWEALTH.

THE letter to Hartlib which is contained in an interesting volume of educational papers in the Sloane collection throws light upon the attitude of experiment towards education, which is characteristic of the middle of the seventeenth century. In language-study, as in the study of things, the desire of the educational theorist was to devise a method by which the learner came into immediate contact with the objects of instruction.

Comenius had applied the Baconian philosophy to education, and, in a clumsy fashion, had endeavoured to remodel the teaching of Latin on the same lines. Horn evidently belonged to the group of thinkers of which Hartlib was the centre in London, who followed with deep interest the career of Comenius ; and the subjoined letter shows an attempt on his part to devise on the new lines a living method of teaching the dead languages. Amongst many features of interest the suggestion that an existing school or college should be transformed into a colony of Greeks or Latins recalls the project of 1642 to appropriate Winchester for the purpose of an experimental school on the principles of Comenius. Horn (1620- 1670), a Protestant of the Palatinate, embraced English Presbyterianism at the time of his residence in London, and the pious caution of his creed reveals itself in the quaint doubt whether his conscience can approve of the establishment of a colony of Jews " amongst Christians."

W. H. WOODWARD.

l6 TEACHING THE ANCIENT TONGUES.

From Sloane MSS., 649, fif. 227-9, ^^ Brit. Mus.

Extractus Literarum D. Hornii ad Dnum. Hartlibium 12 Sept., 1652.

The letter translated and written in same hand follows the original Latin.

[ fol. 22p begifis .•]

An extract of a Letf^ written to J. L\ Hartlib. As for the Reformation of our studies : I shall at this time propose onely a few things, & those by the by ; bee. that businesse requires to bee handled in a compleate Discourse by itselfe. Our Learning consists in these two : Words and Things. Under words I comprize the knowledge of Tongues, Latine, Greeke, and Hebrew with their allies. Now because all that way of Learning Tongues wch hath hitherto beene either used or invented hath not yet satisfied the Publique expectation ; I would therefore persuade that those charges wch are commonly bestowed on Publique Schooles, should rather be laid out for planting of Romane, Grecian & Hebrew Colonies. I would have whole Townes to be composed of such onely, as could speake Latine, Greek, & Hebrew. Youth should be sent into these Colonies, that from their tender yeares or riper age they might be accustomed to speake & write those Languages. From hence wee might expect both y® greatest facilitie in Learning and perfection of Language. For in that manner wee see that all sorts of Men and Women doe in a short time Learne y® vulgar Tongues French, Italian, English : neither is there anything to hinder, for that the same may not be done in the Learned Languages. Now to speake to the manner how these Colonies are to be erected. The Hebrew Colonic is to be composed of such Jewes as are best Learned and to whom the Hebrew Tongue is most knowne & familiar. Soe at Thessalonica in Greek, the Jewes men & woemen, their servants & children, use noe other than y® pure Hebrew tongue. If therefore some families of Jewes, wch use the Hebrewe Tongue and noe other amongst thems. were brought together into one Village or Towne, or College, there would be a lively & perpetual! exercize of the Hebrew Tongue.

It were long for mee to dispute here : Whether or noe, and how Jewes may be tolerated amongst Christians : for all y®* evill there of might be prevented by good Lawes.

\

TEACHING THE ANCIENT TONGUES. 1/

The Greeke Colonic must be fetched from those Familyes of Grecians wch have yet amongst thems. conserved y® puritee of their Language. And such may be drawne out of Graece, either by rewards or priviledges. The greatest difficulty will bee in founding of a Romane Colonie, since noe families can bee found well skilled in y® Latine Tongue : Yet in y« beginning some CoUedge may be constituted of such men onely as are skillfull in y® Latine Tongue & use noe other. To this purpose wee may chose forreigners, y* are ignorant of our Mother Tongue, e.g., Polonians, Germans, French, Spaniards, Italians ; for necessitie itselfe would compell them to use y« Latine Tongue alone. But some may perhaps Object that this would bee too chargeable. As for me 1 thinke y* far more cost is laid out upon our Schooles and Universities \fol. ^jo] from wch notwithstanding there cannot proceed such fruites as may be like to those of these Colonies. Yow have in Engl*^ many CoUedges, whose revenue are plentifuU : What hinders why one or more of them may not be translated into such a Colonie ? The shortnes of the Time will not permitt that I should enlarge mys. on this argum* & unfold all y® Circumstances and meanes whereby this ought to bee done, or take away those things wch seeme to withstand it. Notwithstanding I was willing to discover my opinion unto you in such a manner as I might.

Now if Tongues were soe taught as in former time when old Grece and Italie did flourish ; it is noe doubt but y® entrance unto the knowledge of Things would also become more easie. For words and Things may be taught & learned together. But that I may adde this by the way : That manner wch is observed by them of the East or Mahumetans in teaching y® Arabicke & their Alchoran & was happily put in practice by Nicholas Clenard the Portugese, as appears by his Lett^ is farr to bee preferred before our common way of Teaching in our Schooles.

Now I come unto Things thems. in Learning - of wch y« order of Nature is to be observed : soe that y® beginning be at God, and thence we shall proceede unto y® Creatures, in order as they were created in sixe dayes,. & lastly to y® workes of Providence showing in w* manner God doth moderate & governe things in Familie circle and Church Societies. This is y® generall Method [fo/. 2ji] of Learning Things praescribed by nature itselfe & wch doth fully compleat an Universall

2

1 8 TEACHING THE ANCIENT TONGUES.

Learning. I cannot now discourse of all more particularly. But this I must adde that there are tenne wayes, neither more nor lesse, by wch all things ought to bee Learned and taught. Concern, everything wee may deliver, what is True, Probable, False, Natural, Aenigmaticall, Symbolicall, Theoreticall, Practicall, Dogmaticall, Historicall. These tenne ways are convertible among thems. For that which is Theoreticall is also True, Probable, False, Dogmaticall, Historicall. I doubt not but these things will seeme to you somewhat obscure at the first appearance but being illustrated onely by one example they will evince thems. to any whomsoever, soe that although you would with greatest earnestness contradict it you shall find nevertheless that the vast depth of Things wch are to bee learned can never be drawne out by any other way than by describing them in this order and method. I have indeed begunne that Worke & made great progresse therein, but now at last I have given over the prosecution thereof partly through the tedious & excessive pains it did require & partly for that I was taken off & hindered by other businesses. You have renowned Sir in a few words my thoughts concerning a better way of ordering our studyes. But you ought not by these few lines passe judgement of the whole Designe, for many particular observations are yet behind which cannot \^foL 2J2] be bound up in the narrow compasse of an Epistle many things there are which I cannot now in my haste call to mind. Yet for the exciteing the wittes of the Common-People, esp. of Mechanik Artificers it would be a very wise course if in Cities esp. in more large ones such CoU^ & Exchanges were erected where they might in their Mother Tongue discourse and dispute every one in his owne Art. e. gr. Mariners of Navigation, what therein might be amended & what they had severally observed. Soe in Architecture & other Trades : for that Conference would stirre up y^ wittes & studyes of y® Commonalty & cause them with greater attention to despatch their affaires, compare their observations & repaire their defects. Espec. this would be usefull in sea affaires which might bee very much helped by their particular Experience who have long frequented the Sea. But these are the workes of Peace & not convenient for these our most miserable times. (des.)

AN ATTEMPTED REFORMATION IN THE PRONUNCIATION OF ANCIENT GREEK.

By R. J. Lloyd, D. Litt., M.A., Hon, Reader in Phonetics.

WHEN the University of Wales was founded, some three years ago, the classical professors, headed by Professor Conway, of Cardiff, and Professor Arnold, of Bangor, made a laudable attempt to introduce into the new university a reformed pronunciation of Latin and Greek. Their proposals were contained in a pamphlet, published at the Cambridge University Press, entitled " The Restored Pronunciation of Latin and Greek." The proposals about Latin went beyond those already adopted in many good schools in three simple points only, namely, to give to Latin ce and (b the same sound as to Greek oi and 0*, and to give to Latin v the sound of English w. But the proposals about Greek were numerous and disputable ; and in the volume, January-June, 1896, of the old Academy^ in a series of nine letters, I ventured to subject them to lengthy and careful criticism. The professors wrote five letters in reply, which are also contained in the same volume. The object of the present paper is not to resume that controversy ; but the reader who desires to know what can be said for and against the disputable points, and to be referred to the ruling authorities, ancient and modern, may find the reference serviceable. In one letter only, March 28, did I venture to advocate an opinion contrary to the weight of modern authority, in maintaining that the prevailing ancient value of f was nevier zd either in Attica or in Hellas generally. For the rest I will content myself here with recapitulating merely those general principles of reform for which I then chiefly contended.

20 PRONUNCIATION OF ANCIENT GREEK.

The general aim of the Welsh proposals was to restore a Periclean pronunciation — a pronunciation of the fifth century B.C. But if we are to adopt a period, and adhere to it rigidly, there are very good reasons for preferring the fourth century. By that time, for example, the explosive pronunciation of ^, x* ^> ^^ (P + ^)> {k + A), (/ + //), which was undoubtedly Homeric, was giving way to the fricative sounds of bilabial /, German rA, and English /A in //////. But there is really no reason for the hard and fast adoption of either period. The changes in Greek pronunciation, from Homer to the Greek Testament or Plutarch, are enormous. For these anj^ Attic classical pronunciation will be more or less palpably wrong, and an early Attic standard will incorrectly represent the actual pronunciation even of a late Attic writer. For the Attic classical period seems to have been one of Unusually rapid change in the sounds of the spoken language. It is possible, in fact, to agree that pronunciation shall be Attic, and yet to leave to the intending reformer a considerable range of choice. This seems to me to be a reasonable and practical basis to start from. No one in his senses will propose that we shall pronounce the words of Homer with their actual Homeric, or those of the New Testament with their actual Hellenistic, values. We are going deliberately to pronounce all works of those periods quite differently. Under these circumstances it seems but a slight injury to Aeschylus that we shall sometimes rather pronounce his words as Demosthenes or Aristotle would have done than as he would have done himself.

The elbow-room thus gained by the reformer is of very great practical value, and to the English reformer more so than to the Welsh. The Welsh student is generally bilingual : he has the phonology of two languages at his command ; the English beginner is often familiar with English sounds only, and has a fine contenipt for any other. Nay, even the English schoolmaster, if you are going to make Greek pronunciation as difficult to learn and to teach as that of French or German, will simply refuse to move in the matter: the would-be reformer will talk to deaf ears. I am credibly informed, and am not surprised to hear, that the English student at the Welsh colleges takes up the reformed Greek pronunciation much more incompletely and clumsily than his bilingual comrade.

In the meantime I have myself been trying to carry out practically my own somewhat different plan, with English students, and the object of the present paper is to relate my experiences.

PRONUNCIATION OF ANCIENT GREEK,

21

I began this attempt in the session immediately succeeding the above correspondence, with a class of seven beginners. A year later, with this class still' going on, I applied it to a second class of seven beginners, and this session I am applying it to a third set of eight. All these students are English without exception.

Experience has modified my opinions slightly here and there. I find it possible and desirable, for example, to give to ?/ the open value of French ^, though it cannot be prudently insisted on at first. In tinie, however, the student himself feels the need of clear dis- tinction between ft and 17, and begins to co-operate in making it broader. The following is a list of the sounds employed, ex- pressed first in the symbols of the Association phonitique inter- nattonale^ and secondly in key- words almost entirely from, English.

Long a Short a

€

V Short t

Long t

o

CO

Long V Short V

a

€L V

av

rjv ov

	Vowels.
ntboL	Key-words.
a:	a m father.
a	a in man.
e	e in bed.	'
e:	ea in wearing.
1	i \nfit.
• 1:	i in machine.
0	0 in pot.
0:	0 in bone.
y:	French u.
y	French //.
	Diphthongs.	•
ai	i in bite.
a:i	ai in Pa is.	■
ei	et in m«, with longer i.
e:i	the two vowels of	Mary.
oi	oi in coin.
0:1	oi in going.
yj	French u plus consonantal y.
au	ou in loud.	■
eu	the two vowels of	they who.
enl	the two vowels of	careful.
u:	u in brtite.	-

22 PRONUNCIATION OF ANCIENT GREEK.

		CONSONANTS.
p	r	trilled r.
9	s	J always, never z.
?	dz	dz in adze^ always.
f	ks	ks in backseat^ always.
V^	ps	ps in capsule^ always.
*	f	fvcifee.
X	X	ch in German /rA or ach.
0	th	th in /A/;^^.

The other consonants, tt, t, k^ /8, S, 7, \, /a, i/, require no comment. Neither does the rough breathing. I did not attempt to give any phonetic value to the smooth breathing, which I regard as sub judice.

It will be observed that the above scheme demands from

the English pupil only two entirely foreign sounds, — French u

and German ch. It is impossible for simplification to go any

further in that direction ; for these two sounds are indispensable

to any reformation worthy of the name. The diphthongs,

however, exhibit several cases where the sounds, though English,

are unusual in combination, so that key-words can only be given

for the sounds separately, and not in any single English syllable.

Perhaps the hardest of them to teach are the ei; and r\Vy because

they represent combinations unknown to English, outside the

Cockney dialect. The combination vi is not at all hard, after

the V has been acquired. It is, in fact, not really a diphthong :

its first sound is simply that of ir (=: French «), whilst its second

sound is that of initial English y^ and belongs, really, rather to the

next syllable, in which the following sound is always a vowel ;

e.g. vio?, r€Tv<l>vta in phonetic script become hy\jos and Myfy\ja.

I hesitate a little still about giving to the diphthongal sign ov

the non-diphthongal value «. It is the only sign in the whole

scheme which is phonetically very inconsistent ; and it has the

mischievous effect of preventing the teacher from insisting that

every diphthongal sign must be pronounced by combining the

sounds of its elements. If it were pronounced as written {p + «),

its later equivalence with Roman ft would be partly obscured,

but the value would be classical, if rather early, whilst some

contractions, notably those of o€ and 00^ would become much

more intelligible than they are at present.

PRONUNCIATION OF ANCIENT GREEK. 2y

The slight ambiguities of e ' and v are not practically troublesome. The former by itself has the phonetic value called e (Fr. /): in the diphthong ei it has the phonetic value e (Ft. /) : but the former is a necessary concession to English habits of speech. So v has the French value of u when isolated, and the English value in diphthongs : but the reason for that is historical; it results from a pre-Attic change in the value of isolated Aryan //, which did not extend to the diphthongs.

But perhaps the most interesting part of my experiment is that relating to the accents. Of these I spoke quite tentatively in my letters ; and I have proceeded quite tentatively in my teaching. I said nothing to the students at first about the accents being musical, but got them to observe both the acute and the circumflex indifferently as stress. Two tendencies at once appeared, as had been already forecasted in the letters: short open accented syllables, like the second syllable of <f>i\ia^ tended to become long, as in modern Greek : long closed unaccented syllables, like the second syllable of avOpaairo^^ tended to become short. Besides these there was, of course, the usual English habit of obscuring unaccented a, €, o, as in the second syllables of crdfiaTa, TyTTTere, BlBotc, into one indistinguishable sound, resembling u in bi/t; and the tendency to insert a superfluous English j/ consonant before ov and v was sometimes observable. It was difficult, too, at first to get final e sounded differently from final t, but there is thfs great advantage in using a perfectly phonetic alphabet, that you can appeal to the reasoning faculties of the student and point out to him that two different signs cannot, and must not, be sounded in the same waiy.

The last two tendencies have no special connection with accent, or with the method of accentuation here proposed ; but the other three are all directly connected with accent, and the first and second tend perhaps to operate more strongly here than in the usual school accentuation of Greek. They are all derived ultimately from the forcible nature of the English stress- accent. The Englishman makes his stressed vowel strong and clear ; and if it is not hemmed in by a following consonant he insists on making it long also, as my students did in (jyiXia. But the other vowels must take care of themselves, and get themselves uttered as best they may : and they come out lopped and maimed accordingly — like the eo of avOpeoTro^, the a of adyfiara^ jetc. What is the remedy for all this ?

24 PRONUNCIATION OF ANCIENT GREEK.

It is simply useless to tell English students not to accentuate so strongly. That is a matter of habit, nearly invincible. But I found little difficulty in accomplishing the same object by the converse process of levelling up. I simply insisted on hearing the proper vowel in every syllable ; and that in. itself brought a larger share of stress with it, and generally brought the right quantity too : for the sounds here attributed to long a, t, aad G) exist only in English as long sounds, and the English beginner could hardly make them short if he tried. That is one reason why I prefer the close value for w.

In the meantime I kept drawing the students* attention to the fact that there was a musical element in their pronunciation, and showed them how, of their own accord, they usually pronounced the accented syllable on a tone higher or lower than the rest. Then at last I ventured to tell them that in Greek the use of a lower tone on the accented syllable was wrong: they must take care always to use a rise of tone. Some students took up this instruction with the greatest ease, others more laboriously ; but all carried it through fairly well in the end. It all depends on musical ear.

Further than this I have not ventured to push them, though I have explained to them, of course, that el is €*, whilst €* is el, and that even long vowels, like i; and ^, are to be similarly distinguished. Occasionally, however, the circumflex imperatively demands its appropriate rise and fall, e.g. in (jyiXelre fie, the second rise of tone becomes difficult or impossible unless the intervening fall is observed.

I need hardly say that by all these changes the musical and acoustic colour of the language is completely changed ; but after the first feeling of strangeness is gone, the effect is lifelike and pleasing, and gives to the hearer a very different impression from what Freeman called the "tow-tow and bow-wow" of English schoolboy Greek. Curious phonetic problems arise here and there. The two Greek words above instanced, for example, have three distinct meanings, — affirmative, interrogative, and imperative. To what extent were these phonetically distinguished? We distinguish them in English as You love me. Do you love me ? and Love me, as well as by differences of tone. But in Greek the three forms are identical, and the use of tone is much limited by the necessity of putting the highest tone on two given syllables. The simplest and, therefore, perhaps the most likely, supposition

PRONUNCIATION OF ANCIENT GREEK. 2$

is that the two high tones were not always identical. They may have been identical, for example, in the affirmative form of the phrase; but the first may have been higher than the second in case of interrogation, and the second higher than the first in case of a command or entreaty, or vice versd.

Incidentally the above little problem shows also how futile it is to assert that we can apply English tone expression equally well to Greek sentences whether we take any notice of the Greek accents or not. Consider what happens when we try to utter these two words interrogatively, according to the English mode of interrogation : we end inevitably with a high musical accent on the fte, a kind of thing which cannot possibly have happened in Greek, otherwise it must have left its trace upon their rules of accentuation. Tone expression has its broad bases doubtless in universal human nature, but in detail it is subject to considerable variation, and to apply English tonic expression to Greek sentences, in utter neglect or defiance of the tonic accent of the words composing those sentences, can only produce a result which will be anything but Greek.

But is it worth while, the reader will say, to * take all this trouble about accentuation? Emphatically yes. The trouble to be taken may be great, but the trouble saved will be far greater ; because the student will thenceforward carry the accentuation of every Greek word, as he carries that of every English word, in his ear, and not, as now, in contradiction to his ear, by a sheer exertion of memory.

