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THE WORKS
OF
FRANCIS BACON.
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THE
WORKS
OF
FRANCIS BACON,
BARON OF VERULAM, VISCOUNT ST. ALBANS, AND LORD HIGH CHANCELLOR OF ENGLAND.
(Eollecteti an& 25UtteU
BY
JAMES SPEDDING, M. A.
OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE;
ROBERT LESLIE ELLIS, M.A.
LATE FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE; AND
DOUGLAS DENON HEATH,
BARRISTER- AT-LAW ; LATE FELLOW OF TRINITY COLLEGE, CAMBRIDGE.
VOLUME II.
NEW YORK: HURD AND HOUGHTON, 401 Broadway.
BOSTON i TAGGARD AND THOMPSON.
MDCCCLXIV.
RIVERSIDE, CAMBRIDGE: TEREOTYPED AND PRINTED BY
H. 0. HOUGHTON.
CONTENTS
OF
THE SECOND VOLUME.
PHILOSOPHICAL WORKS.
PART I. — CONTINUED.
PARASCEVE AD HISTORIAM NATURALEM ET EXPERIMENTALEM.
PAGE
Pkeface 9
descriptio hlstoriie naturalis et experimentalis qualis sufficiat et sit in ordine ad basin et fundamenta philosophise ver^e ... 43
Aphorismi de conficienda Historia Prima . .47 Catalogus Historiarum particularium, secundum
CAPITA 61
DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM.
Preface 73
Partitiones Scientiarum, et Argumenta singulo-
rum capitum 87
De Dignitate et Augmentis Scientiarum
Liber primus 97
secundus 174
tertius 251
quartus 309
quintus 358
sextus 409
Appendix on the Art of writing in Cipher . . 499
PARASCEVE
AD
H I S T 0 E I A I NATUEALEI ET EXPEEIIENTALEI.
[Published in 1620 in the same volume with the Novum Organnm.']
4RIGHAM YOUNG UNlYtKSnri PROVO. UTAH
PEEFACE
Among the eight subjects which were to have been handled in the remaining books of the Novum Organurn (see ii. 21.), the last but one is entitled De parascevis ad inquisitionem, under which head Bacon intended (as appears by the introduction to the following trea- tise) to set forth the character of the Natural and Ex- perimental History, which was to form the third part of the Instauratio.
What may have been the logical connexion between these eight subjects which determined him to reserve this for the penultimate place, it seems impossible, by the help of the titles alone, to divine. But whatever the order in which he thought advisable to approach it, there can be no doubt that this Natural and Ex- perimental History was always regarded by him as a part of his system both fundamental and indispensable. So earnestly indeed and so frequently does he insist on the importance of it, that I once believed it to be the one real novelty which distinguished his philosophy from those of his contemporaries and immediate pred- ecessors. And even now, though Mr. Ellis's analy- sis of the Baconian Induction has given me much new light and considerably modified my opinion in that matter, I am still inclined to think that Bacon himself regarded it not only as a novelty, but as the novelty
10 PREFACE TO
from which the most important results were to be ex- pected ; and however experience may have proved that his expectations were in great part vain and his scheme impracticable, I cannot help suspecting that more of it is practicable than has yet been attempted, and that the greatest results of science are still to be looked for from a further proceeding in this direction.
The grounds of this opinion will be explained most conveniently in connexion with the following treatise ; a treatise published by Bacon (on account of the ex- ceeding importance of the subject) out of its proper place and incomplete ; and to which I find nothing among Mr. Ellis's papers that can serve as preface.
In what the distinctive peculiarity of the Baconian philosophy really consisted, is a question to which every fresh inquirer gives a fresh answer. Before I was acquainted with Mr. Ellis's, which is the latest, and formed upon the largest survey and subtlest scru- tiny of the evidence, I had endeavoured to find one for myself, and had come to a conclusion which, though quite different from his, is not I think irreconcilable with it, but contains (as I still venture to believe) a part, though a part only, of the truth. And the ques- tion which I wish now to raise is whether, as my so- lution was imperfect from not taking any account of the novelty contained in the method of Induction as Bacon understood it, Mr. Ellis's be not likewise im- perfect from not taking sufficient account of the novelty contained in the Natural History as Bacon intended it to be employed ; and whether there be not room for a third solution more complete than either, as includ- ing both.
That the philosophy which Bacon meant to announce
THE PARASCEVE. 11
was in some way essentially different not only from any that had been before but from any that has been since, is a position from which in both cases the in- quiry sets out ; and since it is one which will not per- haps be readily granted by everybody, it may be worth while to explain the considerations which led me to it ; the rather because Mr. Ellis and myself, though proceeding not only independently but by entirely dif- ferent roads and in pursuit of different objects — he endeavouring to penetrate the secret of Bacon's phi- losophy, I endeavouring to understand the objects and purposes of his life — meet nevertheless at this point in the same conclusion.
The process by which I arrived at it myself, I can- not explain better than by transcribing a paper which I wrote on the subject in 1847 ; at which time I had not seen any part of Mr. Ellis's argument, or heard his opinion upon the question at issue. What my own opinion is now, I wTill state afterwards ; but first I give the paper exactly as I then wrote it ; the length of the extract being justified — at least if there be any truth in the conclusion — by the importance of the question at issue ; for it bears upon the business of the present and future quite as much as on the knowl- edge of the past. The form in which it is written, — that of a familiar conversation between two friends, — happened to be the most convenient for the busi- ness I was then about ; and as I could not present the argument more clearly in any other, I leave it as it is.
Before you go on I wish you would satisfy me on one point, upon which I have hitherto sought satisfaction in vain.