AN ELIZABETHAN LIST OF WORKS ON EDUCATION MAINLY BY

HUMANISTS.

THE interest of the subjoined documents is twofold. In the first place it presents us with a list, obviously fairly complete, of the authoritative writings on methods of study and of education accessible to a student in the closing years of the sixteenth century. No educational author of importance seems to have been omitted ; although, as in the case of the De puerorunt ediuatione ascribed to Filelfo and to M. Vegio, we have, by a confusion common to that period, the same work attributed to different writers. But the document has a more particular interest to the student of Humanism. The entry De puerorunt eruditione^ " Nic. Perotti liber," is the only first-hand mention of the work on education by the great Bishop of Siponto which many years' search has enabled me to discover. The existence of this work has hitherto been known only from the record of it by Fabricius in his enumeration of the works, edited and inedited, of its author (J. A. Fabricius, Bib, Lat, Med, et Inf, Aety Florentine^ 1858, vol. V, p. 122. col. 2). Voigt, whose research into the history of Humanism little or nothing ever escaped, includes it in his list of Humanist works on education {Wiederbelebiing des class, Alterthutns.^ Bd. ii, s. 458), and adds "nicht bekannt geworden" ; and in his note, " Ich finde das Buch de puerorum eruditione nur bei Fabricius .... erwahnt" It would be interesting to know whether any other references to this work of Perotti exist It was evidently not an ephemeral tract, as it survived the death of its author 1 20 years, and presumably was known in England, as the manuscript list is written in an English hand of the period. Anything that might lead to the discovery of the tractate itself would be of great interest to students of Humanism, for, as Erasmus himself declared, the contribution of Perotti to the right method of teaching Latin was of profound importance ; and, moreover, it could not fail to exhibit the influence of Vittorino da Feltre, whose pupil Perotti was towards the close of the Mantuan master's career.

W. H. WOODWARD.

LIST OF WORKS ON EDUCATION. 2/

B, Mus. HarL MSS, begins 4,043,/ 16.

De Puerorum Institutione et Ratione Studiorum.

Consilia de puero literis instituendo. Friderici Nauseae.

De ratione studii puerilis. Jo. Lud. Vives.

De Studio puerili. Decius Ausonius.

Eiusdem ratio instituendi discipulos.

De ratione studiorum et officio discipuli. Quintilianus, Lib. t.

Declamatio de primorum studiorum ratione. Sebastiani Linckii.

De ratione studiorum. Ant. Bellinus, Vitus Amerbachius Ringelbergius,

Joan Eckius. De Instituenda studiorum ratione ad nepotes suos. Basilii Magni Paraenesis. De ratione et ordine studendi, repetendae lectionis norma, et ratione colligendi

exempla. Erasmus, Tom. i. De studio formando. Rod. Agricola. De stud. lit. commode instituendo. Budaeus. De modo studendi. Herman. Schildis. De studiorum conditione. Joa. Pierius. Adolescentia. Fac. Wimpselingii (sic). De liberorum institutione. Sabellicus, 3, 2. Plutarchus. De institutione puerorum. Vincentius Bell. Jo. Rinius. Otho Brunfelsius. De institutione puerili. Rutgeri, libri 2.

De puerorum bona institutione. Brunselsius Pandectar., lib. 6, circa finem. De institutione adolescentium. Huld. Zuinglii aphorismi : et nonnulla

Philalethis Clementis. De puerorum eruditione. Nic. Perotti liber.

De pueris liberaliter instituendis. Jac. Sadoleti, item Erasmi, liber tom. i. De institutione puellarum. Hieronymi epistola ad Lactam. De generosa puerorum educatione. Jacobi Comitis Purliliarum, libellus optimus. De educatione leges Socratica ex Platone in Hecatonomia Fabri Staptilensis. De educatione liberorum. Aeneas Sylvius, epist. 431. Item epistola TheanAs. De liberis pie educandis. Caelius Secundus.

De educatione puerorum. Francisc. Philelphus. Joach. Camerarius. De educatione puerorum, et Claris eorum moribus. Maphei Vegii, libri 6. De ludis puerorum. Joach. Camerarius.

De Principum Institutione.

Principis consideratio. Jo. Gerson, 2.

Principis institutio. Georg. Maior ex Claudiano de 4° principatu Honorii Isoco.

Marsil. Ficinus ad Cardinalem Jo. Carnotensem. Philosophica Principis

institutio. Marsil. Ficinus, 6, 13 et 53. Gueuara. epist. 29. De principe praecepta. Volater., lib. 30. Ventas de instit. princip. Marsil., 5, 27.

Principis institutio, officia virtutes. Johannes Camotensis, lib. 4. Enchiridion Principis Christiani per Comelium Scribonium et Petrum Aegidium. Doctrina pro Maximiliano iuvene dictata. Pellican. 106. Cyri paedia Xenoph. Institutio Principis Christiani. Eras., to. 4. Educandi principis praecepta. Pontanus, tom. i. De principum ludis. Jac. Magnus in Sophilogio, 3. 3. 8. De sapientia principis ne[cessa]ria. Jac. Wimpfelingius dialog, i et 6 suae

philippicae. Adde, Mores puerorum, Pharetra. Catechesis puerorum de fide literis et

moribus per Othonem Brunfelsium. De filiorum institutione. Ambros. Tarvisimus. Liberorum educatio. Rampigollus, cap. 50.

De filiolae institutione. Hieronymi Strid. ad Gaudentium epistola, to. i openim. De liberorum educatione. Hieronymi epist. ad Saluinam.

AN IRISH BULL OF URBAN IV

ATTRIBUTED BY RYMER

TO URBAN V.

By J. A. TWEMLOW.

IN the several editions of Rymer,^ under date November 5, 1363 (an, 37 Edward III) is printed, as a bull of Urban V addressed to Edward III, a letter commending to the King (without mention of his name) one P., Archbishop of Armagh, translated thither from Raphoe by the Pope upon the postulation of the Dean and Chapter of Armagh, Wilkins ^ reprints the bull from one of the first two editions of Rymer, and inserts the King's name Edwardo. Sir Thomas Duffus Hardy gives: "1363, November 5. Urban [V] desires the K. to confirm the translation of P, bp of Rathbog^ [Rathbocensis] t9 the see of Armagh, Viterbo."^ The bull does not occur in Urban V's Regesta Vaticana in the Vatican Archives,^ nor in Theiner. ® The series oi Regesta preserved at the Vatican is, however, incomplete, and Theiner is waywardly eclectic. This omission is therefore of no great significance.

The bull itself, as printed, contains an element sufficient not only to show that the attribution to Urban V is an error, btit also to determine its true author. It is thus dated : Dat Viterbii Non. Novembris pontificatus nostri anno primo. Now Urban V's itinerary ^ shows that he was very far from Viterbo on November 5, anno i, i.e. November 5, 1363. Elected

1 Foedera^ original ed., vi (1708), 424 ; second ed., vi (1727), 424; third (Hague) ed., in (1740), ii, 82 ; fourth (Record Conmoission) ed., ill, ii (1830), 713,

* Concilia^ iii (i 737); 58 : "Ex Foeder. Rymer, vol. vi, p. 424.'^ ' Sic,

* Syllabus of Rymer*s Foedera, I (1869), 429.

* See Calendar of Papal Letters, vol. iv (in the pr^ss), pp. i to 91.

* Vetera Monumenta Hibemorum et Scotorum historiam illustrantia, Rome, 1864.

' e.g. in Mas Latrie, Trdsor de Chronologie^ Paris, 1889, coll. 1131-1132,

AN IRISH BULL OF URBAN iV. 29

at Avignon September, 1362, whilst absent on a mission to Florence, he was crowned at Avignon on the following November 6, from which date his pontificate is reckoned. He was not in Italy until May 24, 1367, when he landed at Genoa on his way from Avignon, vid Marseilles, to Rome, and he arrived at Viterbo June 9, 1367. The bull therefore did not issue from Urban V. To which, then, of the Popes who assumed the name of Urban is it, in accordance with its date, to be assigned? The only Urban rendered possible by his itinerary is Urban IV,^ who was consecrated at Viterbo, September 4, 1261, and remained there till July 21, 1262, dying at Perugia October 2, 1264. On November 5, anno i, i.e. November 5, 1261, Urban IV was therefore at Viterbo, and the bull is his. In assigning it to Urban V, November 5, 1363, instead of to Urban IV, November 5, 1261, Rymer has misdated it by more than a hundred years. ^

An examination of the original bull itself, from which Rymer printed, and which is preserved in the Public Record Office, confirms the above conclusion. It has on the verso a printed label: "PAPAL BULLS, BOX 61, No. 4," above which is written in a modern hand " i. Urbanus 5. 37. E. 3."^ The parchment measures 14J by 11 f inches, and contains 14 lines parallel to the greater dimension. The seal, unfortunately not only for Rymer himself but also for his critics, * is wanting. The handwriting is, however, unmistakeably of the late thirteenth century, and ought alone to have rendered a chronological error

* Trisor de Chronolos^ie^ coU. 1114.

' This is a greater chronological error than any of those set forth in the long list of " documents of which the dates are wrongly given in the Fo^dera and are corrected in the Syllabus," Syllabus of Rymer^ III, Appendix, pp. iii sqq. On p. vi occurs a case very similar to the present. Three bulls of Alexander IV, 1257, are dated in Rymer under the year 1162 as though belonging to Alexander III.

** Box or Bundle' No. '61 contains four other bulls of Urban V, one of them with, the other three without, the leaden bull of that Pope to whom they are duly assigned. Tie 32 five bulls were formerly in the Tower. A second bundle. No. 34, contains sixteen bulls of the same Pope, seven with, nine without seals, from Westminster. There are, in fact, in the Record Office two series of bulls which correspond to the former Tower and Westminster collections, and are kept distinct.

* For a defence of Rymer against Dr. Adam Clarke, see the prefaces to the volumes of Hardy's Syllabus.

30 AN IRISH BULL OF URBAN IV

of a century impossible. An almost invisible note on the verso

reads "-£ //j." This endorsement has been cleaned while the

present note was in proof, and comes out " Enuf[r ?]ius " — presumably the name of a chancery clerk.

The Archbishop *P.' of the bull is Patrick O'Scanlan or O'Scanlain who became Bishop of Raphoe, a suffragan of Armagh, about 1253.^ The metropolitan see became vacant by the death of Abraham O'Conellan, December 21, 1260,^ and on the following 27th February, 1261, the King, Henry III, granted the Dean and Chapter licence to elect* Their unanimous. choice fell upon Patrick 0*Scanlan, Bishop of Raphoe, a Friar Preacher, and the election was confirmed by the King, who on August 13 wrote to the Pope recommending the postulation.* The Pope, by the present bull, accepted the postulation and translated Patrick to Armagh. Ware's words are : " Electio . . . . ab ipso Papa (Urbano IV) per bullam datam Nonis Novembr. 1261, approbata est. "^ Our bull was thus known to Ware. It does not occur in the Vatican Regesta of Urban IV.® Little seems to be known of Archbishop Patrick. He restored and greatly adorned his cathedral at Armagh, founded a house there for the Grey Friars,^ died at Dundalk, March 16, 1270, and was buried with his own order, at the Black Friars, Drogheda.^ His successor at Raphoe, John de Alneto, a Friar Minor, was appointed by Pope Urban by bull dated

* Eubel, Hierarchia Catholica Medii Aevi^ Munster, 1898, p. 433, fol- lowing Gams, Series Episcoporum^ p. 231.

* Ware, De Praesulibus Hiberniae Commentarius^ Dublin, 1665, p. 18, followed by Gams, p. 207. Eubel has found nothing new in the Vatican Archives, and has to content himself with a reference to Gams.

^ Ware, ibid. Calendar of Documents relating to Ireland, ed. H. S. Sweetman, 1877, p. 113, doct. No. 701.

* Calendar, p. 114, doct. No. 711. Cf. Ware, ibid.

* Ware, ibid. Cf. a letter of Henry III in the following year to his escheatbr in Ireland, 20th April, 1262 :".... the K. gave the royal assent to this postulation, the Pope confirmed it .... " Gams follows Ware, and Eubel, Gams.

* See W. H. Bliss, Calendar of Papal Letters, vol. i, pp. 376-418; L^n Dorez et Jean Guiraud, Les Registres (VUrbain IV^ premier fascicule, tom. ii, Paris, 1892 ; Theiner, Monumenta^ pp. 87-95.

' Ware, loc. cit.

* Ibid. Cf Gams, op. cit., p. 207. For O'Scanlan's place in the primacy controversy between Armagh and Dublin, see the edition of Ware by Harris (Dublin, 1739), i, 67-68, and Burke, Hibemia Dominicana (1762), p. 459, note.

ATTRIBUTED BY RYMER TO URBAN V. 3 1

December 3, 1263.* His successor at Armagh, Nicholas Mac Molissa or Macmaelisa, was appointed by Gregory X, July 13, 1272.2

The several editions of the bull containing virtually the same errors of transcription and punctuation, the text is here given from the original : —

Urbanus episcopus seruus seruorum Dei carissimo in Christi filio--* illustri regi Anglie salutem et apostolicam benedic- tionem. In dispensatione ministrorum ecclesie Dei secundum tempiis causam et locum sunt interdum pro rebus emergentibus noua consilia capienda et, prout temporis uarietas et cause deposcit utilitas, nunc per assumptionem nunc per translationem prouidam, locorum sollicitudines * sunt imponende personis, et locis personarum ministeria prouidenda, ut ex personarum industria locorum crescat utilitas, et ex oportunitate locorum fructuosiora ^ reddantur studia personarum. Sane, Armachana ® ecclesia pastoris solatio destituta, dilecti filii--^ decanus et capitulum eiusdem ecclesie, die ad electionem prefixa, uocatis omnibus qui debebant uolebant et commode poterant* interesse, et Spiritus Sancti gratia inuocata, venerabilem fratrem nostrum .P. archiepis- copum Armachanum, primatem Ibernie,® tunc episcopum

Ware is followed by Soveges, Annde Dominicaine (Amiens, 1689), under y««^, Preface, p. xix, and Soveges is in turn reproduced by Cavalieri, Galleria .... delP Ordine de* Predicatori (Benevento, 1696), i, 78. RipoU, Bullarium Praedicatorum^ i) 4I3 and 447, contents himself with references to the writers just mentioned.

^ Printed by Theiner, op. cit., p. 92. Cf. Bliss, Calendar of Papal Letters^ i, 393. Eubel, op. cit, p. 433 (with date 3 Dec. 1364); all from the Vatican Registers of Urban IV, tom. xxviii, fol. 19 (epist. 63).

* Eubel, p. 109, from Vat. Reg. Greg. X, tom. xxxvii, epist. 43.

' Here the first ed. of Rymer leaves a blank. The second has three short hyphens, the third a long one. The fourth (Record Commission) ed. employs neither blank nor hyphens. Wilkins interpolates Edwardo,

* and * soliciiudines and fructuosa in all the editions of the Foedera and in Wilkins.

* Here and always spelt Ardmachana by Wilkins.

' Rymer, first ed., has here a blank. The second ed. has three short hyphens, and the third ed. a long one. The fourth (Record) ed. has neither blank nor hyphens. Wilkins puts four dots.

8 Poterunt in the first ed. of Rymer, corrected in the later editions.

* Hiberni(E in Wilkins only.

32 AN IRISH BULL OF URBAN IV.

Rathbotensem, ^ virum utique, luxta testimonia fidedignorufn apud nos et fratres nostros non*^ tarn credibilia quam certa, litterarum scientia preditum, consilii maturitate preclarum, et morum honestate uenustum, ac tarn in temporalibus quam in spiritualibus circumspectum, in Armachanum archiepiscopum unanimiter et concorditer postularunt, dilecti filii - - ^ archidiaconi Armachani qui tempore postulationis huiusmodi in remotis agebat ad id ^ccedente consensu, nobisque ipsius postulationis transmisso decreto, humiliter supplicarunt ut eandem postulationem admittere dignaremur. Cum igitur, sicut intelleximus, ecclesia supradicta industriam dicti .P. per exigentiam huiusmodi circumstantiarum exposcat, et in eodem .P. copiosiorem * seminis sui fructum ibi loci habilitas repromittat, nos postulationem ipsam de fratrum predictorum consilio duximus admittendam absoluentes ipsum a uinculo quo Rathbottensi * ecclesie tenebatur, eumque ad ipsam Armachanam ecclesiam transferentes. Quocirca regiam celsitudinem rogamus et hortamus^ attente quatinus*^ dictum archiepiscopum cum ecclesia sibi commissa propensius habeas pro divina et nostra reuerentia com- mendatum, sibi uel procuratori suo eius nomine regalia ® sine difficultate qualibet concedendo. Ita quod ipse per auxilium gratie tue in cura pastoralis regiminis possit efficacius operari, et tu inde diuinam misericordiam et gratiam apostolice sedis et nostram ualeas promereri. Datum Viterbii nonis Novembris pontificatus nostri anno primo.

1 Correct in the third ed. only of Rymer. The first, second, and Record editions have Raihbocensem, Wilkins has Rathbottensem,

* The following words as far as uenustum are, in the first ed. of Rymer, so punctuated as to destroy the sense, and certd is printed instead of certUf The other three editions closely reproduce the first. Wilkins alone punctuates correctly and understood his text.

' The four editions of Rymer and that of Wilkins agree in the absence of blank and hyphens.

* Copiosorem in the first ed. of Rymer, corrected in the others and in Wilkins.

* As in the first three editions of Rymer and in Wilkins. Rathbocensi in Record edition.

* Sic, Corrected in all the editions of Rymer and in Wilkins. ' Quatenus in Wilkins.

® Regalid in the Record ed. only. The other three editions and Wilkins are correct.

TWO LECTURES ON THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS.

Delivered at the Royal Institution of Great Britain, By Richard Caton, M.D., F.R.C.P.

LECTURE I.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

You are aware that during the last twenty-five years the energy and enthusiasm in archaeological research of such men as Dr. Schliemann have not merely thrown a considerable amount of light on historic and prehistoric Greece, but have also awakened a keener enthusiasm among classical scholars and in Societies devoted in various countries to archaeological investigation. Even Govern- ments have been influenced and induced to help on the progress of these most interesting studies. The German Government has spent large sums in the excavation of Olympia and Pergamus. The French Government has wisely and liberally devoted con- siderable sums to the excavation of Delphi and to other important works. The Greek Government and the Athenian Archaeological Society have expended much money and an infinitude of labour on investigations of the classic wealth of their own land.

In these three instances, although the amount paid is trivial when viewed in the national balance-sheet, its archaeological equivalent is great. These three countries have not only made the whole world their debtor by the liberality they have displayed, but each has quickened and stimulated a taste for learning and for art among its own people.

One or two other nationalities have had a share in the progress made, though of a more private and individual kind. The American School has explored the Heraeon and certain other classical sites, and lastly our own British School in Athens, whose

3

34 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF

chief wealth has been the enthusiasm of its members, has done much, when we consider its difficulties, and the lack of the sufficient pecuniary support with which other countries have endowed their representatives.