12 PREFACE TO
What after all was it that Bacon did for philosophy ? In what did the wonder and in what did the benefit consist ? I know that people have all agreed to call him the Father of the Inductive Philosophy ; and I know that the sciences made a great start about his time and have in some departments made great progress since. But I could never yet hear what one thing he discovered that would not have been discovered just as soon without his help. It is admitted that he was not for- tunate in any of his attempts to apply his principles to prac- tice. It is admitted that no actual scientific discovery of importance was made by him. Well, he might be the father of discovery for all that. But among all the important scien- tific discoveries which have been made by others since his time, is there any one that can be traced to his teaching ? traced to any principles of scientific investigation originally laid down by him, and by no other man before him or con- temporary with him ? I know very well that he did lay down a great many just principles ; — principles which must have been acted upon by every man that ever pursued the study of Nature with success. But what of that? It does not follow that we owe these principles to him. For I have no doubt that I myself, — I that cannot tell how we know that the earth goes round, or why an apple falls or why the antipodes do not fall, — I have no doubt (I say) that if I sat down to devise a course of investigation for the deter- mination of these questions, I should discover a great many just principles which Herschel and Faraday must hereafter act upon, as they have done heretofore. Nay if I should succeed in setting them forth more exactly, concisely, im- pressively, and memorably, than any one has yet done, they might soon come to be called my principles. But if that were all, I should have done little or nothing for the ad- vancement of science. I should only have been finding for some of its processes a better name. I want to know whether Bacon did anything more than this; and if so, what. In what did the principles laid down by him essentially differ
THE PARASCEVE. 13
from those on which (while he was thus labouring to ex- pound them) Galileo was already acting? From all that I can hear, it seems evident that the Inductive Philosophy- received its great impulse, not from the great prophet of new principles, but from the great discoverers of new facts ; not from Bacon, but from Galileo and Kepler. And I suppose that, with regard to those very principles even, if you wanted illustrations of what is commonly called the Baconian method, you would find some of the very best among the works of Gilbert and Galileo. What was it then that Bacon did which entitles him to be called the Regenerator of Philosophy ? or what was it that he dreamt he was doing which made him think the work so entirely his own, so immeasurably important, and likely to be received with such incredulity by at least one generation of mankind ?
B.
A pertinent question ; for there is no doubt that he was under that impression. " Gum argumentum hujusmodi prce manibus habeam (says he) quod tractandi imperitid perdere et veluti exporters nefas sit" He was persuaded that the argument he had in charge was of such value, that to risk the loss of it by unskilful handling would be not only a pity but an impiety. You wish to know, and the wish is reasona- ble, what it was. For answer I would refer you to the phi- losophers ; only I cannot say that their answers are satisfac- tory to myself. The old answer was that Bacon was the first to break down the dominion of Aristotle. This is now, I think, generally given up. His opposition to Aristotle was indeed conceived in early youth, and (though he was not the first to give utterance to it) I dare say it was not the less his own, and in the proper sense of the word, origi- nal. But the real overthrower of Aristotle was the great stir throughout the intellectual world which followed the Refor- mation and the revival of learning. It is certain that his authority had been openly defied some years before the pub-
14 PREFACE TO
lication of Bacon's principal writings; and it could not in the nature of things have survived much longer. Sir John Herschel however, while he freely admits that the Aris- totelian philosophy had been effectually overturned without Bacon's aid, still maintains Bacon's title to be looked upon in all future ages as the great Reformer of Philosophy; not indeed that he introduced inductive reasoning as a new and untried process, but on account of his " keen perception and his broad and spirit-stirring, almost enthusiastic, announce- ment of its paramount importance, as the alpha and omega of science, as the grand and only chain for linking together of physical truths, and the eventual key to every discovery and every application."
That is all very fine ; but it seems to me rather to account for his having the title than to justify his claim to it ; — rather to explain how he comes by his reputation than to prove that he deserves it. Try the question upon a modern case. We are now standing upon the threshold of a new era in the science of History. It is easy to see that the uni- versal study of History must be begun afresh upon a new method. Tales, traditions, and all that has hitherto been ac- counted most authentic in our knowledge of past times, must be set aside as doubtful ; and the whole story must be spelt out anew from charters, names, inscriptions, monuments, and such like contemporary records. Now an eloquent man might easily make a broad and spirit-stirring announcement of the paramount importance of this process, as the only key by which the past can be laid open to us as it really was, — the grand and only chain for linking historical truths and so forth. But would he thereby entitle himself to be called the great reformer of History ? Surely not. Such a man might perhaps get the credit, but it is Niebuhr that has done the thing : for Niebuhr was the first both to see the truth and to set the example.
THE PARASCEVE. 15
B.
So, I confess, it seems to me. And if I thought that Bacon had aimed at no more than that, I should not think that his time had been altogether well employed, or his sense of the importance of his own mission to mankind altogether justified. For surely a single great discovery made by means of the inductive process would have done more to persuade mankind of the paramount importance of it, than the most eloquent and philosophical exposition. Therefore in forsaking his experiments about gravitation, light, heat, &c, in order to set forth his classification of the " Preroga- tives of Instances," and to lay down general principles of philosophy, he would have been leaving the effectual promo- tion of his work to secure the exaltation of his name, than which nothing could be more opposite both to his principles and his practice. If his ambition had been only to have his picture stand as the frontispiece of the new philosophy, he could not have done better indeed than come forward as the most eloquent expounder of its principles. But if he wanted (as undoubtedly he did above all other things) to set it on work and bring it into fashion, his business was to produce the most striking illustration of its powers, — the most strik- ing practical proof of what it could do.
Therefore if I thought, as Herschel seems to think, that there was no essential or considerable difference between the doctrines which Bacon preached and those which Galileo practised ; — that Galileo was as the Niebuhr of the new philosophy (according to your own illustration), and Bacon only as your supposed eloquent man ; — I should agree with you that Bacon's right to be called the Reformer of Philoso- phy is not made out. But when I come to look at Bacon's own exposition of his views and compare them with the lat- est and most approved account I have met with of Galileo's works, I cannot but think that the difference between what Galileo was doing and what Bacon wanted to be done is not only essential but immense.
16 PREFACE TO
A.
Nay, if the difference be immense, how comes it to be overlooked ? It is from no want of the wish to claim for Bacon all the credit he deserves in that line.
B.
No. Rather perhaps from the wish to claim too much. We are so anxious to give him his due that we must needs ascribe to him all that has been done since his time ; from which it seems to follow that we are practising his precepts, and that the Baconian philosophy has in fact been flourish- ing among us for the last 200 years. You believe this, don't you?
A.
People tell me so ; and I suppose the only doubt is whether it be exclusively and originally his ; — there is no doubt, I fancy, that it is his.
B.
Certainly that appears to be the general opinion ; and it may seem an audacious thing in me to say that it is a mis- take. But I cannot help it. It is true that a new philosophy is flourishing among us which was born about Bacon's time ; and Bacon's name (as the brightest which presided at the time of its birth) has been inscribed upon it.
" Hesperus, that led The starry host, rode brightest: "
not that Hesperus did actually lead the other stars ; he and they were moving under a common force, and they would have moved just as fast if he had been away ; but because he shone brightest, he looked as if he led them. But if I may trust Herschel, I must think that it is the Galilean philosophy that has been flourishing all these years ; and if I may trust my own eyes and power of construing Latin, I must think that the Baconian philosophy has yet to come.