Although considerable interest is felt by the English public in regard to much of the work just referred to, one important field of investigation has remained almost unknown in this country ; I mean the exploration of the shrines of Asklepios, the god of healing, at Epidaurus and Athens, about which I am to have the honour of speaking to you. As the time allotted is brief, it is needful to avoid all prefatory remarks, and to restrict this paper almost entirely to a consideration of the new discoveries and to inferences from them. As a matter of fact, apart from the Hippocratic writings there is but scant information as to the sanitary and medical aspects of Greek life in ancient literature. Homer and Pindar have brief references to Epidaurus and other sanctuaries of the god ; so also Plato, 'Hippys of Regium, Strabo, and some of the dramatists, as Aristophanes, also certain of the late Greek writers, especially Pausanias. Under these circumstances most precious are the researches made by the spade.

The pioneer in this inquiry was M. Cavvadias, the eminent archaeologist, now Minister of Education in the Greek Govern- ment. To him more than to anyone else we owe the important additions lately made to this branch of archaeology.

He worked largely in conjunction with the Greek Archaeo- logical Society, and was aided by many individual members ; for example, M. Stafs, who did excellent work in deciphering the hundreds of inscriptions which were found — a work of no small difficulty.

Various members of the French School, such as M. G6rard, MM. Defrass and Lechat, and Prof Reinach : Dr. Dorpfeld, Prof. Furtwangler, Herr Baunack, Dr. Kochler, and others associated with the German School, have had a share in the work or in recording its results.

Comparatively little has been done by the English, and still less has been published in our language. An interesting paper by Professor Percy Gardner, in his New Chapters in Greek History^ some valuable references by Miss Jane Harrison, the admirable notes in Mr. Eraser's new edition of Pausanias^ and one or two articles in American journals are among the chief.

A

/

k.

ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS. 35

For details of the work of the various writers vide Biblio- graphy below.

I have to express my acknowledgment to the authorities I have named, but chiefly to M. Cavvadias for his kindness in giving me special facilities in Greece, and for allowing me the use of some of his plates ; also to MM. Defrass and Lechat, who permit me to show you some of their beautiful restorations. Apart from these most of the lantern slides I shall show you were taken by myself on the scene of the various excavations or in Museums.^

I. The Hieron of Epidaurus.

According to tradition, Asklepios, the son of Apollo and Koroni, was born in the Hieron valley, in the Argolic peninsula ; the place-names still preserve the legend ; the hamlet of Koroni commemorates his mother, the hill Titthion owes its name to his having been there suckled by a goat, while on the opposite hill, Kynortion, stood the temple of the Maleatean Apollo.

The Hieron six miles from the town of Epidaurus was the chief seat of the worship of Asklepios, though minor ones existed in Athens, at Delphi, Pergamus, Troezen, Cos, Tricca, and other places.

Here is an outline restoration, Plate I, representing some of the principal buildings in the Hieron.

I must warn the reader that the plan does not profess to be accurate. The structural detail of the buildings is always more or less conjectural ; even their relative size and their distances from one another are only approximately correct. The object of the plan is to give a general idea of the arrangement of the chief buildings hitherto discovered, exclusive of the theatre. (It should be stated here that the numbers which follow refer to the illustrations, while the capital letters correspond with those on Plate I.)

A represents the great ceremonial gateway or Propylaea on the south of the precinct. Its close relation to the quadrangle B has caused some observers to suppose it was the entrance to B alone, but to the writer that seems improbable.

^ About one-third of the lantern slides are here reproduced,

$6 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF

^ is a large quadrangle about 250 feet square, reminding one of the Paliestra at Olympia, The central space was sur- rounded by small roohis and a colonnade ; some of the columns of the latter remain, embedded in the later Roman brickwork of a music-hall or Odeon, constructed within the quadrangle. Nine rows of seats and part of the stage of the Odeon still remain. The building has been supposed to be a gymnasium ; but if SO; must have ceased to be the scene of gymnastic exercises

after the quadrangle was built upon in Roman times. Was it a hostel?

C represents the Temple of Asklepios, the central shrine, a richly decorated and coloured Doric building, erected in the fourth century B.C., as shown in the accompanying restoration by Defrass, Plate II. At the east and west gables were pediment groups representing a battle with Centaurs and a combat of Greeks and Amazons, Plate IV ; together with Acroteria,

ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS. 37

Plate III, Nereids alighting from horseback, on the two sides, and a central winged victory. A beautiful ivory door, which cost 3,000 drachma;, closed the sanctuary ; within the cella was a single chamber ; there was no opisthodomus. Here stood, as shown in Defrass's drawing Plate V, the great chryselephantine statue of Asklepios made by Thrasymedes of Paros, a work somewhat resembling the Parthenon figure, or the vast Zeus of Olympia ; the flesh was ivory, the rest gold splendidly enamelled in colours. The god was sitting on a throne, a large golden

PLATE III.— Nereid.

serpent rising up to his left hand ; on his right lay a dc^, and in front was an altar.

Gold and ivory must have been beautiful materials for the sculptor, though involving much difficulty when combined. The disappearance of chryselephantine sculpture in modern times is perhaps due to this difficulty in production, but probably more to the fact that the ivory usually tended to crack. The great figure of Athena in the Parthenon needed, we know, to be frequently moistened on its ivory surface with water. At Olympia, oil was

38 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF

applied to the great figure of Zeus, but curiously enough the Asklepios at Epidaurus needed neither. As the god of medicine, it may be supposed that he was able to preserve his own integu- ment, but Pausanias tells us that a well, beneath the pavement of the temple; diffused sufficient moisture to prevent contraction and cracking of the ivory.

Plate V! shows the foundations of the Temple as they now exist. D D in my first illustration is the Ionic portico or Abaton, a part of which is seen in the second photograph ; the

PLATE IV.— Amazon.

western part is in two storeys, the lower one being in the basement. It is open on the south side ; a double colonnade supports the roof, the eaves of which, together with the walls and columns, showed colour decoration. This constituted the ward or sleeping place for the sick who were awaiting the miraculous inter- position of the god. The Abaton was furnished with pallets, lamps, tables, altars, and probably curtains, the patients them* selves supplying their own bed clothing. The details of this building I shall give in my next lecture.

ASKLfiPlOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS.

39

Plate VII shows the remains of the eastern part of the Abaton and Plate VIII the remains of the lower storey of the western part. The latter photograph was taken from the top of the stairs leading down to the area-like court from which access was obtained to the lower storey. E in Plate I is the Tholos or Thumela (shown in the annexed restoration by Defrass), Plate IX, the most beautiful circular temple probably that the Greeks ever built, far surpassing the Philippeion at

PLATE v.— Restobation

Olympia. It was built in the fourth century B.C., by Polycleitus the younger, and took twenty-one years to build ; externally there was a beautiful Doric colonnade, with peculiarly rich cornice, coloured. Within was a circle of sixteen graceful Corinthian columns of marble, the wall and floor were also decorated with variously coloured marbles. Here were two celebrated paintings by Pausias, the Greek artist ; the first represented Mcthe (drunkenness), a woman holding a lai^e

40

THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF

wine goblet to her lips, the glass of which was so painted that the face was seen through it. The second, a picture of Eros (Love) laying aside his bow and quiver and taking up his lyre. Perhaps we may suppose that the painter here indicated the relation of Bacchus and Venus to the ailments which alTlict mankind. The scourges which we are told the gods make out of the pleasant vices of men doubtless often brought the wealthy Greek as a suppliant to Asklepios.

What was the purpose of the Tholos ? Defrass and Lechat

--- — ■ PLATE VI.— Bask OF Temple o

believe it was a drinking fountain, a sort of pump-room, in which in old times a healing spring arose ; if so, we can imagine the gouty Athenian being sent here to drink large draughts from the holy spring, he envying meanwhile Methe and her occupation on the wall before him. The foundations are curious, consisting of a series of circular walls forming a labyrinth, every part of which must necessarily be traversed by the explorer seeking the central space (Plate X).

MM. Defrass and Lechat think this singularly constructed basement was a water cistern from which the 'Pump-room

ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS. 4I

above was supplied. The difficulties attending this rather attractive hypothesis are — (a) that the word 'Thumela' means a sacrificing place ; (^) Pausanias speaks of the THolos and of the Sacred Well as though they were entirely distinct places ; (c) after careful search I can find no trace of a water conduit ; (</) the basement space, I may say confidently, was not cemented, either on wall or floor, as it would have lieen if to hold water. Not improbably the tholos was employed for minor sacrifices, and perhaps the labyrinth below may have been associated with

PLATE VII.— Remains of East Abaton.

some mysterious Asklepian rite of which we are now ignorant ; or the labyrinth may have been the home of the sacred serpents. We do not quite know what were the domestic economics of these creatures ; they, along with the dogs, were the incarnation of the god. They were treated by the sick with the utmost veneration ; perhaps this curious basement structure was their retreat, and conceivably the upper stage of the tholos was employed for the offering of sacrifices to them as representatives of the god.

42

THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF

Plate I, Fig. F. The Temple of Artemis is smaller than that of Asklepios (see Plate XI) ; the eaves were decorated by a rich cornice of sculptured heads of dogs, the attribute of ArtemisHekate. She was a divinity of healing and succour, the chaste moon goddess, and sister of Apollo, who healed v^neas. Acroteria of Victories decorated the western gable ; within was a row of marble columns, and externally stood a figure of Artemis-Hekate.

PLATE Vlll.— Remains o

Letter G in Plate I shows the position of the Grove, which probably extended also in the direction of the Tholos. H in the same plate shows the position of an altar which may have been sacred either to Asklepios or to Artemis. The letter / shows a foundation on which probably a much larger altar formerly stood ; it may have been that of Asklepios on which. possibly holocausts were offered. / represents the southern boundary of the precinct.

ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS.

43

K in Plate I represents the square building which has occasioned much discussion. It contains the base of an altar surrounded by many bones of sacrificial animals and much ash, also fragments of bronze and earthenware, many of them bearing dedications to Apollo or Asklepios. Its period of erection seems to have been not later than the beginning of the fifth century B.C. It contained great numbers of statues and inscrip- tions. It may have been a large open portico giving shelter to

PLATE IX.— Restoration of Tholos. (Defrass.)

the sick during rain, hot sun, or cold winds ; employed also for minor sacrifices and for the exhibition of statuary, ex-votos, and inscriptions. On the other hand, it may have been a house for priests or officials, or even a hostel, or possibly contained the library, the locality of which has not yet been identified.

L in Plate I represents a large building, irregular, and of various date; believed to have been the baths of Asklepios; this building perhaps may have also contained the library, which was dedicated to the Maleatean Apollo, and Asklepios,

44

THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF

which one would think is likely to have been in some central position.

M in Plate I is intended to represent a rectangular building of which only small traces remain. Whether or not it was a definitely constructed quadrangle, such as I have drawn, may be uncertain. If it was, perhaps we have here the remains of one of the two gymnasia which the inscriptions tell us existed at the Hieron.

tjakij --.^m^	^
	-ir-
	^

PLATE X.— Fi

N in the same plate is a restoration of the building with the four quadrangles, only lately excavated. It is the largest building yet discovered at the Hieron, being nearly 90 yards square. Each of the four quadrangles is surrounded by a number of rooms. In all there were between seventy and eighty of these apartments, each of which opened into its own quadrangle {so far as I could judge). A colonnade ran round the interior of each quadrangle. Query, what is it? — a

ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS.

45

gymnasium, a palaestra, a college for the priests, or a great hostel ? I confess the last-named seems the most probable. When one considers the large number of the sick who came to the Hieron, it is obvious that extensive accommodation must have been provided for them somewhere. The two chambers of the abaton could not have held more than 120 beds, supposing

PLATE XI,— Restoration of Temple o

ARTEMrS. (R. C.)

these to have been placed in two rows, or if we suppose the almost dark lower storey of the western end to have been a dormitory also, 180 would then have been the greatest possible accommodation. If this were the extreme number to be enter- tained, why were seats for 12,000 or 14,000 provided in the Stadium, and why was the great theatre seated for at least 9,000 spectators ? It appears likely, therefore, that this and

46

THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF

other undetermined buildings were hostels for the accommodation of those whose ailments were slight or who were convalescent

The remains of this curious structure are shown as seen from a distance in Plate XVI below.

O in Plate I is a small building of the Roman period the purpose of which is undetermined.

/* is a building also of the Roman period, and evidently contained baths. There are traces of a hypocaust. The remains

I.ATE Xll. — North- Eastern Colonnaue

of hot-air or hot-water pipes are abundant, and certain curious apse-like recesses in the walls containing a seat and terminating below in a bath or deep bason were evidently a form of sitz-bath. When we remember that, the French have lately discovered at Delphi no less than three extensive bathing establishments, adjacent to the walls of the precinct on the east, west, and south sides respectively, it is not surprising that we should find at least two such buildings at Epidaurus.

ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS. 47

Q in Plate 1, a quadrangular building between the Temple of Artemis and the South Portal. Round three, if not four, of its sides were rooms, as in the case of the great four-quadrangle building; many remains of columns are seen. Its purpose is not known with certainty. It may have been a gymnasium or a hostel, or perhaps it is the Colonnade of Cotys which Pausanias mentions.

PLATE Xlll.— Figure or Aphkouite.

This Colonnade of Cotys, we know, was originally built of sun-dried brick, and may perhaps originally have had wooden columns. Sun-dried brick, so common in many parts of Greece to-day, was often used in ancient times for important purposes, as for example in the building of the Heraeon at Olympia. When this somewhat perishable material was covered with a fine hard cement, which resisted the heaviest rain, walls so constructed became wonderfully durable. The Colonnade of

48 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF

Cotys was rebuilt during Roman times. Some of the roof tiles discovered lately bear the name of Antoninus.

R in Plate I is a colonnade which extended east and west nearly at right angles with the Roman baths P described above. Plate XII shows the remains of this colonnade, also a small open aqueduct with basons in its course about eleven yards apart. This small water channel reminds the visitor of a similar one existing in front of the Echo Colonnade at Olympia ;

PLATE XIV.— Northern Propyl^a a

the latter contains one or two basons like those shown in the plate. This view shows in the distance the Roman baths (/*).

Adjoining this colonnade on the north - east is a large quadrangle S, formerly bordered on its four sides by columns. Its length east and west was about double its breadth north and south.

T is believed by M. Cavvadias to be the Temple of Aphrodite, a Doric structure only excavated in 1892. An

ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS.

49

inscription discovered on the spot speaks of the sanctuary of Aphrodite; not far from it was found a statue of the goddess in Parian marble, a most beautiful figure now preserved in the Museum at Athens,

Plate XIII is an attempt to represent it.

U in Plate I is an Ionic building the present condition of which is shown in Plate XIV. It may be a temple external to the precinct, or it may, as others suggest, be the Northern

PLATE XV.— Theatre.

Propyljea or Ceremonial Gateway. 1^ is a Roman building of unknown purpose, and W represents a barrier which probably was the northern wall of the precinct.

Plate XV represents a side view of the theatre (which is not shown in the outline plan Plate I).

The Great Theatre situated to the south of the precinct was built about the year 450 B.C. by Polycleitus, the architect of the tholos. Pausanias, who was a great traveller, tells us it

so

THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF

was the most interesting of all the theatres existing in his time, and to-day anyone who is familiar with the theatres of Greece and the Greek colonies will say that this is more impressive than any of them. The Kollon or auditorium consisted of fifty-five rows of marble seats, with twenty-four lines of stairs. The space for the chorus is, according to the ancient system, circular, and in the centre doubtless stood an altar of Bacchus.

PLATE XVI.— VlkW of Theatb

The stage was elevated nearly 12 feet, the proscenium being enriched by splendid sculpture. The acoustics of the theatre are perfect ; a sound little louder than a whisper uttered on the stage can be heard in every part. The theatre is so placed on the slope of Kynortion that the occupants of the major part of the auditorium had a charming view (over the top of the stage) of the mountains to the north and of the whole range of beautiful buildings of the Hieron,

ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS.

SI

Plate XVI represents the view taken from the top row of seats. Note the circular chorus space, the remains of the " four- quadrangle building" and glimpses of the Hieron beyond. While witnessing here the sublime tragedies of .^schylus or Sophocles, or such a comedy as The Plutus of Aristophanes (in which, as you will remember, great fun is made of Asklepios and his priests), the contrast afforded by glancing from the stage to the blues and purples of the mountains, the verdancy of the grove.

PLATE XVII.— East e

and the beautiful forms and colours of the group of temples would be most pleasing. The Greeks were acute in perceiving and taking advances of subtle sources of pleasure like this, and I beheve that the sites of many of their theatres were chosen so as to secure for the audience this double pleasure. The Theatre of Delphi is an example of this provision, as also in a less degree is that of Tauromena. This theatre has been said to seat 12,000 spectators; according to my own rough computa- tion, it unquestionably will hold over 9,000 without crowding.

$2 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF ASKLEPIOS.

X in Plate I represents part of the Stadium, which is about six hundred feet long. Here are remains of at least fifteen rows of marble seats. Probably foot races took place here as well as other forms of athletic exercise. All the maps of the Hieron represent the eastern end of the Stadium as semicircular, but so far as one can judge, the latest excavations indicate that it was square, and therefore I have so represented it.

Assuming that the fifteen rows of seats extended from end to end on each side, and allowing a foot and a half for each person, the Stadium would seat twelve thousand spectators on its two sides without computing the seats at the ends.

Plate XVII represents the excavations at the end adjacent to the Hieron. Kin Plate I (shown also in Plate XVII) is either the starting - place or the goal. Z is a subterranean passage communicating with the precinct.

An inscription (found in 1896) mentioned by Mr. Fraser, shows that a hippodrome also existed at the Hieron.

On Mount Kynortion, some distance south of the great theatre, stood the temple of the Maleatean Apollo. The remains are so fragmentary that it is difficult to devise a conjectural restoration.

l>l,\Tr. xvili.-l'oKiiai ot- liiMi

k

THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF ASKLEPIOS.

n. The AsKLEPiEioN at Athens.

Before saying anything about the ritual and the treatment of the sick at the Hieron, it will be well to turn to the Asklepieion at Athens, and examine briefly the structural arrangements there. Situated on the south side of the Acropolis, at an elevation of

PLATE XX.— Remains of Asklepieion

perhaps eighty feet above the plain, adjoining on the east the theatre of Dionysius, the locality was probably as healthy as any the immediate neighbourhood of Athens could supply.

Plate XVIII represents the remains of the Stoa or Portico of Eumenes (so called) lying to the south of the Acropolis. To the extreme left is seen the Temple of the Nike Apteros and on

S4 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF

the summit o( the Acropolis the Parthenon. Between the Stoa and the rock of the Acropoh's is situated tlie Asklepieion. The accompanying outline plan, No. XIX, is an attempt to give some idea of the arrangement of buildings within the precinct. The buildings were to a certain extent an imitation, on a smaller scale, and on a limited area, of those at the Hieron of Epidaurus. Remains of what were probably a temple of Asklepios and Hygeia, of Doric architecture, also a supposed temple of Themis,

PLATE XXI.-

aiul a sliiine of Isis, exist, while smaller shrines of Serapis, Cure, lly|)iios, Herakles, Panaceia, Demeter, and other divinities liavi; left no distinct traces. There are considerable remains of a litr^ic uastern portico or abaton of Pentellic marble, from which is reached a circular chamber in the rock containing the Hacrcd well.

Plate XX represents the Asklepieion as seen from the western end and Plate XXI from the east. The building

i

ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS.

ss

inscribed "western abaton" in Plan No. XIX may have been a supplementary abaton or a priest's house or a covered gymnasium. A grove existed, perhaps occupying the space between the Stoa of Eumenes and the temples or situated in a lai^e vacant space to the west.

On an elevation above and close to the abaton is a curious well-like structure, surrounded by marble columns, which perhaps was the serpent pit.

Plate No. XXII represents the remains of this curious and mysterious structure. I have endeavoured to trace a direct communication between this supposed snake pit and the Abaton, but failed to do so.

The grove contained great numbers of statues, busts, ex- votos, and inscriptions. The theatre of Dionysius close at hand was doubtless frequented by the sick as a diversion. The stall occupied by the priest, with his name on it, is still in excellent

56

THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF

preservation as seen in Plate XXIIl. He sat in the first rank, with his back to the setting sun, next to the priest of the Muses. The Panathenaic stadium, about half a mile away, doubtless was also frequently visited by the convalescents from the Asklepieion.

ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS. 5/

LECTURE II.

We now pass on to consider the ritual of the Asklepian shrines and the accommodation and treatment of the sick who frequented them.

It is convenient, first, to consider the Hierarchy. They con- sisted of the Hiereus or Hierophant, the priest, who was the head official. He was appointed annually, and he appears to have been frequently re-elected. From the Athenian inscriptions we know that sometimes he was a physician, sometimes not ; so also it was with the subordinate officials. The priest was the general administrator, and had a share in the financial govern- ment of the temple. The Dadouchoi, or torch-bearers, were probably subordinate priests ; the Pyrophoroi, or fire-carriers, among other functions, lighted the sacred fire on the altars ; the Nakoroi or Zakoroi, whose duties in the temple are doubtful, but who sometimes were physicians ; the Kleidouchoi, or key- bearers, who perhaps were originally a class of superior door porters, but who appear later to have assumed priestly functions; the Hieromnemones seem to have had purely secular duties, and in common with the Hiereus had charge of all receipts and payments ; all were under the rule of the Boule of Epidaurus. The Kaniphoroi (or basket-bearers) and the Arre- phoroi (or carriers of mysteries or holy things) were priestesses. We read in some of the inscriptions of servants or attendants, who ministered to the sick, and carried those who were unable to walk. Did these women in any degree act as nurses? It is possible, but no definite information on the subject is given.

There was also a special religious society termed the Asklepiastes.

Turning now from the priests to the suppliants: these, we find, came from all parts of the Greek world, and from what ancient writers tell us, their numbers were great. Where were they housed ? Some, of course, dwelt in the abaton, the women

S8 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF

probably in one part and the men in another, but, as I have already pointed out, not more than 120 could find beds there at a time; perhaps the invalid was only housed there at first, and when he began to improve was drafted off to a hostel. Assuming that all the buildings which I have suggested to be hostels were such, they could not accommodate more than some four or five hundred patients. Perhaps the usual number attending may have been only some five or six hundred, while at the great festivals many thousands assembled. Whether this large number were lodged in tents or temporary wooden buildings is uncertain.

Probably multitudes of vigorous and able-bodied persons came to the festivals, and many of them may have been lodged six miles away at the town of Epidaurus, or in villages or hamlets adjacent. The ten or twelve thousand who filled the Theatre or the Stadium cannot have been exclusively sick people. It seems probable that numbers of athletes and multitudes of Greeks who merely wanted a holiday and a little excitement came to the Megala Asklepeia as they came to the Isthmian or the Olympic games. Setting aside, therefore, all visitors of this class, who probably brought gains to the Sanctuary, and for whom accordingly space was provided in the Theatre, Stadium, and Hippodrome, I pass on to consider the suppliants proper.

The patient on arriving probably had an interview with the priest or other official, and arranged about his accommodation with one of the Hieromnemones, or other secular person. He performs certain rites, bathes in the sacred fountain, and offers sacrifices under the direction of the Pyrophorus ; the poor man gives his cake, the rich his sheep or pig, or goat. The votive tablets frequently show the cakes {iroTrapa) being presented, or sheep, pig, or other animal. Where the ceremonial purification took place is uncertain. A deep well exists in the eastern abaton. A stone dropped, struck the water in a fraction over three seconds, as I found after repeated trials. The well is therefore over 144 feet deep. Possibly the water used in the ritual was derived hence, but perhaps the place of purification has yet to be found. "Only pure souls may enter here," was inscribed over the entrance of the Asklepian temple.

When night comes the sick man brings his bed clothing into the abaton, and reposes on his pallet, putting usually some small gift on the table or altar. The Nakoroi having come round

ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS. 59

to light the sacred lamps, the priest enters and recites the evening prayers to the god, entreating divine help and divine enlighten- ment for all the sick assembled there ; he then collects the gifts which had been deposited on altars and tables ; later the Nakoroi enter, put out the lights, enjoin silence, and command everyone to fall asleep and to hope for guiding visions from the god. The abaton was a lofty and airy sleeping chamber, its southern side being an open colonnade. It is singularly like the * shelter balcony,* or Liegenlialle^ now used in treating phthisis. This provision of abundance of pure fresh air for the sick by day and night, which is so beneficial now, was undoubtedly so then also, and probably brought much credit to the god and his shrine.

According to the inscriptions the god frequently appeared in person, or in visions, speaking to the sick man or woman con- cerning their ailments. Whether these visitations were merely hallucinations in individuals whose imaginations had been ex- cited, or whether some priest in the dim light acted the part of Asklepios ; whether the patient was put under the influence of opium or some other drug provocative of dreams, or whether, by some acoustic trick, the priests caused the sick to hear spoken words which they attributed to the deity, it is difficult now to say.

In the accompanying sketch of the abaton a miracle is in progress in the foreground. A lame man comes to the altar, he offers his sacrifice, the Pyrophorus lights the sacred flame, the Dadouchos or Nakoros enjoins silence while the holy serpent licks the affected part. The abaton is nearly empty, as it is the daytime, but one or two bedridden patients watch the miracle with interest.

The valley of the Hieron was the habitat of a large yellow serpent, perfectly harmless, and susceptible, like most snakes, of domestication. I am afraid it is now extinct, though it has been seen during the present century. A number of these creatures dwelt in the sanctuary, perhaps in the vaults of the tholos. They were reverenced as the incarnation of the god. The sick were delighted and encouraged when one of these creatures approached them ; and were in the habit of feeding them with cakes. The serpents seem to have been trained to lick with their forked tongue any ailing part. The dog also was sacred to Asklepios, and the temple dogs in like manner were trained to lick any injured or painful region of the body.

It will be remembered that in the " Plutus " of Aristophanes,

6o

THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF

the bl nd Plutus enters the abaton of the Asklep e on at Athens n order to be cu ed Ask ep os w th h s daughte s laso and

Panace a, appea n person they wh stte to the sacred serpents vh ch at once approach 1 ck the bl nd ejes and v s on s restored

PLATE XX V

ReSTORAT OK OF THE INTER OR OF THE I

PATtEN Sack sq and ha ng n ured leg

In the inscriptions the phrase uuraro tt} yXonrff^, referring to the serpent, is common, and also in reference to the dogs " Kvim T&v iapStv iBepdirivire rtj ^Xwo-tra."

ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS. 7 1

X^ipX Trjv irepi rSiv Kaiv&v wpij^eoDV la- '7opi}]V i^veyxa €9 rov^'* EWrfPa^ o/cw^ Kol Si rjfikayv fjLavddpovrc^ oxo- -aa SfjfLOKoirirj koi Kcp&ecov apL^erplcu) KoX ardaie^ €fi<f>v\toi Kal 7rt<TTi(o{v) KaTa\v(TL€^ y€vp&aip xaxa irapa (tJ) prj<TU iradecav aWorpiaJV air€vdri(j(os:) TToiexvrai Ta9 tov 0lov Siopdcoaia^"

English Version.

" Set up in stone by Epidauros see, A peerless scribe of God-like history, Philip, the son of Aristeidos, come Unto this holy place from Pergamum : War was too long the theme of Greece ; my pen Shrilled to ensue a peace for mortal men.

» • • «

" All sorts of suffering and endless bloodshed having taken place recently throughout Asia, Europe, the Libyan hordes, the island cities, I publish to the Greek world, without breach of trust, a * History of our own Times,' in order that my countrymen may learn, by my means, what hosts of evils arise from political charlatanry and financial greed, quarrels in a nation, and acts of treachery, and so, by the recital of other people's miseries, may, without pain or grief to themselves, put their own lives in order, as occasions arise."

It is somewhat interesting to find the Boule of Epidaurus thus honouring a historian, and at the same time warning the Greek people against those political faults to which the nation was specially prone.

A number of the later inscriptions are in honour of dis- tinguished Romans.

There are numerous inscriptions referring to laws, or judicial decrees. Others, again, refer to the contests of the Stadium, while another and especially voluminous class relates to the construction of the temples and other buildings. In addition to the names of the architects and contractors, and the sums paid, these records contain many interesting details, e.g., the statement that the pediment groups and acroteria on the temple of Asklepios were cut in marble by Hektoridas and

02 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF

sacrifices there to the god of healing, or ascended Mount Kynortion to the shrine of the great Apollo.

The suppliants spent the day in rest or exercise, as was most agreeable to them. It must be remembered that the precinct was as beautiful as the noblest works of Greek art could make it ; moreover, lai^e and lofty trees formed a shady grove, pro- tecting from the sun heat, while the soft breezes and the sweet pure air of the mountains formed in themselves a potent agency for the restoration of health. The patient had much around

PLATE XXVI.-ASKLEPIOS

- him to please and interest — beautiful buildings, rich with sculp- ture and with colour, scores of statuary figures and groups representing Asklepios and other divinities or subjects from the old Greek mythology in marble and bronze.

Plate XXV represents a head of Asklepios (from the Asklepieion at the Pirxus), to which the genius of the sculptor has given an expression of sorrow and sympathy, as though the god were grieving over the sufferings of mankind.

ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS. 63

Plate XXVI shows a full-length figure of the god, found at Epidaurus, accompanied as usual by the serpent. Artistic reliefs, busts, and full - length figures of noted priests and physicians, ex-votos, stelx, and tablets recording the marvellous cures effected by the god, coloured bas-reliefs, encaustic paintings, shrines, exedrse, decorative vases and fountains, beautified and added interest to the precinct.

Shelter-seats, arranged in semicircles, of beautiful white marble, were so placed as to avoid sun or wind ; they were convenient for converse, or for listening to a reader or a musician.

PLATE XXVII.— Shelter-seat.

Plates XXVII and XXVI 1 1 represent the remains of two of these seats at the Hieron ; close to the former is seen a large pedestal on which probably an equestrian statue formerly stood.

Many shrines and chapels to subsidiary deities existed, as, for example, to Hygeia, Themis, the Egyptian Apollo, Helios, Selene, Epione (the wife of Asklepios), Zeus, Poseidon, Minerva, Hera, Demeter, and other Eleusinian deities, Dikaiosunae, Teles- phorus, Lato, Hypnos, and others not as yet identified.

64 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF

Plate XXIX represents a number of small figures of Hygeia and of Asklepios from the Hieron.

Every devout Greek who came as a suppliant to Asklepios would find here also a shrine of his own favourite deity.

Those of the sick who were not too ill, would ascend the hill of Kynortion to visit the temple of Apollo, or climb the neighbouring hill of Titthion, sacred to the infancy of Asklepios. Others would engage in the exercises of the gymnasium or the stadium ; if unable to participate in these more active pursuits,

PLATE XXVIIl. -Shelter-seat.

they would become spectators of them. The plays in the theatre would often make half a day pass pleasantly. We know that both priest and patient went there constantly. Music, religious dances, processions, and festivals would vary the interest and occupations of the day. The studious man could occupy himself with manuscripts from the library, and, reposing in the shelter- seats, would dream over history, plays, or poetry. The solemn rites of the temple, the sacrifices, the study of the multitudinous

ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS.

65

tablets would all tend to a calm arid hopeful condition of mind, eminently helpful to recovery from slight forms of illness, even though no direct medical treatment were pursued.

In earlier times it seems as though the health-restoring influence of the shrines was thought to be wholly miraculous, with but small aid or none from art ; the god alone achieved all. The more ancient inscriptions contain childishly absurd reports of miraculous cures.

The ruling idea was that the deity appeared to the sick man in the abaton, applied some medicament, performed some

operation, or instructed the dreaming patient to perform some act when he awoke. The frauds of the god or his priest were so outrageous that some of the old Greeks must have been almost as foolish and credulous as many moderns are, who willingly buy soap or pills on no other warranty than the advertisements of the lying and interested vendor.

On the walls of the eastern abaton were fixed two lai^e stone tablets, bearing the title, " Cures by Apollo and Asklepios." Most of the fragments of these tablets have been recovered,

S

66 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OK

pieced tt^ether, and deciphered by M. Stats and others. The following are a few extracts : —

Line 72 of the first tablet in the abaton. — A man who had only one eye is visited by the god in the atsiton during the night The god appHes an ointment to the empty orbit Oh awaking, the man finds he has two sound eyes.

Line 125.— Thyson of Hermione is blind of both eyes; a temple dog licks the organs and he immediately regains his sight

PLATE XXX.— The Stcjni

PAKAL,V/KD HKRHOniL'S.

Line 107.— Hermodius of Lampsacus comes to the Hieron in a paralyzed condition. As he sleeps in the abaton the god tells him to rise, to walk outside the precinct, and carry back into it the largest stone he can find. He does so, and brings in a stone so heavy that no other man can lift it, and the stone, as the inscription says, still lies before the abaton. It lies there to-day, and the visitor may yet in vain emulate the feat of Hermodius. It will be recognized in the illustration, Plate XXX, by the hole cut in it to put the hands in.

ASKLEPIOS AT KPIDAURUS AND ATHENS. 67

Line 113. — A man had his foot lacerated by the bite of a wild beast ; he is in much pain ; the servants of the abaton carry him outside during the daytime ; as he is waiting to be healed a serpent follows him, licks his foot, and he is at once cured.

Line 122. — Heraeeus of Mytilene has no hair on his head; he asks the god to make it grow again. Asklepios applies an ointment, and next morning the hair has grown thickly over his scalp. (Unfortunately Asklepios forgot to write down the pre- scription for the benefit of future sufferers from the same defect !)

At line 48 begins a story containing a moral which the priests may have thought it desirable to impress upon their visitors : —

Pandarus comes all the way from Thessaly in order to have a disfiguring eruption or branding mark on his forehead cured ; he is quickly made well. Returning to Thessaly his cure is observed by his neighbour Echedorus, who has a similar, but slighter, eruption on the face. He also goes to Hieron, carrying with him a sum of money sent to the god by the grateful Pandarus. Echedorus decides to retain this money himself; he consults the god about his own case, and in answer to a question states that he has brought no gift from Pandarus. On rising in the morning he finds that, instead of having his skin disease cured, that of Pandarus has been added to it.

Line 96. — A man from Toronoea is so unfortunate as to have a stepmother who is not fond of him ; she introduces a number of leeches into the wine he drinks. Being of a confiding tem- perament he swallows them unsuspectingly, but the results are so serious that he is obliged to visit the god. Asklepios cuts open his chest with a knife, removes the leeches, sews up the chest again, and the patient returns home next day.

From other inscriptions we find that Asklepios treats drop.sy surgically, in a heroic manner ; he first cuts off the patient's head, then holds him up by the heels ; the fluid all runs out. He then puts the patient's head on again, and all ends happily.

These, I think, are a sufficient sample of the preposterous stories of cures which the god was reported to have performed in early times.

It is quite clear that the liking which many men and women have for the charlatan, and for deception, their appetites for the marvellous and incredible in all medical matters, existed as strongly among the Greeks as among ourselves, though the

6S THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF

superstitious beliefs and the ignorance of science prevailing in those times rendered such folly more excusable than it is now.

In later times it seems clear that superstition and deception had a less share, and art a larger one, in the work of healing at Hieron. Probably among the acute citizens of Athens, at no period were the frauds of the god so outrageous as in the early times at Hieron. We find the priests prescribing many things that were prudent and judicious ; plain and simple diet, hot and cold baths, poulticing for certain chest ailments, and a variety of medicaments — hemlock juice, hellebore, squills, lime-water, and drugs for the allaying of pain — are incidentally mentioned. Water was used extensively both internally and externally, active gymnastic exercise, riding, friction of the skin, massage, and counter-irritation.

The tablet of Apellas of Idria tells us that when visiting the Hieron on account of frequent illness and severe indigestion, the god or his priests ordered a diet of bread and curdled milk, with parsley and lettuce, lemons boiled in water, also milk and honey. Apellas being an irascible person, the god ordered careful avoidance of the emotion of anger, and desired him to run and swing in the gymnasium, and use vigorous friction and counter-irritation to the surface of the body. Probably Apellas was a wealthy and luxurious city-dweller, who took too much food and Chian wine, and who suffered, as many in that age did, from gout. He is eventually cured, and erects a tablet to show his gratitude.

Here is the thanksgiving of another sufferer : " O blessed Asklepios, God of Healing, it is thanks to thy skill that Diophantes, relieved of his incurable and horrible gout, no longer moves like a crab, no longer will walk upon thorns, but has a sound foot as thou hast decreed."

There can be little doubt that many of the sick benefited greatly by the rest, the pure air, the simple diet, the sources of mental interest, the baths, exercise, massage, and friction, and in later days by the actual medical treatment adopted. Surgical treatment was also employed, for we find marble reliefs of surgical instruments.

Not infrequently it would happen that persons with real and incurable diseases came to Hieron and got worse, notwith- standing their sacrifices and petitions to the god. How the priests excused the impotency of their deity on these occasions

ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAUKUS AND ATHENS. 69

we do not know ; perhaps some lack of merit, purity, or sanctity in the individual may have -been imputed. We know that in some cases, the honour of Asklepios was saved by sending the unfortunate invalid to some distant shrine ; but of course it happened that in some instances the patient died. Now, according to the religion of the Greeks, two events were considered to desecrate in the most dreadful manner any hallowed precinct — namely, birth and death ; neither of these must occur within any sacred enclosure.

While there was probably much kindliness, humanity, and real help for the sick at these shrines, and much actual benefit resulted, notwithstanding the superstition on which all was based, still, in this one respect, Greek tradition and ceremonial were a cause of the most gross inhumanity. The unhappy visitant whose vital powers were finally declining was received and domiciled in the abaton, but when he failed to improve and was seen by the priests and attendants to be obviously dying, instead of being tenderly nursed and soothed, he was removed from his couch, dragged across the precinct to the nearest gate, expelled, and left to die on the hillside unhelped and untended. Asklepios had rejected him, and no priests or minister of the god must defile himself by any dealings with death. One cannot but hope that the sympathy and humanity which exist naturally in the hearts of most men and all women, found some means of helping these unhappy beings, and that when death seemed probable such sufferers were conveyed to a hostel outside the precinct, and allowed to die in peace there. A like superstition existed regarding birth. Many a poor woman, who was antici- pating maternity and who had been hoping for relief from some ordinary ailment, was suddenly and mercilessly expelled from the precinct just when she needed help and comfort most.