I
THE PARASCEVE. 17
If Bacon were to reappear among us at the next meeting of the Great British Association, — or say rather if he had appeared there two or three years ago (for there seems to be something great and new going on now), I think he would have shaken his head. I think he would have said, " Here has been a great deal of very good diligence used by several persons ; but it has not been used upon a well-laid plan. These solar systems, and steam-engines, and Daguerreotypes, and electric telegraphs, are so many more' pledges of what might be expected from an instauration of philosophy such as I recommended more than 200 years ago ; why have you not tried that ? You have been acting all the time like a king who should attempt to conquer a country by encourag- ing private adventurers to make incursions each on his own account, without any system of combined movements to sub- due and take possession. I see that wherever you have the proper materials and plenty of them your work is excellent ; so was Gilbert's in my time ; so was Galileo's ; nay even Kepler — though his method was as unskilful as that of the boy who in doing a long-division sum would first guess at the quotient and then multiply it into the divisor to see whether it were true, and if it came out wrong would make another guess and multiply again, and so on till he guessed right at last, — yet because he had a copious collection of materials ready to his hand, and enormous perseverance however per- versely applied, and a religious veracity, did at last hit upon one of the greatest discoveries ever made by one man. But what could Kepler have done without Tycho Brahe's tables of observation ? And what might Galileo not have done if he had had a large enough collection of facts ? This there- fore it is that disappoints me, I do not see any sufficient col- lection made of materials, — that is, of facts in nature — or any effectual plan on foot for making one. You are scarcely better off in that respect than I was ; you have each to gather tlje materials upon which you are to work. You cannot build houses, or weave shirts, or learn languages so. If the builder
VOL. II. 2
18 PREFACE TO
had to make his own bricks, the weaver to grow his own flax, the student of a dead language to make his own con- cordance, where would be your houses, your shirts, or your scholars ? And by the same rule if the interpreter of Na- ture is to forage for his facts, what progress can you expect in the art of interpretation ? Your scholar has his dictionary provided to his hand ; but your natural philosopher has still to make his dictionary for himself.
" And I wonder the more at this, because this is the very thing of all others which I myself pointed out as absolutely necessary to be supplied, — as the thing which was to be set about in the first place, — the thing without which no great things could possibly be done in philosophy. And since you have done me the honour to think so very highly of rny pre- cepts, I am a little surprised that you have not thought it worth while in so very essential a point to follow them. And to say the truth, I could wish for my own reputation (if that were of any consequence) that you had either hon- oured me a little more in that way, or not honoured me quite so much in other ways. You call me the Father of your Philosophy, meaning it for the greatest compliment you can pay. I thank you for the compliment, but I must decline the implied responsibility. I assure you this is none of mine. — May I ask whether any attempt has been made to collect that i Historiam naturalem et experiment alem quce sit in ordine ad condendam philosophiam,' concerning which I did certainly give some very particular directions ; — which I placed as conspicuously as I could in the very front and entrance of my design ; — of which I said that all the genius and meditation and argumentation in the world could not do instead of it ; no, not if all men's wits could meet in one man's head ; therefore that this we must have, or else the business must be given up ? 1 — If this has been fairly tried
1 Neque huic Jabori et inquisitioni et mundanae perambulationi, ulla ingenii aut meditationis aut argumentationis substitutio ant compensatio sufficere potest, non si omnia omnium ingenia coierint. Itaque aut hoc prorsus habendum aut negotium in perpetuum deserendum.
THE PARASCEVE. 19
and found impracticable or ineffectual, blot me out of your books as a dreamer that thought he had found out a great thing but it turned out nothing. If not, I still think it would be worth your while to try it."
A.
I partly comprehend your meaning ; but I should prefer it in a less dramatic form. You think that the difference be- tween what Galileo did and what Bacon wanted to be done, lay in this — that Bacon's plan presupposed a history (or dictionary as you call it) of Universal Nature, as a store- house of facts to work upon ; whereas Galileo was content to work upon such facts and observations as he collected for himself. But surely this is only a difference in degree. Both used the facts in the same way ; only Bacon wanted a larger collection of them.
B.
Say rather, Bacon wanted a collection large enough to give him the command of all the avenues to the secrets of Nature. You might as w-ell say that there is only a difference of de- gree between the method of the man who runs his single head against a fortress, and the man who raises a force strong enough to storm it, — because each uses the force he has in the same way, only one wants more of it than the other : — or between stopping all the leaks in a vessel and stopping as many as you conveniently can. The truth is, that though the difference between a few and a few more is only a difference of degree, the difference between enough and not enough is a difference in kind. According to Gali- leo's method, the work at best could be done but partially. According to Bacon's (so at least he believed) it would be done effectually and altogether.
I will put you a case by way of illustration. Two men (call them James and John) find a manuscript in a character unknown to either of them. James, being skilled in Ian-
20 PREFACE TO
guages and expert at making out riddles, observes some characters similar to those of one of the languages which he understands ; immediately sets himself to guess what they are ; and succeeds in puzzling out here a name and there a date, with plausibility. Each succeeding guess, if it be right, makes the next easier ; and there is no knowing precisely how much may be made out in this manner, or with what degree of certainty. The process is inductive, and the re- sults, so far as they go, are discoveries. John seeing him thus employed comes up and says : " This is all very in- genious and clever, and far more than I could do by the same process. But you are not going the right way to work. You will never be able to decipher the manuscript in this way. I will tell you what we must do. Here (you see) are certain forms of character which continually recur. Here is one that comes more than once in every line ; here another that comes once in every two or three lines ; a third that comes only twice or thrice in a page ; and so on. Let us have a list made of these several forms, with an index show- ing where and how often they occur. In the meantime I will undertake, upon a consideration of the general laws of language, to tell you, by the comparative frequency of their recurrence, what parts of speech most of these are. So we shall know which of them are articles, which conjunc- tions, which relatives, which auxiliaries, and so on. Setting these apart we shall be better able to deal with the nouns and verbs ; and then by comparing the passages in which each occurs, we shall be able, with the help of your language learning, to make out the meaning first of one, then of an- other. As each is determined, the rest will be easier to determine ; and by degrees we shall come to know them all. It is a slow process compared with yours, and will take time and labour and many hands. But when it is done we shall be able to read the whole book."