Not until the time of the Antonines was any definite pro- vision made for these two classes of sufferers. Either Antoninus Pius or Marcus Aurelius erected a home for the dying, and a sort of maternity hospital. Doubtless Some of the riiins dating from the Roman period, which are at present unidentified, subserved these two purposes.

Among the hundreds of inscriptions found I have thus far only mentioned one class — namely, those referring to cures. There are, in addition, no fewer than thirteen other kinds of inscriptions ; for example, the great poem of Isyllos, describing

70

THE TEMl'LES AND RITUAL OF

the genealogy aTid miracles of Asklepios, written by command of the oracle of Delphi. (The Delphic Sibyl had apparently a great respect for the god of healing. On one occasion she addresses him thus : " O thou who art born to be the World's great joy — .")

Many of the inscriptions are in honour of individual priests, Pyrophori, Hieromnemones, or of distinguished Greeks uncon- nected with the sanctuaries ; for example, there was found in association with a headless statue, the inscription shown below.

Plate XXXI. The upper four lines of the inscription are in the Dorian dialect, the remainder in the Ionian. The former is the dedication of the statue by the Epidaurians to a historian previously unknown to the classical student, a certain Phillipos of Pei^amus. The lower Ionic fragment is probably a quotation (the only one known to exi.st) from his writings.

A learned Oxford friend, whose name I may not disclose, has, with great kindness, edited this inscription for me, supplying the lost words or letters and giving a translation, as follows : —

" dv$eTO fiev /*' 'EwiBavpoii ^ApioTei&ao ^ikfniiov nep/ydfioBev Geia'i xotpavov laTopiav ayKaloMf & "EWanes eirei iroXeftoypaiftoi', aiiSav ixXayov aiifpimv KOOfiov hTep)(oti€vo<i.

-Xo^oviij? avii TC 7t)v 'Aaiiiii km t^ij Evpa- -mfv Ka\ Tfl Ai0vtov idv^a Kai vr]ffion€wv

ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAURUS AND ATHENS. 7 1

X^^P^ ^h^ '^^pi T&V KCUvSiV 7rpt]^€(li>V la'

'ropu]p i^pejKa €9 tov^'' EWrfva^ OKw^ Kal Si ^fjiicov fiavddvovre^ oko^ '<ra Bfjfjio/coirirf /cai icepikcov afi^^erplai) fcal ardaic^ €fM(f>v\ioi kuI 7naTL(t){v) KaraXvaie^ yei/vataLV Kaxa irapa {rrj) prjaeL vndiayv aWorpitov direvd^^reo^) TToieccvTai tcl^ tov ^lov hiopOdxna^y

English Version.

" Set up in stone by Epidauros see, A peerless scribe of God-like history, Philip, the son of Aristeidos, come Unto this holy place from Pergamum : War was too long the theme of Greece ; my pen Shrilled to ensue a peace for mortal men.

« ' • * *

** All sorts of suffering and endless bloodshed having taken place recently throughout Asia, Europe, the Libyan hordes, the island cities, I publish to the Greek world, without breach of trust, a * History of our own Times,' in order that my countrymen may learn, by my means, what hosts of evils arise from political charlatanry and financial greed, quarrels in a nation, and acts of treachery, and so, by the recital of other people's miseries, may, without pain or grief to themselves, put their own lives in order, as occasions arise."

It is somewhat interesting to find the Boule of Epidaurus thus honouring a historian, and at the same time warning the Greek people against those political faults to which the nation was specially prone.

A number of the later inscriptions are in honour of dis- tinguished Romans.

There are numerous inscriptions referring to laws, or judicial decrees. Others, again, refer to the contests of the Stadium, while another and especially voluminous class relates to the construction of the temples and other buildings. In addition to the names of the architects and contractors, and the sums paid, these records contain many interesting details, e.g., the statement that the pediment groups and acroteria on the temple of Asklepios were cut in marble by Hektoridas and

7i

THE TEMPLES ANU RITUAL OF

another artificer, from mcxiels designed by the great sculptor Timotheus, the artist who, along with Scopas, designed the Mausoleum of Hahcarnassus.

The minute details concerning the building of the tholos, the amounts paid for marble and other materials, the names of architects and contractors, the report of the commissioners who inspected the work, and who formed a sort of lay building com- mittee; their journeys to Athens, Corinth, Megara, and other places in quest of material, workmen, etc., the exact sums

PLATE XXXII

expended on these journeys, and other details, are curious and interesting. One can only regret that no hint is given of the use and purpose of the building on which so much care and thought were expended.

I might occupy much time in showing and describing the scores of sculptured votive tablets which have been recovered. In most, of course, the figure of Asklepios has been destroyed or damaged by the iconoclastic zeal of the early Christian.

ASKLEPIOS AT EPIDAUUUS AND ATHENS. 73

In Plate XXXII an almost uninjured example is shown. A group of four suppliants with their children approach the god, who leans on his staff with entwining serpent. Behind Asklepios is seen the head of (probably) his wife Epione, then come Machaon and Podalirius, his sons, then, probably, Hygeia, Panaceia, and laso, his daughters. The whole Asklepian family are of heroic stature.

Every fourth year a great festival was held at the Hieron, the Megala Asklepieia, at which athletic contests, races, processions, music, plays in the theatre, holy (perhaps also unholy !) vigils, lasting all night, gorgeous rites, sacrifices, decoration of the temples and precincts, together with feasts, took place. Most probably the priests would arrange for the performance of a few miracles. Other festivals were also held, as the Megala Apolloneia.

On these occasions, if not at other times, doubtless every seat in the theatre, stadium, and hippodrome would be filled, mostly by sound and healthy visitors, coming, as I have suggested above, partly to enjoy a holiday, partly to witness athletic exercises, which interested them quite as much as important cricket, football, or rowing contests interest us, and partly to do honour to the god whose aid they might need when sickness or old age should enfeeble them.

Lastly, there is a link which, though of no practical import, is still a genuine historic bond connecting the Hieron of Epi- daurus with the medicine of Western Europe. Three centuries B.C. Rome was visited by dire pestilence. The rulers of Rome, having in vain endeavoured to check it, sought the counsel of the Sibylline books, and were directed to bring Asklepios to Rome from Epidaurus. A galley was sent to the Saronic Gulf, and a mission visited the Hieron, bringing back to the ship one of the sacred serpents. The galley returned, entered the Tiber, approached Rome, and as it touched the insula in the Tiber the sacred serpent at once left the ship and found a refuge on the island. From that moment the plague is said to have rapidly disappeared.

In gratitude to the god, who was thus visibly among them in the serpent form, the south end of the island — perhaps, indeed, the whole of the island — was modelled into the shape of a great galley of hewn stone. A temple of -^sculapius (as the Romans called him) was built adjacent to it, with portico and abaton. A well existing there became sacred to ^Esculapius, and from that day to this the

74 THE TEMPLES AND RITUAL OF ASKLEPIOS.

island in the Tiber has, through pagan and Christian times alike, been devoted to the cure and treatment of the sick. The stern of the stone galley still exists, with the effigy of the serpent and remains of the image of ^sculapius. The Church of St. Bar- tholomew stands on the site of the temple, and on, or near, the spot where stood the ancient abaton now stands a hospital served by the Brotherhood of San Juan de Dios, the benevolent saint of Granada, where the sick folk of Rome are helped and tended ; and there, unlike their predecessors of 2,200 years ago, if illness should terminate in death the poor weary souls are kindly and tenderly ministered to by priest, physician, and nurse, until they sink into the last sleep.

It is doubtless in consequence of this episode of the founding of a temple of ^sculapius on the island of the Tiber that the staff and serpent of the Epidaurian god have been, and remain to this day, the symbol of the profession of Medicine.

HTUDHS COMPOSTELLANES.i

IJEpoque et le milieu oh fut krit le Codex Calixtinus : — Les origines

(Vun atlte. — La carriere (fun archevique. —

Par V. H. Friedel, Lie. Litt, Ph.D.

IL y a plus de trente ans, mon illustre maitre, M. G. Paris, ccrivit dans sa dissertation bien connue De Pseudo-Titrpino : "sed ratus sum eas (scil. interpolationes Sandionysiacas)

in codicibus (scil. Turpini) deesse qui Compostellensem, donum Aimerici Picaudi, directe exscripsissent, ut in illo Rivi- pullensi, anno MCLXXIII exarato ; quern si quis inspexerit, majorem lucem in has tenebras projicere poterit."

Je n'ai pas vu ce MS. de Ripoll qu'en 1 173 le moine Arnaldus del Monte a transcrit pour son monastere ; mais j'ai eu entre les mains Toriginal meme dont il a copie ce qu'il jugeait " agreable a la devotion de ses superieurs et de ses freres envers le bienheureux apotre et utile pour la propagation de son culte." L'extr^me amabilite avec laquelle I'archiviste actuel de la cathedrale de Saint- Jacques de Compostelle, le chanoine D. Antonio Lopez Ferreiro, a mis a ma disposition ce fameux MS. connu sous le nom de Codix Calixiinus^ m*a fait regretter de manquer de temps pour eh faire une copie complete.

On peut considerer le Calixtinus comme un codex archetypus, et c*est a juste titre que des critiques tres autorises se sont occup^s de son origine et de son authenticity. A travers les nombreuses

* J'ai ecrit ces notes il y a bientOt deux ans, en Espagne, loin de tons les moyens de reference ou de controle, comme preliminaires a des recherches plus speciales. Quand I'annee derniere je suis retourne en Espagne pour y passer mes vacances, c'etait bien mon intention de revoir la venerable cite de Saint-Jacques et d'y completer mes notes. L'al>sence de D. A. Lopez P'erreiro et le deplorable etat sanitaire de la province occasionne par les rapatricments precipites des soldats revenant malades de Cuba, hj'ont fait remettre \ une autre occasion un nouveau voyage en Galice.

76 LTUDES COMPOSTELLANES.

reproductions ou le texte original apparait chaque fois de plus en plus altere, et sur la foi de quelques rares extraits plus ou moins directs, les savants ont conclu a une " pieuse supercherie religieuse." Mais r^tude meme d'une supercherie peut avoir des charmes, surtout quand il n*est pas facile de Tetablir nettement Dans Tespece, elle est a la fois des plus interessantes et des plus importantes, puisqu*il s*agit d'un document qui appartient tout entier ou peu s*en faut aux premiers temps de notre moyen-age litteraire.

Uendroit, les circonstances et T^poque oh le Calixtinus a ete compost ; le nom, la personne et la nationality de Tauteur ou des auteurs ; les sources mises a contribution ; enfin sa valeur critique, voila les questions principales que les savants ont essay e d'elucider, la plupart d*entre eux en regrettant de n'avoir pas k leur disposition le MS lui-meme. II serait a d^sirer que le Chapitre de Saint-Jacques en h^t&t la publication integrale qu'il a projetee.

Je ne I'attendrai pas pour dire, a I'occasion, un mot sur le texte du Pseudo-Turpin, qui en formait le 4® livre et qui est aujourd'hui relie a part. Je I'ai collation^ avec celui que M. F. Castets a cdit^ d*apres les MSS. de Montpellier,* et je Tai compart avec differents autres MSS. que j'ai trouves dans les bibliotheques d'Espagne. Pour Tinstant, je puis assurer a mon maitre que le Pseudo-Turpin du Calixtinus contient bien /t^s interpolations 0 y/ saindyonisienncs qiCon rencontre dans les copies}

L'^lement hymnologique me semblait m^riter egalement une dtude speciale. Je suis arriv^ a la conclusion que Tauteur du recueil ou, du moins, du premier livre, dans lequel sont intercalees la plupart des hymnes, etc., a cru bien faire en attribuant ces morceaux, tantot recueillis tantot fabriques par lui-meme, a certains personnages ecclesiastiques en vue ou de renom, qui sont presque tous des Fr-an^ais. Pour la quality de cet auteur, pour son savoir, pour son mode de travail, enfin pour Tepoque et le pays ou il vivait, cette ^tude ne sera pas sans importance.

Je ne me suis pas arrete a I'examen des details de topographie et de geographic, d'histoire et de legende, voire de linguistique du cinquieme et dernier livre, qui contient Titineraire des

* ** Publications speciales de la Societe pour I'Etude des Langues Romanes, No. vii : Turpini Elistoria Karoli Magni, etc." Montpellier, au bureau de la Societe, etc., 1880,

^ Mes etudes sur le texte du Pseudo-Turpin et sur Telement hymnologique du Calixtinus sont pretes et paraitront prochainement.

i

ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES. 77

pelerins venant a Compostelle par la voie de terre.^ De meme je n'ai pu m'occuper, jusqu'ici, des details paraissant historiques que j'ai recueillis dans le livre des miracles (1. li®) ; je dirai seulement qu'a juger d'apres les noms, les localit^s,,les circonstances, etc., c*est encore la France qui y a contribu^ le plus a la glorification de Tapotre.

Chacune de ces etudes partielles nous aidera a rdpondre a la question capitale sur Torigine du Calixtinus. II y a pourtant deux points que Ton peut examiner independamment et d*une fagon gdnerale : F^poque et le milien oil il a paru ; je crois utile de faire ou plutot de refaire cette ^tude pr<51iminaire, afin de bien degager le probleme principal.

Je designe par " Calixtinus " le volume tel qu'il etait jusqu*au commencement du xvii^ siecle, contenant :

1. Merits par une belle main du xii*^ siecle (premiere moitid?)

cinq ''codices',' en tout 139 + 16 + 7 + 29 + 22 folios formant le corps du MS. ;

2. ecrits par differentes mains du meme siecle (deuxieme

moitid), des " additamenta " dont nous aurons a nous occuper a part.

En 1 61 9 D. Alonso Rodriguez Leon, alors chanoine-archiviste de Saint - Jacques, prit la peine de le lire. Suivant, dit-on, Tappreciation du fameux Morales, il separa du corps du MS. le quatrieme codex comme indigyie. Ce quatrieme livre (fol. 163™ sq.) est VHistoire de Charlemagne attribut^e a Varchevcque Titrpin. Les deux volumes ont ii& relics ^ s^parement, mais de la meme maniere, et c*est dans cette forme que le Calixtinus figure a I'heure actuelle aux archives de la cathedrale de Compostelle ; cela explique en quelque sorte comment le Pseudo-Turpin du Calixtinus a pu echapper au P. Fidel Fita en 1880. En le s^parant du corps du MS., Alonso Rodriguez Le6n n*a pu enlever les vignettes, — les seules d'ailleurs du MS. entier qui servent a illustrer le texte, — qui se trouvent Tune dans le bas du fol. i62*"o, dernier feuillet du livre prdcddent (apparition de St. Jacques a Charlemagne), et les deux autres sur le verso du mdme fol. (depart

* Je savais que ce livre avait ^t^ public par les soins du P. Fidel Fita et M. J. Vinson, k Paris, 18S2, chez Maisonneuve, sous le titre peu exact : ** Le Codex de Saint-Jacques- de- Compostelle (Liber de Miraculis S. Jacobi)."

^ Les feuillets mesurent aujourd'hui 29*5 x aO'8-2i cm.

78 ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES.

de Tarmee, cavaliers et fantassins, pour TEspagne).* La premiere page de ce livre est couverte presque en entier par la magnifique initiale romane T> ^ laquelle un autre scribe Cjjp lecteur a ajout6 \urpim4s Domini gratia arcliiepiscopus\ tandis que la premiere main, laissant le nom au rubricateur, mais rien que le nom et la seule apposition " archiepiscopus," avait commencd le texte ainsi sur les deux lignes du bas : Ranensis ac sedulus karoli inagni imptratoris in yspania consocius : leoprando decano aquisgi'anensi salutem in christo. Enfin, k la place de I'ancien titre qui est grattt^, on lit aujourd*hui : His!oria Turpini,

Dans le gros volume qui restait, quelqu'un^ a num^rot^ les pages et les chapitres, dessine des petites initiales, trace des sous- titres. Le premier scribe n*ayant pas donn^ de titre au codex ou livre i®*", un autre y a plac<^ ce distique assez mal tourne : —

EX RE SIG NATVR

lA CO BVS LIBER ISTE VOCATr

IPSVM SCRI BEN TI

SIT GLORIA SITQ; LEGENTI

qui est suivi de : Incipit episiula bead Calixti pnpe \ on lit au verso du fol. 2, apres les mots de la fin de cette lettre par laquelle le compilateur place le recueil sous le nom de Calixte : Valete omnes in domino, data latcrani, Idus Januarii.

INCIPIVNT CAPITVLA HVIVS LIBRI.

Ces chapitres sont au nombre de XXXI ; ces sont des pan^gyriques de Saint Jacques, accompagnes d'offices, de messes, de hymnes avec musique en son honneur, — en un mot, le

* Reproduites dans les ** Recuerdos de un viaje \ Santiago de Galicia," par le P. Eidel Fila y Colomeet D. Aureliano Fernandez-Giierra, Madrid, i83o, p. 52. Le fait que cette histoire seule a re9U des illustrations n'est pas sans interet. Conime miniatures on peut encore citer la grande initiale Cdu debut, renfermant la figure assise de Calixte II ecrivant (reproduite par le P. F. Fita, p. 48 de I'ouvrage cite), et I'image de 1 apotre que D. A. Lopez Ferreiro a Tintention d'inserer dans son grand ouvrage sur I'p^glise Com- postellane. (Le tome i*^"" de cette Historia de la Santa A.M. Iglesia de Santiago a paru Pannee derniere k Saint-Jacques; la miniature en question s'y trouve k la page 329.) Voilk, avec quelques autres initiales moins grandes, sobres de couleurs, mais d'un dessin remarquable, toute Pornementation artistique du volume.

^ Ce quehjiCtin pourrait bien etre A. Rodriguez Leon. Je ne crois pas, cependant, que ce fut lui Pautcur de toutes les additions dont il va 6tre question, telles que les litres generaux et certaines suscriptions. Ce qui est siir, c'est que celles-ci n'existaient pas en 1 173, quand Arnaldus del Monte a copie le volume. Voy. pp. 81 et 84.

ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES. 79

culte de Tapotre selon les autorites, Bede, Leon et autres docteurs de TEglise. C'est a peine si Ton y trouve quelque chose qui soit nettement espagnol. Le livre ^' Jacobus^ ainsi nomm^ selon le contenu^^ est le plus considerable du recueil ; il se termine au fol. 139^0 par: FINIT COD]^ PRIMVS. IPSVM SCRIBENTI SIT GLORIA SITQ; LEGENTI ; vient ensuite: INCIPIT LIBER II S' lACOBI ZEBEDEI PATRONI GALLECIE^ DE XXII ob; MIRACVLIS EIVS ARGVMENTVM BEATI CALIXTI PAPE.

Sur les vingt-deux recits de miracles ou *' exemples " que contient ce livre, dix-huit sont attribues a Calixte II, presque toujours par la formule a Calixto . . conscripUim (4 fois edituni) ; le deuxieme est conscriptum a beato Beda presbiteto et doctore^ le quatri^me a magisiro huberto piissimo bisuntine ecclesie sancte marie magdalene canonico ; le seizieme et le dix-septieme sont a sancto afisehtio cantuarensi archiepiscopo edita. La plupart de ces miracles sont datds ; en voici Tordre et la chronologie :

II, temporibus beati Theodomiri Compostelanensis episcopi (espagnol?); Ill, MCVIII ; V, MLXXX ; VI, MC ; VII, MCI; VIII, MCII ; IX, MClli; X, MCIIII; XI, MCV ; XII, MCVI ; XIII, MCXXXV; XIIII, MCVII ; XV, MCX ; XVIII, nuper comes de Sancto Egidio nomine Poncius etc. (espagnol?); XXII, MC. Les autres portent I'indication nostra tempore ou nuper^ et les miracles racontes sont faits en faveur de quelques grands per- sonnages que Ton doit arriver a reconnaitr^ aisement. Ce livre m^rite un examen particulierement minutieux ci cause de son importance pour Thistoire du recueil. Je me borne ici a. quelques remarques generales que je juge necessaires pour mes conclusions. A part les deux premiers, ces miracles sont assignes chronologiquement k Tepiscopat de Diego Gelmirez, surtout aux premieres annees (i 100- 11 10); Ik Tordre continu est legerement derange et on pourrait supposer que certains des miracles Strangers decoulent d'un recueil . anterieur. Quoi qu'il en soit, Tarrangement tel qu'il est a ete fait ou a Compostelle ou par quelqu*un qui etait tres au courant des affaires de Saint- Jacques dans la premiere moitie du xii® si^cle. La date la plus recente est 11 35; vers la fin le compilateur continue par nuper et par nostro tempore ; il indique ainsi qu*il a compose ce ii® livre

* Ces litres sont done anterieurs 4 la reconnaissance de St. Jacques comme patron d'Espagne.

So ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES.

quelque temps apres cette date. II est plus que probable qu'il y a travaille sous le pontificat d'Innocent II, maisyi? ne crois pas que le recueil entier fAt termini au moment de la mart de ce pape^ en 1 143.

Pour Arnaldus del Monte, le moine de Ripoll qui vint a Saint-Jacques en 1173, ces miracles ou predomine I'eldment etranger etaient si nouveaux qu*il les a tous copies. II en a m^me ajoute deux autres ; ainsi son xxiii® est un recit date de 1139* et attribue a Tabbe Alberic, sous-prieur de Cluny, Prieur de St. Martin- des-Champs, Abbe de Vezelai, cardinal-eVeque d'Ostia (3 Avril, 1 1 38). Ce miracle n'appartient pas au corps du Calixtinns, et c'est a tort que MM. Robert, Delisle, et Dreves — qui a, cependant, vu le Calixtirius — ont cru pouvoir tirer de la date ct de I'attribution des conclusions au sujet du recueil entier. . C'est un additamentum que le moine de Ripoll a pris la ou il se trouvc encore aujourd'hui, c'est a dire a la fin du Calixtinus, faisant suite immediatement alafameuse authentification du recueil pretee a Innocent II etdont nous parlerons tout a I'heure. Cc qui est a remarquer, c'est que le nom de ce m^me Alberic a ete ajoute aux signatures du document qui precede par une main differente de celle qui a trace les noms des sept autres signataires. Or, comme dans toutes les copies de cet acte qui proviennent de celle d' Arnaldus, le nom d'Alberic figure en tete des signataires, il nous est pcrmis de deviner ce qui s'est produit. Dans Tauthentification sont nommes un . Otiverus de Iscani villa Sanifce r Mance Magdahnts de Vizlltaco et sa compagne comme ayant donnt^ le recueil a Saint-Jacques. Immediatement apres ce document vient un miracle opere par St. Jacques en faveur d'un nomme Br anus de Viz ilia CO villa Sanctce Mar ice Magdalence ct raconte par AlbM€^ qui fut abbe de V^zclai avant 1 138. Que ce prelat, connu sans doute a Compostelle, edt ete vraiment pour quelque chose dans la donation du Calixtinus par son compatriote et qu*on en edit garde le souvenir a Compostelle, ou bien qu'il ny ait la qu'une conjecture, Taddition ulterieure de son nom aux signatures d'un document qui se rapporte au recueil s'explique : lorsqu*Arnaldus se mit a transcrire le recit d'Alberic, on a dii lui faire entendre I'autorite de ce personnage pour le recueil, et lorsqu'il copie I'authentification elle-m^me, il place Alberic en tete des signataires.

* Dans plusieurs copies posterieures, la date de ce miracle varie entre 1137. et 1140.

ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES. 8 1

•

Si ce detail particulier aux copies qui remontent a celle de Ripoll n'a pas d'autre origine, et si c*est par les soins d'un pretre de Compostelle, qui aidait Arnaldus pendant son travail, qu'Alberic devint un des signataires de la lettre d* Innocent II, il est perrais de conclure qu'on en savait plus long a Compostelle, en 1 173, sur \arrivee du Calixtinus : il n'y avait pas trop longtemps que les pieux pelerins dont on se rappelait les noms I'avaient offert a Tapdtre. En le remettant a I'eveque de Saint-Jacques, ils ont dii mentionnerqu' Innocent II avait approuve Tidee de ce travail, peut-^tre quand I'auteur etait venu a Rome en quete de docu- ments. Or, puisqu'on a ete oblige de refaire d'apres des souvenirs une authentification officielle telle que ce pontife est suppose I'avoir promise, il est certain que le recueil ne fut pas acheve avant 1143, date de sa mort. Nous savons, en outre, qu*en 1135 le ii^ livre n'etait pas termine — si toutefois il etait commence — , que Tauteur, bon scribe et intelligent travailleur, a reuni dans cet ouvrage une serie d'histoires qu'il a A\X recueillir un peu partout — si Tidee d*un semblable recueil est bien de lui, et puisque le Calixtinus n'est pas la copie pure et simple d'un recueil perdu — , et qu'il a d\X les mettre d*accord avec des traditions revues a Compostelle. U^poque de la composition comprend done sArement les ann^es de \\/\o jusqu- apres 1 143. Ce n'est pas ici le lieu de discuter si ce fut Aimeri Picaud qui entreprit ce travail. Quant a Arnaldus, nous aurons plus loin Toccasion de lentendre sur le Calixtinus en general ; notons ici qu'il a ajoute a sa copie des miracles un xxiv® (sur la punition de gens qui ont travaille le jour de la fete de Tapdtre) et la passion de St. Eutrope qu'il a trouvee dans le v® livre du Calixtinus.

Le ttoisieme livre ou codex contient : I. Translatio magna S*Jacobi, avec un prologue de Calixte ; 1 1. Epistula Beati Leonis pape ; III. De tribns festivitatibui S^ Jacobi etde processione Aldefonsi regis.

Le codex quart us (avant 16 19 quintus) est le fameux guide des pelerins en xi chapitres, dont le i*"" traite de itiis S* Jacobi et le xi^ dc peregrinis S' Jacobi digne recipiendis, A cause des details topograph iques qu'elle contient, cette partie est Targument le plus souvent invoque en faveur de la nationalite espagnole de I'auteur du recueil. Elle se termine au verso du fol. 184 par un EXPLICIT CODEX QVARTVS S^ lACOBI APOSTOLI, en majuscules rouges de la main de Rodriguez Leon. Je considere comme plus ancienne, mais egalement post^rieure au texte, la suscription en majuscules rouges, vertes, bleues, et brunes :

6

i

82 Etudes comi'ostellanes.

HUNC CODICEM PRIUS ECCLESIA ROMANA

DILIGENTER SUSCEPIT SCRIBITUR ENIM

IN COMPLURIBUS LOCIS IN ROMA

SCILICET ET IN HIEROSOLIMITANIS HORIS

IN GALLIA, IN YTALIA, IN THEUTONICA,

ET IN FRISIA ET PRECIPUE APUD CLUNIACUM.

Cette indication naTvement critique de la provenance des mat^riaux du recueil ne peut tromper personne. Ce qui est curieux, c'est qu'elle en accuse franchement I'origine »5tran[fure, sajis faire la moindre allusion a I'Espagne, On comprend ais^ment que son auteur I'a tir«5e uniquement de Ja lecture du volume. Quoi qu'il en soit, k I'examen elle apparait exacte dans ses generalites.

De la nous arrivons aux " additamenla" morceaux Hturgiqucs avec musique, visions et miracles en vers et en prose, etc. dont nous aurons a faire une etude k part. La seule piece qu'il nous faut rappeler ici, parce qu'elle est n^cessaire pour comprendre le but du present article, est !a fameuse " authentification,"

On connait cette lettre d'Innocent II, ajout^e au codex Calixtinus, sQrement au xii* siecle, dans le but de donner au receuil entier un caractere authentique. Elle a ete souvent repro- duite et longuement discut^e par des savants tels que Le Clerc, G. Paris, Dozy, Fidel Fita, L. DelisJe, Dreves, etc. comme ^tant le .seul t^moignage direct de I'origine du recueil. En voici, pour m^moire, le passage principal d'apres le MS. de Compostelle :— " Hunc codicem (scil. CaJixtinum) a domno papa Calixto primitus editum, quern Pictavensis Aymericus Picaudus de Partiniaco Veteri, qui etiam Oliverus de Iscani villa sanctae Mariae Magdalenae de Viziliaco dicitur, et Girberga Flandrensis socia ejus pro animarum suarum redemptione sancto Jacobo Gallecianensi dederunt, verbis veracissimum, actione pulcherrimum, ab haeretica et apocrypha pravitate alienum et inter ecclesiasticos codices authenticum et carum fore auctoritas nostra vobis testificatur, excommunicans et anathematizans .... illos qui ejus lalores in itinere Sancti Jacobi forte inquietaverint vel qui ab ejusdem apostoli basilica, postquam ibi oblatus fuerit, injuste ilium abstulerint vel fraudaverint."

Le caractere apocryphe de cet additamentum est tellement apparent et a et^ si amplement releve que je ne m'y arr^terai pas ; '

I Voyei surlout L. Delisle, Nole aur le recueil inlilulc de Miiaculis Sancti Jacobi, Caliinst hist. <le M. Robert, 1878, el Fidel Fita, Recucrdos, etc., p. 41. En citant le le^le, nous en avons legiieiticnt madifie rortliograplie.

Etudes compostellanes. 83

mais les Elements n'en demeurent pas moins importants, ainsi que nous Tavons deja fait pr^voir. Ajoutons que les cardinaux dont les signatures — non autographes — figurent au bas de ce document sont tous des cardinaux du temps d'Innocent II; leur liste nous fournit comme date au^deld de laquelle on ne pent remonter r annexe 1 138. A cette epoque, on parait avoir ignore a Compostelle jusqu'au projet d'un ouvrage tel que le Calixtinus. Dans le cinquieme et dernier livre, il est tenu compte de faits — transfert de la dignite de la m^tropole de Merida a Compostelle ; reglement, nombre, etc. des chanoines — qui sont relates dans I'Historia Compostellana. Cette histoire va jusqu*en 11 39; Tauteur, du moins de la plus grande partie, est un Fran^ais, Giraud (de Beauvais?); son travail n'est, en realite, qu'un r^cit detaille des efforts de son ami et patron, Tarcheveque Diego Gelmirez, pour "lancer" le culte de Saint Jacques. Meme si ce n'etait pas un Fran^ais qui a compose le Calixtinus — le contraire est plus que probable — , comment expliquer autrement que Giraud n'en a rien su ? L'id^e et Tex^cution sont done posterieures a 1 1 39, du moins par rapport a Compostelle ; mais I'authentification etant apocryphe, on ne saurait affirmer que I'ann^e de la mort d'Innocent, 1 143, soit un terminus ante quem. Nous avons deja dit ce qu'il faut penser de cette hypothese. D'autre part, les apparences sont fortes pour que le recueil fiit apport^ a Compostelle du vivant de Diego, Malheureusement nous ignorons Tannee de sa mort. Comme I'authentification n'est pas adress^e a lui nommement, mais aux donateurs ou au Chapitre, on n'en peut rien conclure quant a Diego. Arnaldus, le moine de Ripoll deja mentionn^, a accompagn^ sa copie d'une lettre qui ne laisse aucun doute que son modele etait bien notre MS. en cinq livres, qu'il designe, faute de titre precis, " de iniracnlis apostoli praehbati!' * On peut meme dire qu'il I'a vu tel qu'il existe aujourd'hui, c'est a dire ;//^///.y .certains litres, mais avcc plusieurs des additamenta. Depuis quelque temps deja, un autel avait ete consacre a St. Jacques dans la basilique de Ripoll, afin^ dit-il, de propager ramour divin et la v^n^ratioii dAs au sublime apotre, Pousse par la devotion, autrement dit par le desir d'apprendre de nouveaux miracles, autant que par le repentir de ses peches, Arnaldus demande et obtient la per- mission de ses superieurs de faire le pieux pelerinage. Arrive a Compostelle, il s'informe et il trouve un volume ''' quiuque libfos

^ Voyez M. L. Delisle dans I'article cite du Cab. hist, de M. Robert, 1878.

L

84 KTL'DES COM I'OST ELLA NES.

continens, ife miracitlts apostoli prelibati quibus in diversis mundi parlibiis spUiidescit et de scriplis san:toruni paltum, Augustini videlicet, Ambrosii, Hieronymi, Leonis, Maximl, et Bede. Continebantur in eodem volumine scripta alionim quorumdam sanctorum in festivitatibus predicti apostoli et ad laudem illius per totum annum legenda cum resfionsoriis, antiphonis, pre- fationibus et omtionibus ad idem pertinentibus quam plurimis." C'est te contenu du premier livre, sous la designation approxima- tive "de miraculis" que le pelerln repete telle que sans doute quelque prStre de la cathedrale la lui a donnee comme titre du recueil entier. Quiconque a visite les couvents et les cath^drales de I'Espagne de nos jours, a pu recevoir du "p^re-bibliothecaire" ou trouver dans " linventaire des manuscrits " de semblables renseignements. Amaldus n'a done pas vu I'en-t^te " Ex re signatur, Jacobus iste liber vocatur." Presse par le temps, il ne copie que les livres ii, iii et iv, " in quibus integre vtiracula continentur, atque traiislatio ap.-^stoli ab Hierosotymis ad Hispanias, et quahter Karoliis Magnus doinuerit et sub- Jiigaverit jugo Christi Hispantus." Les frais de tout transcrire, dit-il, auraient ete trop considerables. Cela peut etre la raison pourquoi il se contente d'analyser, chapitre par chapitre, le livre V ; mais etait-ce a cause du manque de temps et d'argent qu'il n'a recueilH dans son volume que pauca de dictis Calixti scciindt . . . . de primj libro ? ou bien lui a-t-on conssille, a Compostelle meme, de ne pas trop prendre dans ce livre, qui, tout en ^tant le plus considerable par I'etendue, est aussi le plus discutabie quant a son authenticite ? et qui a dii paraitre tel au clerge de Saint- Jacques? Cela indiquerait qu'en 1173 le recueil ne s'etait pas encore trouve assez longtemps a la cathedrale pour etre officiellement reconnu et pour ^tre montre a tous ■ les pelerins, malgre la precaution qu'on avait prise de I'authentiquer. Cet additamentum, Amaldus I'a vu : "quid autem legendum sit in eccksia sive in refeclorio ... . ex epistola Domini Calixti, divae memoriae Romani pontificis, nulli fidelium contemnenda praebetur auctoritas, qui et praedictum volumen inter authenticos codices in ccclesia legendum apostoHci ciilininis sententia sanctire curavit venerando Innocenlio Ecdesiae Roinanae scripturam postea roborante." Arnaldus del Monte a ccrit cela en 1173. Qu'il ait vu cet acte sur le meme feuillet que j'ai eu entre les mains ou I'original apocryphe, comme sciiible le croire le P. Fidel Fita, cela importe peu pour fixer le

iTUDES COMPOSTELLANES. 8$

moment oh existait le MS. avec lequel on le conservait. Sa lettre montre en plus, ce que Tauthentification ne dit pas, qu'on devait le lire au r^fectoire ou a V/glise. Etait-ce une reserve de la part de Tarcheveque ? Bref, quoique Arnaldus ne dise pas que le recueil se trouvait depuis longtemps d^ja a la cathedrale de Compos- telle, il y a certaines raisons pour croire qu'il n'en dtait pas ainsi. En transcrivant le volume en question, lui, Arnaldus, veut enrichir son ^glise d'un* tresor de tant et de si excellents miracles encore incomius chez cux a Ripoll : "desiderans ampliori miraculonim beati Jacobi quibus tamdiu caruerat uberiaie ecclesiam nostram ditari." Non seulement ce copiste nalff et v^ridique affirme ainsi Torigine ultra -pyrdneenne des miracles et du recueil, mais il le place en pleine epoque de la propaga- tion du culte de Saint Jacques par Compostelle en Espagne meme. U&me de ce mouvement ^tait Diego Gelmirez, et il est difficile de croire qu'apres les 39 annees d*efforts que nous connaissons et ou il n'est pas question d'une glorification de Tapdtre par un livre, ce pr^lat ait passe les derniers moments de son regne sans continuer sa propagande ambitieuse et enthousiaste. Nous le verrons, tout k I'heure, habile k rechercher et plus habile encore a exploiter I'amiti^ des papes. Or, Innocent II lui voulait du bien. L'auteur de Tauthentification a dO connaitre cette circonstance ; il a dO savoir, ce que nous pouvons conclure seulement, que les successeurs d'Innocent II 6taient moins favorables aux visdes ambitieuses et, en general, a I'archev^ch^ de Compostelle. Ajoutons a cela qu'il cite comme donateurs (et comme auteur?) du Calixtinus des personnages que nous ne connaissons point, mais que lui semble avoir entendu nommer ; rappelons-nous que la lettre d'Innocent II est faite de souvenirs qui ont beaucoup de chance d'etre exacts; laissons enfin au recueil lui-m^me le caractere plut6t officieux qu'officiel, si j*ose dire ainsi, que les autorit^s de Compostelle lui ont donne en le recevant : tout nous engage k ne pas trop Eloigner rauihentification de la donation. En acceptant celle-ci, le Chapitre de Saint - Jacques n*en a pas pris acte formellement. Uauthientification de cet ex-voto important devenue ou paraissant n^cessaire dans la suite, il a 6te facile de la fabriquer, grice aux souvenirs qu'on avait gardes des donateurs a Compostelle. Nous ferons done bien de nous y tenir aussi, faute de mieux, et de placer rarriv^e du recueil d la cathedrale de Saint-Jacques plus pres de la fin du regne d'Innocent II que de la visite d' Arnaldus del Monte, c'est a dire plus pres de 1 143 que de

86 Etudes compostellanes.

II73» entre 1 143 ^/ 1152. II a et^ acheve, selon toute probabilite, vers 1 145 ; quant a l' authentification^ je la crais postMeure non seulement a la mort de Diego Gelmirez, mais postMeure egalement ct la pMode troubUe qui se termine en 1152 et sur laquelle nous n'avons pas la moindre information directe. Vouloir preciser d*avantage et s'arreter aux annees avant la mort d'Innocent, entre 1 140 et 1 143, ce serait, i mon avis, montrer une foi excessive en un document apocryphe.