Here I think you have a picture in little of the difference between Bacon's project for the advancement of philosophy
THE PARASCEVE. 21
and that which was carried into effect (certainly with re- markable success) by the new school of inductive science which flourished in his time. If we want to pursue the parallel further, we have only to suppose that John, after completing in a masterly manner a great portion of his work on the universal laws of language ; after giving particular directions for the collection, arrangement, and classification of the index, and even doing several pages of it himself by way of example ; is called away, and obliged to leave the completion of the work to his successors ; and that his suc- cessors (wanting diligence to finish, patience to wait, or ability to execute) immediately fall back to the former method ; — in which they make such progress and take such pride, that they never think of following out John's plan, but leave it exactly where he left it. And here I think you have a true picture of the state in which the matter now rests.
I see. The manuscript is the volume of Nature. The learned linguist and expert maker-out of puzzles is Galileo or one of his school. The work on the laws of language is the Novum Organum. The index is the Natural and experimental History quce sit in ordine ad condendam Phi- losophiam. The making-out of the words one by one is the Interpretation of Nature —
B.
And the ultimate reading of the wThole book is the " His- toria Illuminata sive Veritas Rerum ; " the " Philosophia Secunda ; " the sixth and last part of the Instauration ; the consummation which Bacon knew he was not to be per- mitted himself to see, but trusted that (if men were true to themselves) the Fortune of the Human Race would one day achieve.
22 PREFACE TO
A.
And you think that they have not been true to them- selves ?
B.
Why what have they done with this work since he left it ? There it lies to speak for itself, sticking in the middle of the Novum Organum. No attempt has been made, that I can hear of, to carry it out further. People seem hardly to know that it is not complete. John Mill observes that Bacon's method of inductive logic is defective, but does not advert to the fact that of ten separate processes which it was de- signed to include, the first only has been explained. The other nine he had in his head, but did not live to set down more of them than the names. And the particular example which he has left of an inductive inquiry does not profess to be carried beyond the first stage of generalization, — the vindemiatio prima as he calls it.
A.
It may be so ; but why have they not attempted to carry his process out further ? Is it not because they have found that they can get on faster with their old tools ?
B.
Because they think they can get on faster ; you cannot say they have found it until they have tried.
Have they not tried Bacon's way partially, and found it not so handy ? Has not Sir John Herschel, for instance, tried the use of his famous classification of Instances, and pronounced it " more apparent than real ? " And is it not a fact that no single discovery of importance has been actu- ally made by proceeding according to the method recom-
THE PARASCEVE. 23
mended by Bacon ? I am sure I have heard as much re- ported upon the authority of a very eminent modern writer
upon these subjects.
B.
So have I. And I can well believe that the use of Bacon's " Prerogatives of Instances," in the way they have been used, is not much ; and for the reason given by Her- schel, viz., because the same judgment which enables you to assign the Instance its proper class, enables you, without that assignation, to recognize its proper value. Therefore so long as the task of gathering his Instances as they grow wTild in the woods is left to the Interpreter of Nature him- self, there is little use in a formal classification ; he knows exactly what he wants ; what is not to his purpose he need not trouble himself with ; what is to his purpose he can apply to that purpose at once. And each several man of genius will no doubt acquire a knack of his own by which he will arrive at his results faster than by any formal method. But suppose the Interpreter wrants to use the help of other people, to whom he cannot impart his own genius or his peculiar gift of knowing at first sight what is to the purpose and what not. He wants them to assist him in gathering materials. How shall he direct them in their task so that their labours may be available for himself? I take , it, he must distribute the work among several and make it pass through several processes. One man may be used to make a rough and general collection, — what we call an omnium gatherum. Another must be employed to reduce the confused mass into some order fit for ref- erence. A third to clear it of superfluities and rubbish. A fourth must be taught to classify and arrange what re- mains. And here I cannot but think that Bacon's arrange- ment of Instances according to what he calls their Preroga- tives, or some better arrangement of the same kind which experience ought to suggest, would be found to be of great value ; especially when it is proposed to make through all
24 PREFACE TO
the regions of Nature separate collections of this kind such as may combine into one general collection. For though it be true that as long as each man works only for himself, he may trust to the usus uni rei deditus for finding out the method of proceeding which best suits the trick of his own mind, — and each will probably pursue a different method, — yet when many men's labours are to be gathered into one table, any collector of statistics will tell you that they must all work according to a common pattern. And in the sub- ject we are speaking of which is coextensive with the mind of man on one side and the nature of things on the other, that will undoubtedly be the best pattern which is framed upon the justest theory of the human understanding ; — for which distinction Bacon's would seem to be no unlikely candidate.
However I am here again getting out of my province. It may be that Bacon's project was visionary ; or it may be that it is only thought visionary, because since his death no heart has been created large enough to believe it practica- ble. The philosophers must settle that among themselves. But be the cause what it will, it is clear to me on the one hand that the thing has not been seriously attempted ; and on the other, that Bacon was fully satisfied that nothing of worth could be hoped for without it ; therefore that we have no right to impute to him either the credit of all that has been done by the new philosophy, or the discredit of all that has been left undone.
A.
Certainly not ; if you are right as to the fact. But I still think there must be some mistake. How is it possible that among so many distinguished men as have studied Bacon's philosophy with so much reverence, such a large feature can have been overlooked?
B.
I cannot pretend to explain that. But an appeal to one's
THE PARASCEVE. 25
own eyes is always lawful. Here is one passage which is enough by itself to settle the question. If you are not satis- fied with it, I can quote half a dozen more to the same effect : " Illud interim quod scepe diximus etiam hoc loco prcecipue repetendum est — "
A.
Translate ; if you would have me follow.
B.
"I must repeat here again what I have so often said; — that though all the wits of all the ages should meet in one, — though the whole human race should make Philosophy their sole business, — though the whole earth were nothing but colleges and acade- mies and schools of learned men, — yet without such a natural and experimental history as I am going to describe, no progress worthy of the human race in Philosophy and the Sciences could possibly be made : whereas if such a history were once provided and well ordered, with the addition of such auxiliary and light- giving experiments as the course of Interpretation would itself suggest, the investigation of Nature and of all sciences would be the work only of a few years. Either this must be done, there- fore, or the business must be abandoned. For in this way and in this way only can the foundation be laid of a true and active Philosophy."
A.
Where does he say that?
B.
In the Preface to what he calls the " Parasceve ad His- toriam naturalem et experimentalem" which is in fact noth- ing more than a description of the sort of history which he wanted, — such a history as a true Philosophy might be built upon, — with directions to be observed in collecting it. He published it (somewhat out of its proper place) in the same volume with the Novum Organum, in order that, if possible, men might be set about the work at once ; of such primary importance did he hold it to be. If you dis-
26 PREFACE TO
trust my translation, take it in his own English. In pre- senting the Novum Organum to the King, after explaining the nature and objects of the work and his reason for pub- lishing it in an imperfect shape, he adds, " There is another reason for my so doing ; which is to try whether I can get help in one intended part of this work, namely the compil- ing of a natural and experimental history, which must be the main foundation of a true and active philosophy" And again about a week after, in reply to the King's gracious acknowl- edgement of the book, — " This comfortable beginning makes me hope further that your Majesty will be aiding to me in setting men on work for the collecting of a natural and ex- perimental history, which is basis totius negotii." And this was no after-thought, but an essential feature of his design as he had conceived it at least sixteen years before. There is extant a description of this proposed history, which appears to have been written as early as 1604 ; and though the only copy that I know of is in an imperfect and mutilated manu- script, enough remains to show that in all its material feat- ures it agreed exactly with the description set forth in the Parasceve.
Now you know I am not going to discuss the merit of his plan. It may (as I said) have been all a delusion. But grant it a delusion — still it was a delusion under which he was actually labouring. If every man of science that ever lived had considered it and pronounced it puerile and ridicu- lous, still their unanimous verdict could not, in the face of his own repeated and earnest declarations, persuade me that it was not an essential part of Bacon's scheme ; that it was not (in his perfect and rooted judgment) the one key to the cipher in which the fortunes of the human race are locked up, — the one thing with which all might be done ; without which nothing. And this is all that is necessary for our present business. For we are not discussing his philo- sophical capacity, but his personal character and purposes as illustrated by the tenour of his life.
THE PARASCEVE. 27
Such in 1847 were my reasons for rejecting as un- satisfactory all the explanations I had then met with of the distinctive peculiarity of the Baconian philoso- phy, and such the result of my attempt to find a more satisfactory one for myself.
In rejecting former explanations as unsatisfactory, Mr. Ellis, it will be seen, concurs with me, and for much the same reason. According to them " it be- comes," he says, " impossible to justify or to under- stand Bacon's assertion that his system was essentially new." He then proceeds to point out one great pecu- liarity by which it aspired to differ from all former systems — a peculiarity residing in the supposed per- fection of the logical machinery ; which, since it would of itself account for Bacon's belief of its importance no less than for his assertion of its novelty, does certainly supply a new explanation unencumbered with the diffi- culties pointed out in the foregoing extract. But there is another difficulty which it leaves behind. It is im- possible, I think, to reconcile with this supposition the course which Bacon afterwards took in expounding and developing his system. For if the great secret which he had, or thought he had, in his keeping, lay only, or even chiefly, in the perfection of the logical machinery — in the method of induction ; if this method was a kind of mechanical process — an organum or en- gine— at once " wholly new," "universally applica- ble," " in all cases infallible," and such as anybody might manage ; if his explanation of this method in the second book of the Novum Organum is so incom- plete that it leaves all the principal practical difficul- ties unexplained ; and if it was a thing which nobody but himself had any notion of, or any belief in ; how
28 PREFACE TO
is it that, during the remaining five years of his life — years of eager and unremitting labour, devoted almost exclusively to the exposition of his philosophy — he made no attempt to complete the explanation of it ? Why did he leave the Novum Organum as it was, being a work which he could have completed alone, and which indeed he only could have completed, and apply himself with advised and deliberate industry to the collection of Natural History ; a work which he knew he could not carry to perfection himself, even in any of its parts ; which he had once thought it a waste of time to employ himself upon, as being within every man's capacity ; concerning the execution of which he had already given sufficient general direc- tions ; and of which, even when accomplished, the right use could not be made except in virtue of that very method or logical machinery, the constitution and management of which still remained to be explained ? It was not that he had changed his opinion as to the value of it : His sense of the difficulties may have in- creased, his views as to details may have altered ; but there is no reason to think that he ever lost any part of his faith either in the importance or in the practicability of it. It was not that when he came to closer quar- ters with the subject, he felt that he was himself un- able to deal with it : Two years after the publication of the first part of the Novum Organum, and three years before his death, he speaks of the second part as a thing yet to be done, but adds, " quam tamen animo jam complexus et metitus sum." l It was not that he thought the description he had already given sufficient : In the winter of 1622, he tells us that
1 Letter to Fulgenzio.
THE PARASCEVE. 29
there are " haud pauca, eaque ex prcecipuis," still want- ing. It was not that he had found any disciple or fellow-labourer to whom he might intrust the comple- tion of his unfinished task : To the very last he felt himself alone in his work. It was not from inadver- tence : He left the Novum Organum for the Natural History deliberately, because it seemed upon considera- tion the better and more advisable course ; " quare omnino et ante omnia in hoc incumbere satius et con- sultius visum est." It was not that he wanted either time or industry ; for during the five succeeding years he completed the De Augmentis, and composed his his- tories of the Winds, of Life and Death, of Dense and Rare; his lost treatise on Heavy and Light, his lost Abecedarium Naturae, his New Atlantis, his Sylva Syl- varum. Why did he employ no part of that time in completing the description of the new machine ? in explaining how he proposed to supply the defects1 and rectify the errors 2 of the imperfect logical process which he had already exhibited ; how to adapt the mode of inquiry to the nature of the subject ; 3 how to determine what questions ought to be dealt with first, — what " natures'1 to have precedence in the order of inquiry ; 4 above all, how to ascertain where the inquiry might safely terminate as having left no " na- ture" in the universe unchallenged,5 — a security with- out which the whole process must always have been in