L'essentiel c'est de pouvoir affirmer que Videe du recueil et la mise en execution appariienneni, com me toutes les creations notables de T^glise de Compostelle, a la grande 6poque de I'organisation definitive du culte de Tapdtre, c*est a dire, au regne de Don Diego Gelmirez,

L'histoire de ce regne nous serait inconnue sans la fameuse Historia Compostellana,^ ecrite sur Tordre de Diego par trois de ses chanoines dont le dernier, Girard ou plutot Giraud, qui est Tauteur de la plus grande partie, ^tait un Frangais (de Beauvais ?).

Sans doute on ferait fausse route, si Ton admettait sans reserves tout ce que nous rapportent ces historiographes attitres et int^ress^s, mais pour peu qu'on sache lire entre les lignes, la figure de Don Diego demeure grande, forte et admirable : St, Jacques patron d^Espagne voilJi Toeuvre commenc^e il y a sept siecles par ce champion de I'Eglise Romaine en Galice. Nous ne pouvons ici retracer sa carriere comme il le meriterait ; nous devons nous borner k relever dans leur suite les faits qui peuvent jeter un peu de lumifere sur I'origine d'un livre tel que le Calixtinus., Ne nous attendons pas k trouver dans THistoria Compostellana une mention de notre recueil; elle s'arr^te en 11 39 et le Calixtinus n'existait pas encore ; mdme si Diego n'avait eu alors que Tidee de le faire r<5diger k Compostelle, on peut dtre certain que Giraud en aurait parl6.

Rien de plus int^ressant que la fa^on naive dont Giraud raconte les efforts de son maitre et ami, Don Diego Gelmirez, pour r^l<5vation " ad sublimandum " du culte de St. Jacques. Le corps de I'apdtre, jet6 aux chiens k Jerusalem, fut sauvd par quelques disciples et, selon la Idgende, apporte sur les cotes

* Je me suis servi de T^d. de Flores, Espana sagrada, vol. xx. Dans le tome xix du meme ouvrage, le P. Flores donne une Histoire de Compostelle jusqu'en 1 139 d'apres la ni^me source*

J

ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES. 8/

septentrionales d'Espagne. Averti par une vision, leveque d'Jria Flavia, Theodomirus, retrouve la sepulture humble et ignoree ; avec " I'autorite de beaucoup d'eveques, de fideles et d'hommes nobles et avec le privilege du roi" Alphonse dit le Vaillant, il transporte le siege de son eveche a Compostelle : " Hoc autem sub tempore Karoli Magni factum fuisse innUis referentibus audivimusr ^ Ce furent les origines de la metropole d'Espagne. Les premiers eveques n'etaient pas prdcis^ment des modeles de bons pasteurs. " Episcopus S. Jacobi baculus et balista " disait un proverbe de Galice. Le clerge, comme d'ailleurs I'Espagne entiere, etait inculte et illettre, " rudes et imperiti, rudis et illitterata." L'autorit^ du Souverain Pontife, represent^ canoniquement par I'archeveque de Tolede, avait cess^ d'etre effective dans un pays que les querelles sans treve des potentats et Tinvasion des Maures avaient jete dans une demoralisation profonde. Dans les monts de la Galice on n'en avait m^me pas conserve le respect. Quand un cardinal romain vint en Espagne pour s'informer de T^tat de la religion et de la condition de ses ministres, et qu'il exigea de Teveque de Compostelle les honneurs dQs a sa dignite, celui-ci fit venir un de ses tresoriers et lui dit : "II y a la un cardinal de TEglise de Rome, va le recevoir ici comme il t'a recu toi-meme a Rome." Au Saint-Siege on n'oublia pas, dans la suite, cette declaration d'insoumission.

Le roi Alphonse et son gendre, le comte Raymond de Bourgogne, y mirent un peu d'ordre. L'^vdque Diego Pelaez, suspect de s'etre entendu avec le roi des Anglais et avec les Normands^ pour arracher la Galice au roi legitime, fut destitu^ et incarcere en 1088; a sa place le roi fit elire D. Pedro (II), abb^ de Cardefia. Le pape Urbain II refusa de sanctionner les procedes du roi, et Don Pedro se retira deux ans apres son election. Un interregne qui dura de 11 90 a 1193 finit par desorganiser completement I'eveche. Le roi en chargea pro- visoirement Diego Gelmirez, jeune chanoine intelligent et bien apparente ; puis en 11 94 Dalmachius, un moine de Cluny, fut ^lu ^veque avec mandat d'organiser I'dglise et le clerge d'apres les prin- cipes de son abbaye. C'est de lui sans doute que Diego Gelmirez recut Tid^e de I'emancipation et de la future grandeur de Teglise de Compostelle. Dalmachius elu et I'^glise de Compostelle placee sous

* C 'est -la dans cette Histoire plutot prolixe I'linique trace des traditions sur la venue de Charlemagne en Espagne ; ce n'est qu'une allusion a une tradition orale, parait-il.

88 Etudes compostellanes.

la d^pendance directe de Rome, Diego alia visiter le Saint-P^re et fut ordonnd sous-diacre ; pendant qu*il se trouvait dans la Ville Eternelle, Dalmachius mourut et, le pape ayant enfin d^clar^ legitime la destitution de Diego Pelaez, ce fut Diego Gelmirez que le roi Alphonse et le clerg^ de Compostelle appelerent a diriger le diocese de Saint- Jacques. " Este es el grande nombre de quien tanto hay que decir." (Esp. sagr., xix, p. 215.)

Elu le I Juillet 1 100, Diego obtient d'etre sacr^ en Espagne m^me k cause des circonstances difficiles que traversait le pays, le 21 avril de Tann^e suivante. En homme "in ecclesiasticis et in saecularibus negotiis perspicacissimi ingenii" il accepte pour le moment les conditions de son eglise vis-k-vis du roi, du pape et du repr^sentant de Rome, I'archeveque de Tolede ; mais son plan n'^tait pas moins arrets.

" Rome avait le pape, Jerusalem un patriarche : ce serait done faire injure, * opprobriosum atque injuriosum,' a St. Jacques, proche parent du Seigneur, son disciple favori, son ami de cceur, 6\u pour singer a ses cotes, que de laisser son dglise a un simple ^veque." Compostelle archeveche et m^tropole en Extreme-Occident, voila le but que Diego s'^tait propose et qu'il a atteint de tres pres, non sans immenses difficult^s, pendant sa longue carriere. Des 1 102 nous le trouvons en route pour Rome afin d'y plaider sa cause. II passe par Cluny, " caput totius monasticae religionis, par la quality de la Sainte Religion, par la quantity et par la dignity." II y dtudie I'organisation intdrieure qu'il donnera a son 6glise. Presque timide- ment il communique, "auribus instillavit," le but de son voyage k Tabbd qu'il savait puissant. Celui-ci en est ^tonn6 et lui conseille de faire preparer le terrain par son clergd ; il lui rappelle le refus qu'avait essuyd Dalmachius, un moine de Cluny pourtant, de la part de son frere en religion, le pape Urbain ; avait-il done oubli6 que les cardinaux Romains avaient d^clar^ ne vouloir rien faire pour rdglise de Saint-Jacques a cause du manque de politesse religieuse, " religiosa urbanitas," que cette dglise, " superba et arrogans," avait t^moignd jadis k un des leurs? Diego se rend k Rome quand- meme. II est le premier ^v^que de Saint- Jacques qui ait fait ce pelerinage. II obtient le " pallium " en ^change de Tob^issance eternelle qu'il jure au Saint-Siege et que celui-ci ne se fera pas faute de lui rappeler en toute occasion. Mais "ad archie- piscopatum animus ejus semper anhelabat." II saura patienter et saisir le moment opportun. En attendant il construit son eglise et des hdpitaux pour les pelerins ; il instruit son clerg^,

Etudes compostellanes. 89

il appelle a lui des pretres frangais et envoie les siens en France ; il acquiert des domaines et obtient des privileges pour son ^glise ; il trouve Targent — souvent c*est le sien propre — pour obliger tous ceux qui pourront un jour lui 6tre utiles ; au patriarche de Jerusalem il envoie tant de pelerins que le pape croit n^cessaire d'att^nuer ce zele, "ne occasione Hierosolymitani itineris occi- dentalis depopuletur ecclesia " au moment du danger des Maures.

Avec une souplesse extraordinaire il intervient dans les graves troubles politiques qui d^solerent le pays a la mort du roi Alphonse (en 1 109, 30 Juin). Le comte Raymond, gendre du roi et Seigneur de Galice, ^tait mort avant, en 1 107 ; il avait 6t6 enterre dans r^glise de Compostelle. Le royaume restait done a sa femme Urraque, fille du roi, et a son enfant, le futur empereur Alphonse VII, n^ en 1105, proclame Seigneur de Galice en 1107 et heritier du royaume apres la mort de I'lnfant Don Sanche k la bataille d'Ucles contre les Maures, en 1 108. Diego, qui avait baptise Tenfant, et I'oncle, Tarcheveque Gui de Vienne, le futur Calixte II, devaient comme tuteurs veiller aux int^rets du jeune prince. En r^alite cette charge retombait toute entiere sur Diego qui 6tait sur place. L'^veque avait compris qu*il ferait profiter son eglise en travaillant pour son futur souverain ; mais il fallait manager la reine-mere, femme ambitieuse et changeante. La situation politique devient dangereu.se pour les inter^ts de I'heritier legitime, quand la veuve-regente Spouse Alphonse I d*Aragon dit le Batailleur, son parent, un sinistre tyran qui la maltraite. Diego a beau condamner, au nom de TEglise, ce mariage comme incestueux ; il a beau invoquer le testament d'Alphonse VI, d'apres lequel Urraque perdait ses droits sur la Galice, si elle se remariait ; les nobles ne le soutenaient pas, la fid^iite des Galiciens 6tait douteuse, enfin la bravoure des Castillans s'6tait perdue. Les Aragonais saccageaient le pays, pillaient les eglises et d^valisaient les pelerins. La demoralisation la plus complete r^gnait partout. La reine encourageait la resistance contre Teveque.

Diego, "in quo solo fidei ubertas tum temporis plenarie redundabat," est trahi, vo!^ et retenu prisonnier avec le jeune roi. Rel&ch6, il ramfene momentan^ment la paix. Mais la rdvolte etait loin d'etre 6touff6e. Urraque s'dtait s6par6e du roi d Aragon. C*est Diego qui lui fournit Targent et les soldats pour combattre les Aragonais et les rebelles. En m^me temps il repousse des pirates anglais que les insurg^s avaient appelds dans le pays et " qui utpote gens nullius pietatis melle condita et remota

90 Etudes cOxMpostellanes.

et mari finitima pessumdarent et atrocitatis suae rabiem exercerent." Un nouveau rapprochement entre la reine et le roi d'Aragon, motive sans doute de la part d*Urraque par le fait que Diego avait sacr^ le jeune roi en Tiiglise de Compostelle, le 21 Septembre 1 1 10, et qu*il s'dtait d^clar^ ouvertement le protecteur r^solu de son futur souverain, n'est pas de longue dur^e. Ne pouvant plus compter sur les Castillans autrefois si vaillants, Urraque implore Diego qui la defend avec ses Galiciens contre TAragonais. Celui-ci fait des avances de paix, mais sur le conseil de Diego Urraque les rejette et, quoique au fond hostile aux Galiciens, elle jure fiddlitd a

1> ' A

eveque.

Rentrd k Compostelle, Diego s'occupe ^nergiquement du soulagement des mis^reux, du reglement de la justice, bref de Torganisation int^rieure de son diocese. Sur Tinvitation de son superieur, Tarchev^que de Tolede, il se prepare a relever le pays. Mais pas un instant il n'oublie ses grands interets en cour de Rome, T^levation a Tarchev^ch^. L'occasion de faire une demarche s'etait presentee, quand Tarcheveque de Braga, Maurice, avait envahi le diocese de Leon et avait ecoute " le tyran teuton, I'empereur Henri," pour se faire ^lire quelque temps apres pape contre G^Iase. Un nomm6 Pelagius, "quidam idiota," fut ^lu archeveque de Braga contre les principes canoniques. . Faire transferer Tarchevech^ de Braga a Compostelle, qui d'ailleurs avait des droits sur une partie assez considerable du diocese jadis conferee a Maurice en " praestimonium " ; obtenir ensuite le m^tropolitat emeritain sur lequel Tarcheveque de Tolede n'exer^ait plus aucun contrdle, puisque les Arabes s*y dtaient installds: voila ce que Diego avait fait demander au pape des la premiere heure. A Rome le cardinal Jean Gaetan plaidait sa cause, mais, vu V6tat trouble de TEglise Romaine, le pape Pascal refuse, " quia Ecclesiarum novae dispositiones in huius modi tumultibus minus competenter fieri possunt cum magis perturbationem Ecclesiae videantur afferre quam pacem."

Diego ne d^sespere pas. La rebellion avait relev6 la tete. Urraque etait venue k Compostelle et pretait de nouveau Toreille "susurronibus atque detractoribus" de T^veque. S*il s'etait 6loign6 d'elle pour sauvegarder les droits du jeune roi, c'est qu'il jugeait "ejus (scil. Uraccae) animum ad regendum in pace et justitia Hispaniae Regnum femineum atque inermem " ; il saura en profiter. Urraque pleure et demande pardon ; une fois de plus elle jure fid61it6 et accorde des privileges. Mais Diego se mefie et se

ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES. 9 1

prepare. II appelle de Genes des constructeurs de galeres, repousse les Sarrasins et par un riche butin remplit ses caisses. Ses envoyes, toujours en route entre Rome et Compostelle, lui rap- portent la dispense d'assister aux conciles a I'Etranger ; il voulait rester sur place pour defendre sa politique qui etait de conserver le royaume et la Galice a Theritier legitime. Urraque ne p.ouvait s'y tromper : c'etait la fin de sa domination. D'autre part, Diego connaissait et " instabilem mulieris fidem " et ses Galiciens "homines versipelles et fortunae comites quibus proditionis lepra naturaliter insita . erat." L'orage (delate. Diego n^ecoute pas d'abord les protestations d' Urraque d*avoir egard a son sexe ; il est touche cependant, lorsqu'elle pretend " le venerer prae omnibus episcopis de son royaume." II commet alors I'imprudence de lui accorder le depart du roi et de ses compagnons de Compostelle. Le voila isole en face d*une vaste conspiration que des membres de son propre clerge, pour la plupart ses proteges, encouragent. 11 abandonne son poste " pro tempore, hac conditione ut ab eis (sc. mediatoribus) quando vellet reciperet " et se rend aupres d'Urraque a L^on. II s'arrange avec elle et regoit des gages de paix, entre autres la tete de St. Jacques le Mineur ^ volee nuitamment en Terre Sainte par Maurice, archev^que de Braga ; puis il r^concilie la reine avec son fils et s'en retourne a Compostelle, ou Urraque presque aussitdt vient le rejoindre. Effray^s du chatiment qui les attend, les conspirateurs au d^sespoir pillent et brulent Teglise. Diego et la reine sont assi^ges dans une tour a laquelle les revokes mettent le feu. Malgre leurs promesses de respecter la reine, puisque c'est k Diego qu'ils en veulent, ils se ruent sur elle lorsqu'elle sort, lui arrachent les vetements et la laissent "dilaniata crines, nudata corpore, provoluta luto" sur la place. Ecceurd de ces brutal ites, notre brave Giraud souhaite etre " Belvaci," c'est a dire dans sa patrie "eo (sc. Didaco) tamen

* L'histoire de ce vol (Hist. Conip., p. 250) est caracteristique pour les moyens qu'employait le zele religieux pour se procurer des reliques. Diego lui-meme s'est servi de moyens semblables pour rapporter du Portugal les corps de plusieurs saints et martyrs. Bien entendu, l'histoire Compostellane laisse croiie ici que cette tete etait celle de Jacolnis. Maior, en n'ajoutant aucun detail. Les deux auteurs de la premiere partie disent, cependant, que le corps de Saint Jacques a Compostelle etait "cum capite." Arras, on le sait, possedait egalement une t6ie de St. Jacques, et Toulouse pretend avoir re9u celle qu'on y venerait de Charlemagne lui-meme. L'eveque de Tuy, Samillan, ayant doute de I'authenticite de cette tete, le cardinal Juan Ruys de Durana fit ouvrir la chjlsse, et I'incredule eveque put constater qu'elle portait bien les traces d'une porra de lavar latia avec laquelle on avait assomme le Saint. C'est de St. Jacques, fils d'Alphee, qu*il s'agit.

92 ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES.

non absente." Plusieurs des parents de Diego sont tues ; lui-mem^ ^chappe par miracle " abjecto pallio suo et accepta a quodam capa vilissima " ; apres bien des aventures dont quelques-unes assez plaisantes pour un eveque, et apres avoir et^ plusieurs fois en danger de mort, il reussit a sortir de Compostelle en compagnie de deux Fran^ais. Urraque ^coute les doldances des conspirateurs contre I'dv^que " qui illos adhuc oppressit et dignitatem ecclesiae et civitatis ad nihilum redegit," puis elle quitte la ville boulevers^e sous pr^texte d'amener son fils k jurer fid^lite aux insurges. En reunissant leurs forces, le roi, la reine et I'eveque ont raison des insenses. Diego pardonne ; il reconstruit son ^glise et son palais aux frais des habitants repentants (1117). Entre temps le cardinal Ga^tan avait 6te elu pape sous le nom de Gelase. Diego veut aller lui-meme demander sans detour I'^levation de son ^glise a la dignite de metropole, en faisant valoir les droits qu*il avait sur Braga et en appuyant sa demande d'arguments sonnants. Mais les Sarrasins tiennent I'Oc^an; les Aragonais et les conspirateurs bannis infestent les routes de terre ; enfin I'argent lui manque. L'eveque, alors, puise dans le tr^sor de son <Jglise. Ses deux envoy^s, ddguises en pelerins, sont reconnus, d^valis^s et I'un d'eux, son neveu, est retenu en prison. Gelase avait fui de Rome devant " I'impie persecution et la violence tyrannique d'Henri, roi d'Allemagne et empereur Romain " ; il s'etait r^fugie en France et avait convoqu6 un concile a Clermont. Diego parfait une nouvelle somme d'argent par des moyens que son zele ambitieux seul excuse, et d^legue deux autres de ses amis aupres du pape ; Tun etait ce meme Giraud dont nous suivons le recit. Urraque s'oppose a ce depart a cause des perils de la route ; elle envoie un de ses fideles serviteurs, le prieur de Carrion, qui n'obtient cependant dans ce voyage que la liberte du neveu de l'eveque et une lettre du pape qui priait Diego "ut Romanae Ecclesiae multis periculis aggravatae multisque distractionibus fatigatae memoriam habeaty Alors Diego se prepare a affronter lui-meme les dangers du voyage : " Aestimabat enim si praedicto concilio interesse valeret Papam Gelasium petitioni suae satisfacturum." II se met en route. Pendant qu*il se trouve a Burgos chez Urraque, la nouvelle lui arrive de la mort de Gelase et de I'election de Gui de Vienne, Calixte II.