1 De Adminiculis Inductionis.
2 De Rectificatione Inductionis.
8 De Variatione Inquisitionis pro natura subjecti.
4 De Praerogativis Naturarum quatenus ad inquisitionem, sive de eo quod inquirendum est prius et posterius.
5 De Terminis Inquisitionis, sive de Synopsi omnium naturartim in uni- verso.
30 PREFACE TO
danger of vitiation from an u instance contradictory " remaining behind? To me the question appears to admit of but one answer. He considered the collec- tion of natural history upon the plan he meditated, to be, in practice at least, a more important part of his philosophy than the Organum itself, — a work of which the nature and importance more needed to be pressed upon the attention of mankind, — of which the neg- lect would be more fatal to the progress of science. That this was in fact his opinion at the very time he was composing the Novum Organum. may be inferred from the last aphorism of the first book, as I have pointed out at the end of the preface. That he was still of the same opinion two years after, we have his own express declaration in the Auctoris monitum pre- fixed to the History of the Winds, where he explains his motives for going on with the third part of the In- stauratio, instead of finishing the second. It had oc- curred to him, he there tells us, that if the Organum should fall into the hands of some man of genius capa- ble of understanding and willing to use it, still without a natural history of the proper kind provided to his hand, he would not know how to proceed ; whereas if a full and faithful history of nature and the arts were set before him, he might succeed even by the old method — " licet via veteri pergere malint, nee via nostri or- gani (quae ut nobis videtur aut unica est aut optima) uti " — in building upon it something of solid worth. " Itaque hue res redit," he concludes; " ut organum nostrum, etiamsi fuerit absolutum, absque historid natur rali non multum, historia naturalis absque organo non parum, instaurationem scientiarum sit provectura." I know not how therefore to escape the conclusion that,
THE PARASCEVE. 31
in Bacon's own estimate of his own system, the Nat- ural History held the place of first importance. He regarded it as not less new 2 than the new method, and as more indispensable. Though the "via nostri organi" still appeared to him to be " aut unica aut optima" something of substantial worth might, he thought, be accomplished without it. Without a natural history " tali qualem nunc prsecipiemus," he thought no ad- vance of any value could possibly be made.
What may be the real value of this part of Bacon's system is, of course, quite another question. The evi- dence just adduced goes only to show what was the value which he himself set upon it, and affects the question no otherwise than by giving it a new inter- est, and suggesting the expediency of considering more carefully than has yet, I think, been done, whether his advice on this head might not be followed — I do not say as far as he intended — but much further than has yet been tried; with effects — I do not say such as he anticipated — but larger than we are likely to get any other way.
That he himself indeed, even if all mankind had united to carry his plan into effect, would have been disappointed with the result, I have little doubt. For I suppose the collected observations of all the world, — reduced to writing, digested, and brought into his study, — would not have sufficed to give him that knowledge of the forms of nature which was to carry
1 His assertion of the novelty is as strong in the one case as in the other. "Atque hoc posterius [viz. the use of natural history, " tanquam materia prima philosophise atque verae inductionis supellex sive sylva"] nunc agjitur ; nunc inquam, neque unquam antehac."
32 PREFACE TO
with it the command over her powers. He would have found no doubt, upon trial, that his scheme in- volved difficulties of which he had formed no concep- tion. He would have found that the facts which must be known in order to complete the three tables of com- parence, and to " perfect the exclusiva" were so infinite in number that to gather them by simple observation without some theoretic principle of selection would be an endless task, and to deal with them when gathered a hopeless one. He might still indeed have hoped to arrive ultimately at an alphabet of nature (her princi- ples being probably few and simple, though her phe- nomena so enormously complex) ; but he would have found that a dictionary or index of nature (and such was to be the office of the Natural History*), to be com- plete enough for the purposes of the Novum Organum, must be nearly as voluminous as Nature herself. He would have found it necessary, therefore (as I suppose all inventors have done both before and since his time), to make material changes in his original plan of opera- tion, and to reduce his hopes far below their original dimensions. But a man may be in the right way to his end, though the end itself be further off than he imagines ; and before we cast Bacon's plan finally aside, we may be fairly called upon to show either that the way he wanted us to go is in its nature impracti- cable, or that there is better hope of arriving at the desired end by some other.
Mr. Ellis's judgment upon the first point may be partly gathered from his general remarks upon the third part of the Instauratio ; but I am fortunately in possession of his opinion (called forth by the exposition of my own views in the dialogue above quoted) upon
THE PARASCEVE. 33
the specific practical question now under discussion. It was communicated to me in a letter dated 13th Sep- tember, 1847, and appears to contain his deliberate judgment as to the practicability of making a collection of natural history, such as would be available for scien- tific purposes, in the manner in which Bacon proposed to have it made.
" That it is impossible (he says) to sever the busi- ness of experiment and observation from that of the- orising, it would perhaps be rash to affirm. But it seems to me that such a severance could hardly be effected. A transcript of nature, if I may so express myself, — that is, such a collection of observed phe- nomena as would serve as the basis and materials of a system of natural philosophy, — would be like nature itself infinite in extent and variety. No such collec- tion could be formed ; and, were it formed, general laws and principles would be as much hidden in a mass of details as they are in the world of phenomena.
" The marshalling idea, teaching the philosopher what observations he is to make, what experiments to try, seems necessary in order to deliver him from this difficulty. Can we conceive that such experiments as those of Faraday could have preceded the formation of any hypothesis ? You allude, I think, to what has been done in the way of systematic observation with refer- ence to terrestrial magnetism. And beyond all doubt the division of labor is possible and necessary in many scientific inquiries. But then this separating of the observer from the theoriser is only possible (at least, in such a case as that of magnetism) when the latter can tell his " bajulus " what experiments he is to make, and how thev are to be made. As a matter of fact, the
VOL. II. 3
34 PREFACE TO
memoirs of Gauss, which have done so much to en- courage systematic observation of terrestrial magnet- ism, contain many results of theory directly bearing on observation ; e. g., the method of determining the
absolute measure of magnetism.
*****
" Of course I remember that Bacon speaks of ex- periments to be suggested by theory : as for instance in Solomon's house ; all I mean is, that it seems doubtful whether a large collection of facts can in most sciences be made useful, unless some theory has guided its for- mation."
Now I am quite willing to accept this judgment as perfectly sound and just ; as pointing truly at the practical difficulties involved in Bacon's scheme, and proving that it could not be carried out completely on the plan he proposed, or attain completely the end at which he aimed ; and certainly, if I thought that such completeness was a condition absolutely essential, — that, unless observation could be carried on without any help whatever from theory, the work could not proceed at all ; or that the results of observation so conducted could be of no scientific value unless they amounted to a perfect "transcript of nature ;" — if I thought, in short, it was a scheme wdiich, unless it led to everything, would lead to nothing, — I should accept these remarks as disposing finally of the whole ques- tion. But why should I think so? That the sever- ance of theory and observation should be absolute does not appear to me to be at all necessary for the practical prosecution of the enterprise ; I can hardly think that it even formed part of the original design ; and though it is true that the collection of natural history could not
THE PAEASCEVE. 35
have been used in the way Bacon proposed, unless it were more complete than it ever could have been made, yet for use in the ordinary way (and this was certainly one of the uses he contemplated for it) its value would be increased by every new observation ; and who can say at what point observations so conducted must ne- cessarily stop ?
That Bacon intended one set of men to be employ- ed in collecting facts, and another in deriving conse- quences from them, is no doubt true. Unless theory and observation could be so far separated as to admit prac- tically of such a distribution of parts, his plan must no doubt have been given up ; and it is objected that this distribution is practically impossible, because the ob- servers, unless they had some precedent theory to guide them, could never know what observations to make in order to bring out the facts which the theorist requires to know. I cannot but think, however, that this ob- jection supposes a separation of the two functions far more complete than Bacon ever contemplated. He may have used words which in strict logical construc- tion imply such a kind of separation ; but if so, his words meant more than he himself meant. His intel- lect was remarkable for breadth rather than subtlety, — quicker, to use his own division, in perceiving resem- blances than distinctions, — and in writing he always aimed at conciseness, force, point, picturesqueness, and at making himself plain to common understandings, far more than at metaphysical exactness of expression. Now, however true it may be, as a metaphysical prop- osition, that some amount of theory is involved in every observation, and still more in every series of observa- tions, it is no less true, as a familiar fact, that observa-
36 PREFACE TO
tions made by one man, without conscious reference to any theory whatever, may be perfectly available to another with reference to theories of which the first never heard or dreamed. Colonel Reid's theory of storms, for instance, was worked out, I am told, not in the West Indies among the hurricanes, but at the Ad- miralty among the ships' logs. And though Bacon would never have denied that many results of theory go to the correct keeping of a ship's log, who can doubt that a collection of logs kept during hurricanes would have been accepted by him as a most valuable contri- bution to a history of the winds, and a good specimen of the very thing he wanted ? It would be easy to add more instances ; but I suppose nobody will deny that, in this sense, observation and theory can be carried on apart and by different persons. And if it be objected that the observers will never hit upon all the facts which are necessary to suggest or establish the theory, unless their observations be renewed again and again under directions devised by the theorist with special reference to what he wants to know, I reply by asking what is to prevent the renewal of them, under direc- tions so devised, as often as necessary ? a thing (I may observe) which Bacon himself distinctly intended. " Illud interim," he says, after giving an example of a " topica particularis " in the De Augmentis, " quod monere occoepimus iterum monemus, nempe ut homi- nes debeant topicas particulars suas alternare, ita ut post majores progressus aliquos in inquisitione factos, aliam et subinde aliam instituant topicam, si modo scien- tiarum fastigia conscendere cupiant." Now if the di- rections, judicious to begin with, be judiciously varied and repeated as the inquiry proceeds, an immense mass
THE PARASCEVE. 37
of observations of the greatest importance to science might surely be collected in this very way. Nay, in subjects which have their phenomena spread far and wide over the world (like winds, seasons, and oceanic or atmospheric currents), it is in the gradual accumu- lation of observations so made that our only hope lies of ever coming to understand their laws at all ; and if we cannot cause them to be collected under direction and design, we must wait till they accumulate by acci- dent. For it is manifestly impossible that in such sub- jects as these, philosophers should provide themselves with all the facts which they want unless they can use the help of those who are not philosophers. What science deals with phenomena more subtle and delicate than meteorology ? Yet hear Sir John Herschel. " It happens fortunately that almost every datum which the scientific meteorologist can require is furnished in its best and most available state by that definite systematic process known as the " keeping a meteorological register" which consists in noting at stated hours of every day the readings of all the meteorological instruments at command, as well as all such facts or indications of wind and weather as are susceptible of being definitely described and estimated without instrumental aid. Oc- casional observations apply to occasional and remark- able phenomena, and are by no means to be neglected ; but it is to the regular meteorological register, steadily and perseveringly kept throughout the whole of every voy- age, that we must look for the development of the great laws of this science" 1
1 Manual of Scientific Inquiry, prepared for the use of officers in Her Majesty's navy and travellers in general. Edited by Sir John F. W. Her- schel, Bt., p. 281.
38 PREFACE TO
Between the officers of Her Majesty's navy register- ing the readings of their instruments in all latitudes and longitudes, and the man of science in his study deducing the laws of meteorology from a comparison of the results, the division of labour is surely as com- plete as Bacon would have desired. Nor would the scientific directions previously furnished to the offi- cers for their guidance, directions when, where, what, and how to observe and record, — though containing " many results of theory bearing upon observation," — have seemed to him either objectionable or superflu- ous : on the contrary, such directions form part of his own design as explained by himself. In the conclud- ing paragraph of the tract which has suggested these remarks he distinctly announces his intention to draw up certain heads of inquiry showing what points with reference to each subject were more particularly to be observed. And though he did not live to execute this part of his design, a few fragments remaining among his papers show in what manner he proposed to pro- ceed. And (if an idle looker-on who can offer no help in the work may presume to offer an opinion) I could wish that men of science would apply them- selves earnestly to the solution of this practical prob- lem : What measures are to be taken in order that the greatest variety of judicious observations of nature all over the world may be carried on in concert upon a scientific plan, and brought to a common centre? With reference to some particular subjects, such meas- ures have been of late years taken on a scale of Bacon- ian magnitude. The system of observations instituted by the Great British Association with respect to Ter- restrial Magnetism, if I am rightly informed as to the
THE PARASCEVE. 39
nature and scale of it, is one which Bacon would have welcomed as he welcomed the first tidings from Galileo's telescope ; he would have accepted it as an enterprise " dignum humano genere." A similar system of con- certed observations is now in contemplation with re- gard to oceanic currents. As a specimen of the same thing in a more general character, take the "Admiralty Manual of Scientific Inquiry," to which I have already referred ; a book of practical directions drawn up by some of the most eminent scientific men of our day with special reference to the progress of science in several of its most important departments ; directions addressed not to men who are themselves engaged in the theoretical investigation of the subjects, or guided by any " marshalling idea," but to " officers of the navy and travellers in general," telling them what things to observe, in order that their observations may be available for the purposes of scientific in- quiry. These are exactly what Bacon would have called " Topicae Inquisitionis," — instructions for the examination of Nature " super articulos ; " and the wrhole scheme is in perfect accordance, so far as it goes, with Bacon's notion of the way in which men might be set on work for the completing of a natural and experimental history. Why should it not go fur- ther ? Who can believe that the subjects contained in this little volume are the only subjects to which this method of collecting observations can be applied ? who venture to fix the limit beyond which, under such a system sagaciously devised, wisely administered, ener- getically carried out, and extended to all the depart- ments of nature which admit of it, human discovery may not go? — J". S.
PARASCEVE
AD
HISTORIAI NATUMLEM ET EXPEEIMENTALEM.
DESCRIPTIO HISTORIC NATURALIS ET EXPEEIIENTALIS,
QUALIS SUFFIC1AT ET SIT IN ORDINE
AD BASIN ET FUNDAMENTA
PHILOSOPHISE VERSE.