Nous devons citer ce passage de I'Histoire Compos tel lane a cause de son importance pour I'origine du Codex Calixtinus. On s'en est servi, je crois, pour prouver que Calixte II a pu

liTUDES COMPOSTELLANES. 93

i^ellement pousser son intdret pour I'avenir de Compostelle jusqu'a en fabriquer ou meme a en patronner la legende. Le voici :

" Postquam haec atque huius modi praedictus prior Carrio- nensis nobis enucleavit (ipse namque et dissolution! Papae Gelasii et electioni Papae Calixti interfuerat) praedictus episcopus S. Jacobi (c'est a dire Diego), quamquam ut praediximus ad sublimationem ecclesiae suae satis anhelaret, vinito magis audita electione atque consecratione Calixti Papae ad id aspiravit. Quippe iuter praedictinn Vienae archiepiscopum et hiinc ecclesiae St, Jacobi episcopum vtagnae dilectionis connexio a praeteritis fuerat^ {.um c\\i\dL olim ambo simul Romam adierant et inviceni B, Petri Apostoli dogma adimpleverant, unusquisque sicut accepit gratiam in alter- utrum illam administrantes, turn quia/r^/rr situs Conies Raymimdns queni inviiuin dilexerat in ecclesia B. Jacobi sepultus est: turn quia nepotein suum Jiliuin Comitis Raymundi Regein Alpkons:im in ecclesia B. Jacobi praedictus episcopus baptizaverat^ et in regem unxerat : his atque aliis de causis Papa Calixtus ecclesiani R. Jacobi Apostoli ejusdemque loci episcopum pater no dilectionis ajffcctu auiplectebatur^ et si locus aut tempus concederet^ cam sublimare intendebat!' Ce passage, comme je I'ai' vu depuis, a h\.i discute par M. Dozy, et le P. Fidel Fita y Colom^ a r^pondu aux conclusions que ce savant en a tirees.^ Comme le Codex Calixtinus est, du moins en majeure partie, place sous I'autoritt^ et sous le nom de Calixte, on a voulu faire croire que ce pape portait un int^ret tout a fait particulier au culte de St. Jacques et qu'il etait meme venu a Compostelle. II n'existe pour ce pieux pelerinage aucune preuve, nulle part, meme pas dans I'Histoire de Compostelle, dont I'auteur n'aurait pas manqu^ de nous en parler, si ce fait s'etait produit. M. U. Robert a raison d'insister sur cette preuve negative, et mon savant ami, le P. Fidel Fita, ne saurait nous convaincre du contraire a I'aide d'une induction plausible de '^sentido commun." En histoire cet argument ne compte pas. L'attitude de Calixte apres son election montre assez que Thomme et le pape pensaient, sentaient et agissaient differemment. Calixte mit bien du "temps pour accorder a son ami une partie de tout ce que celui-ci ambitionnait, et Diego dut invoquer d'autres arguments que I'amiti^ pour arriver a ses fins. N'oublions pas, enfin, que les politesses

^ Voy. P. Fidel Fita y Colonic et D. Aureliano »rnandez Giierra, Recuerdos dc \x\\ viaje \ Santiago de Galicia, p. 117 sq.

- I

94 ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES.

officielles echangees ehtre hommes d'eglise ne doivent pas toujours etre prises au pied de la lettre ; ici, comme ailleurs, ce sont phrases de chancellerie. -

U^lection de Calixte ne s'etait point faite sans difficultes. Les Romains voterent pour Gui que les Fran^ais, et surtout les Bour- guignons, desiraient garder, et comme Ponce, TabW de Cluny, ^tait I'autre candidat qu'avait ddsigne Gelase avant de mourir, "in.ea die pene Cluniaci claustra Romano sanguine maduere." Calixte avait done des affaires plus urgentes que eel les de Diego de Compostelle. En plus, Tarcheveque de Tolede s*^tait plaint de Diego ; il avait m^me fabrique une lettre au nom du jeune roi, neveu de Calixte, dans laquelle le prince se disait menace dans son pouvoir par 1 eveque de Compostelle. Calixte r^pond a I'envoye de Diego, Giraud, que son mattre aurait dQ venir en personne au concile de Toulouse viMter les faveurs qu*il sollicitait, et qu'il aurait a se presenter sans faute I'annee suivante a Reims. En meme temps il rappelle a son ami ses devoirs de tuteur du jeune roi. Giraud, m^content, mais pour ne pas s'en retourner " eo (scit. papa) insalutato,*' laisse vingt onces d or pour Sa Saintete et confie pouV une autre occasion le reste des presents apportes, "arcam auream cum praedictis morabitinis et cetera," a I'abbe de Cluny " in quo," dit-il, " negotii ecclesiae nostrae (sc. Compostellanae) summa partim sita erat." Diego avait raison de compter sur I'influence qu'avait Cluny; aussi nemenageait il pas ses cadeaux {benedict tones) a Tabbe. Les cardinaux non plus n'avaient ete oubli^s. Heureusement pour Diego, .Calixte et Cluny se boudaient, et comme le premier devait tot ou tard^se reconcilier avec la puissante abbaye, il fut convenu avec Diego que ses revendications seraient dans les conditions de paix. Malgre les efforts, d'ailleurs couronn^s de succes, que faisait la reine pour empecher Diego de se rendre a Tappel du pape — elle flairait qiielque combinaison politique a son desavantage avec I'oncle et cotuteur de son fils — , malgre les graves accusations portees contre lui par I'archeveque de Tolede et par ses nombreux ennemis, Calixte ecoute I'abbe de Cluny, bien prepare par les envoyes de Compostelle, et accorde le transfert de la metropole emdritaine a Saint-Jacques.^ Le diocese de Mdrida, presque entierement dans les mains des Sarrazins, avait le plus grand besoin d'un

' La bulle fut signee a V«'ilence en Dauphine, le 25 Fevrier I r20.

ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES. 95

chef; par centre, Braga ou Lugo dont Diego aurait pr6{6r6 recueillir la dignity netaient pas si faciles a depouiller ou a modifier. Evidemment Calixte ne voulait pas trop s'avancer ; mais comme le titulaire de Braga, Maurice, et son successeur, Pelayo, s'etaient montr^s peu oWissants envers le Saint-Siege, et qu'en outre Teveque de Compostelle avait donn^ "in prestimonium" certains territoires a celui de Braga, Calixte ne fit aucune difficulte pour ajouter au metropolitat le vicariat pour les provinces de Merida et de Braga. Cependant, quand peu apres I'archeveque de Braga refuse obeissance a Diego, Calixte I'approuve " in parte " ; il reproche meme a son " ami " de " trop opprimer I'eglise de Braga et de trop en desirer la dignitd" Sans doute Diego ne mettait pas assez de managements a exercer ses nouveaux droits. Mais enfin, il les avait obtenus. Alphonse avait insiste de son c6te aupres de Calixte ; ^ les nobles de Bourgogne, le due d'Aquitaine, la comtesse de Flandre, tante du roi, qui tous avaient a coetir la bonne entente du jeune prince et de son ^v^que, setaient joints aux cardinaux et a l-abbd de Cluny. Hugon, chanoine de Saint-Jacques et ^veque de Portugal, avait 6te charge de r^partir les nombreux cadeaux ; d^guis^ en mendiant, il reussit a tromper les brigands Aragonais et a sauver les pr^cieuses offrandes; une autre partie en avait ^t^ confiee a des pelerins. Pour parfaire la somme destinee au pape, Diego avait de nouveau mis a contribution le tresor de St. Jacques; il avait transform^ en monnaie des richesses de I'eglise, comme, par exemple, une table en argent ayant appartenu au roi des Maures, Almestan, et avait ajoutd de sa propre cassette ce qui manquait.

Le voila, au moins temporairement, arrive a la premiere etape de ses ambitions ; pour dtendre et assurer ses privileges " in perpetuum,"^ d'autres efforts ^taient n^cessaires.

Diego fortifie le territoire et le defend contre les Sarrasins. II aggrandit son palais et le rend " idoneum k recevoir les rois, prelats et autres grands personnages " ; *' ecclesiam et in ecclesiasticis et in saecularibus valde sublimavit, augmentavit, ditavit." Les

' p. 293. *'Supplicante Nepote nostro Ildefonso Hispaniaruin Rige." Flores semble nier rintervention des personnages puissants.

' II y a dans les pieces officielles octroyant ces privileges bien des pariiculariies k relever. Pour ne rien dire des dates, rappelons la contradiction qu'il y a entre le recit de Giraud, par ex. pag. 396 (caepit sc. Didacus secum tractare et solicitus esse quomoJo praefatam dignitatem suae ecclesiae /// perpetnitin posset vindicare et retinere, etc. , \\)y. P- 397) et les termes de la bulle, p. 293, conferant le metropolitat ct Diego et a ses sitccessettrs.

96 Etudes compostellanes.

pelerinages, source de richesses et de dignit^s, sont Tobjet constant de ses soins. Mais avant tout, il s'efforce de relever le pays mat^riellement afin de remplir la recommendation de ses protecteurs, celle de Calixte surtout, de soutenir le jeune roi. Urraque en prend ombrage.

Elle recommence ses agissements. La reine Th^rese de Portugal, sa soeur, mena^ait ses frontieres. Urraque entraine Diego qui voyait le moment venu de faire valoir ses droits sur Braga. Au retour de cette expedition, elle s*empare de sa personne. Le pape, le roi, les 6veques, m^me les nobles de France, sollicit^s par un neveu de Diego " qui in Francia philosophicam disciplinam adiscebat," demandent sa mise en liberty ; la reine cede et on s*arrange pour un moment. Le r^sum^ de Giraud ne manque pas de saveur :

" Regina quoque in eumdem et in episcopatu et in archi- episcopatu* plurima machinata fuerat : ipsa nimirum ecclesias ubique per regnum suum auro, argento et quibusque pretiosis expoliaverat : civitates, oppida, castella, villas, ut res usque in hodiernum diem ostendit, pessundarat : pacem et iustitiam earumque collegas effugaverat. Cum eius indefessa voracitas regnum pessundedisset Hiberum, restabat ecclesia B. Jacobi et ejus honores, in quibus praedicta Jezabel depraedare ardebat : idcirco inter eam et huius ecclesiae pastorem saepius pacis dirumpebantur foedera : ipsa enim assidue ad rapinam et ad excidium anhelabat : archiepiscopus lupinam rabiem ah ovili suo arcere^ beluinos denies ab ecclesiae suae corpore amovere^ velut strenuus pastor, viriliter elaborabat Sed cum muliebris animi molimenta saepius cassarentur nee vi nee dolo rabiem suam fera crinis satiate quivisset, ad majora nequitiae argumenta intendit animum .... Demum tanto dilectionis foedere regina con- foederavit sibi archiepiscopum, tot tantisque juramentis obligavit se illi, quod omnia fraudis emolimenta crederentur abesse, sese etiam archiepiscopo admodum exhibuit obnoxiam : archiepiscopus credens omnem iniquitatis filicem ab ea funditus eradicatam credebat se illi : nempe verum est jllud poeticum :

Quo semel imbuta est recens servabit odorem

Testa diu," etc.

Diego fut reconnu dans ses droits ; il sortit de cette 6preuve plus puissant et plus decide que jamais k imposer son autorit^. La reine le sentait bien et ne voyait plus d'autre issue que la guerre civile. Son fils, le jeune Alphonse, restait fidele a son tuteur.

Etudes compostellanes. 97

Arretons-nous un instant ici pour voir combien Diego mit de soins pour rehausser en sa propre personne la dignity de son eglise. Le roi des Sarrasins, AH, avait envoyd une mission aupres d'Urraque et de son fils, Les Maures rencontrent sur les routes " ad occi-* dentem " en une telle foule " ut vix pateat liber callis," les pelerins qui se rendent a Compostelle au tombeau de Tapotre, " quern Gallia, Anglia, Latium, Alemania, omnesque christicolarum provinciae et praecipue Hispania veneratur utpote patronum et protutorem suum." A I'aspect de la basilique " magno percutiuntur stupore." On leur enumere les miracles du saint apotre. Ce passage de I'Historia Compostellana n'est point sans importance. Outre les miracles courants, "gu^risons d'aveugles, de paralytiques, de l^preux, et d'autres genres de diverses maladies," le Saint a d^livr^ des prisonniers " compeditos et carceri mancipatos, alios diuturno languore detentos sanavit, illis in difficillimis opem praestitit ^ : ubicumque terrarum, transpyreuem (sic!) ^/^Z//'^, innumeris miraculis pollet." Nous voudrions bien savoir quels ont ete les " verissima atque evidentisshna argumenta*^ que le centurion Petrus, attach^ h. cette mission pendant son s^jour k Compostelle, a employes pour confondre I'incr^dulite des infideles " qui nullatenus praesumebant repugnare eum et prae oculis veritatis haberent indicia et tanta obstupescerent gloria." Giraud n'aurait pas manque d'etre plus precis et de mentionner le recueil des miracles du Calixtinus, si celui-ci avait existe k la cathedrale ; il nous aurait meme dit que le Chapitre projetait un pareil recueil des r^cits d^tachds, rassemblds de partout — on en poss^dait siirement alors — , si I'idee en avait ete concue de son temps a Compostelle. Le Calixtinus est done une ent reprise priv^e ou une conception ^tr anger e dont on ne savait rien a Saint- Jacques avant 11 39, mais qui repondait entierement aux aspirations des promoteurs du culte de Tapdtre.

Puis Giraud nous raconte, sans autre raison, que son maitre fut sauve des Sarrasins alors qu'il n'etait pas encore eveque, " par la main de Dieu et par Tintervention de St. Jacques." Quand, au debut de son episcopat, il eut un jour k juger

* II y a dans le deuxieme livre du Calixtinus, celui des miracles, des fails qui pourraient, en effet, etre vises par les designations generales de Giraud. Cela prouverait tout au plus qu'on se racontait de son temps ces miracles et qu'on les recueillait a Compostelle.

7

98 ETUDES COMPOSTELLAKES.

un soldat accuse de vol, le toit du pretoire s'effondre, ecrasant la foule ; seuls Tev^que et Tami assis k ses c6tes echappent " par miracle." Pareille gr4ce lui advient k Jria dans son palais, •pendant qu'il y juge un soldat coupable d'adultere. Giraud n'hesite pas daffirmer, en enumerant les unes apres les autres les captivites et les situations dangereuses, que, si Teveque eh est sorti sain et sauf, ce fut par la protection divine et apostolique; Cest le commencement de la l^gende. "Certes," repete-t-il, "c'est pour la gloire de Dieu, pour que tous aient confiance en sa misericorde " ; mais apres tout il servait la gloire de son mattre aupres des pelerins, plus respectueux ceux-ci pour la personne de Tarchev^que que ne I'dtaient ses propres ouailles. N*etait-ce pas pour les princes et les prelats que Diego construit des palais? puis des hopitaux et des • conduites amenant Teau potable jusqu'aux portes du temple pour les simples pelerins? Giraud est embarasse pour ^numerer tous les objets precieux que Diego sut acquerir pour Tornement et pour la grandeur de son eglise malgre les temps difficiles, malgr6 les revolutions, malgre les persecutions. Deja en 1 102 1 eveque avait profite d'une " tournee " dans le Portugal pour ramener k Compostelle les corps des Saints Fructuose, Silvestre, Cucufate, et de Sainte Suzanne. Rien de plus typique que la fagon dont il s'est empare de ces reliques.^ Nous savons qu*il recut en cadeau une tete qui passait pour etre celle de VapStre !

Voici maintenant une liste des principaux objets precieux que possedait Diego dans son eglise en 1 122. Cest Giraud qui a dresse cet inventaire dans son Histoire, et il n'y a aucune raison de croire qu'il soit incomplet : Quatre citheras k la grecque,^ quatre chapes pontificales et douze autres en sole precieuse ; deux paires (jeux) de vetements pontificaux complets ; trois autres ddnt Diego fit cadeau aux eveques de Porto, de Mondoiiedo, et de Salamanque ;

* " Occulte . . . . ne forte gens huius terrae indisciplinata tantoque thesauro expoliata in nos subitam seditionem commove.it." fe " pium latrocinium " fut commis apres que le plan ** divina inspiratione ortum " fut approuve, et apres I'office de la messe. On n'a pas fait tant de facons pour enrichir les musees du Nord des tresors grecs et Tomains.

* "Citheras graeco exercitio contpositas. " Le P. Flores entend des capas pontificales **que el Autor llama Citheras a la griega." Ce n'esi pas kitc^hxs ou KiSofKts, qui seraient des couvre-chefs, differents de la tiare et semblables ^ ceux que pjrtaient les rois orientaux, Peut-etre faut-il lire : chimeras (esp. chamarra^ frj. chamarre ou cimarre).

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ETUDES COMPOSTELLANES. 99

deux dalmatiques, une chasuble (planeta^) noire, enfin une ceinture en or: voilaL pour les v^tements. En fait de reliquaifcs, ustensiles de culte, etc., Giraud mentionne deux cassettes en argent dont Tune renfermait la tete de St. Jacques (!e Mineur),^ une en ivoire, une en m^tal dor^ et en verre cisel^, une tres pr<5cieuse en or pour laquelle Diego avait paye 3,000 sols et dont il fit pr<5sent a Calixte II ; la reine Urraque lui avait offert un Lignum Domini en ch^Lsse d'or ; au cardinal Boson il tdmoigne sa reconnaissance en lui donnant une croix en or ; au pape il offre en plus et toujours en vue d'obtenir ce qu*il demandait pour son 6glise, " pro utilitate ecclesiae suae," un calice et deux encensoirs en or ; il conserve pour lui trois calices en argent et trois flacons (urceolas, vinagivas: Flores) du m^me m^tal. En fait de Hvres Diego avait acquis des textes des Evangiles (en lettrcs pourpres ?) ' et deux en argent ; il en a fait restaurer un autre "en or"; un Missel, un Epistolarium, iin Syon, tous en argent, etaient des pieces pr<5cieuses par leur execution et par leur reliure ; la cath^dra.le poss^dait en outre un Antiphonaire, un Missel, un livre d*Offices (officiarium), trois Br^viaires, un Careme (quadragesiniale), deux livres de Bene- dictions (beriedictionales), un Livre pastoral (pastorale), un Livre de Vita Episcoporum, los Canons, un autre Livre "ex diversis sententiis," un autre Livre "de Fide S. Trinitatis et de aliis sententiis," enfin un autre Livre plus grand ^^ per totius anni circulum!^^ Quelque gen^raux que soient certains de ces litres, il est permis d'affirmer qu'au moment oil a ete fait cet inventaire il ne se trouvait pas au CJaapitre de Saint-Jacques un Liber S. Jacobi. Comme ce moment est celui oil Diego venait d'obtenir de Calixte Tarcheveche et le vicariat de certaines provinces, Giraud,

^ Cette denomination grecque jxnir casnla npparait en Espagne des le vii* siecle (conciles de Tolede) et y est usitee plu^ qu'autrepart poUr la casula des eveques **dont les plis," dit St. Isidore, "flottent en lignes vagues autour du corps, d'ou le