Quod Instaurationem nostram per partes edamus, id eo spectat ut aliquid extra periculum ponatur. Non absimilis nos movet ratio ut aliam quandam operis particulam jam in praesenti subjungamus, et cum iis quae supra absolvimus una edamus. Ea est descriptio et delineatio Historiae Naturalis et experimentalis, ejus generis quae sit in ordine ad condendam philosophiam, et complectatur materiem probam, copiosam, et apte digestam ad opus interpretis quod succedit. Huic autem rei locus proprius foret quum ad Paraseevas Inquisitionis ordine deventum fuerit. Hoc vero prae- vertere, nee locum proprium expectare, consultius nobis videtur; quod hujusmodi historia, qualem animo metimur et mox describemus, res perquam magnae sit molis, nee sine magnis laboribus et sumptibus confiei possit; ut quae multorum opera indigeat, et (ut alibi diximus) opus sit quasi regium. Itaque occurrit illud, non abs re fore experiri si forte haec aliquibus aliis curae esse possint, ita ut dum nos de- stinata ordine perficiamus haec pars quae tarn multiplex
44 PARASCEVE AD HISTORIAM
est et onerosa etiam vivis nobis (si ita divinae placuerit majestati) instrui et parari possit, aliis una nobiscum in id sedulo incumbentibus ; praesertim quum vires nostra? (si in hoc soli fuerimus) vix tantae provinciae sufficere videantur. Etenim quae ad opus ipsum in- tellects pertinent nos marte nostro fortasse vince- mus. At intellectus materialia tarn late patent ut ea (tanquam per procuratores et rnercatores) undique conquiri et importari debeant. Accedit etiam illud, quod coeptis nostris vix dignum esse aestimemus ut in re tali quae fere omnium industriae pateat nos ipsi tempus teramus. Quod autem caput rei est ipsi nunc praestabimus ; ut ejusmodi historiae modum et descrip- tionem, qualis intention] nostrae satisfaciat, diligenter et exacte proponamus ; ne homines non admoniti aliud agant, et ad exemplum naturalium historiarum quae jam in usu sunt se regant, atque ab institute nostro multum aberrent. Illud interim quod saepe diximus etiam hoc loco praecipue repetendum est ; non si omnia omnium aetatum ingenia coivissent aut posthac coierint ; non si universum genus humanum philoso- phiae dedisset operam aut dederit, et totus terrarum orbis nihil aliud fuisset aut fuerit quam academiae et collegia et scholae virorum doctorum ; tamen absque tali qualem nunc praecipiemus Historia Naturali et Experimentali, ullos qui genere humano digni sint progressus in philosophia et scientiis fieri potuisse aut posse. Contra vero, comparata et bene instructa hu- jusmodi historia, additis experimentis auxiliaribus et luciferis quae in ipso interpretationis curriculo occur- rent aut eruenda erunt, paucorum annorum opus futuram esse inquisitionem naturae et scientiarum omnium. Itaque aut hoc agendum est aut negotium
NATURALEM ET EXPERIMENTALEM. 45
deserendum. Hoc enim solo et unico modo funda- menta philosophise verse et activae stabiliri possunt ; et simul perspicient homines, tanquam ex profundo somno excitati, quid inter ingenii placita et com- menta ac veram et activam philosophiam intersit, et quid demum sit de natura naturam ipsam consulere. Primo igitur de hujusmodi historia conficienda prae- cepta dabimus in genere ; deinde particularem ejus figuram hominibus sub oculos ponemus, inserentes interdum non minus ad quid inquisitio aptanda et referenda sit quam quid quaeri debeat ; scilicet, ut scopus rei bene intellectus et praevisus etiam alia hominibus in mentem redigat quae a nobis fortasse praetermissa erunt. Historiam autem istam Historiam Primam sive Historiam Matrem appellare consuevi- mus.
APHORISMI
DE CONFICIENDA HISTORIA PRIMA,
Aphorismus
I. Natura in triplici statu ponitur et tanquam regi- men subit trinum. Aut enim libera est et cursu suo ordinario se explicat, aut a pravitatibus et insolentiis materiae atque ab impedimentorum violentia de statu suo detruditur, aut ab arte et ministerio liumano con- stringitur et fingitur. Atque primus ille status ad species rerum refertur, secundus ad monstra, tertius ad artificialia. Etenim in artifieialibus natura jugum recipit ab imperio hominis ; nunquam enim ilia facta fuissent absque homine. At per operam et ministe- rium hominis conspicitur prorsus nova corporum facies et veluti rerum universitas altera sive theatrum alte- rum. Triplex itaque est historia naturalis. Tractat enim aut naturae Libertatem aut Errores aut Vinculo, ; ut non male earn partiri possimus in historiam Genei*ati- onurn, Prcetergenerationurn, et Artium ; quarum postre- mam etiam Mechanicam et Experimentalem appellare consuevimus. Neque tamen id praecipimus ut haec tria separatim tractentur. Quidni enim possint historiae monstrorum in singulis speciebus cum historia ipsarum specierum conjungi? Etiam artificialia quandoque cum
48 PARASCEVK AD HISTORIAM
speciebus recte conjunguntur, quandoque melius sepa- rantur. Quamobrem e re nata de his consilium capere optimum est. Methodus enim iterationes et prolixi- tatem gignit, aeque ubi nimia est ac ubi nulla.
ii.
Historia naturalis, ut subjecto (quemadmodum dix- imus) triplex, ita usu duplex est. Adhibetur enim aut propter rerum ipsarum cognitionem quae historic man- dantur, aut tanquam materia prima philosophise atque verse inductionis supellex sive sylva. Atque posterius hoc nunc agitur ; nunc, inquam, neque unquam ante- hac. Neque enim Aristoteles aut Theophrastus aut Dioscorides aut Caius Plinius, multo minus moderni, hunc finem (de quo loquimur) historic naturalis un- quam sibi proposuerunt. Atque in hoc plurimum est, ut qui partes scribendi historiam naturalem sibi posthac sumpserint hoc perpetuo cogitent atque animo agitent, se non lectoris delectationi, non utilitati ipsi quae ex narrationibus in praesens capi possit, debere inservire ; sed conquirere et comparare rerum copiam et varieta- tem quae veris axiomatibus conficiendis sufficiat. Hoc enim si cogitent, modum hujusmodi historiae ipsi sibi praescribent. Finis enim regit modum.
in.
Quo autem majoris est haec res operae et laboris, eo illam minus onerari superfluis consentaneum est. Tria itaque sunt de quibus homines sunt plane admonendi ut in illis parce admodum operam suam collocent, tan- quam iis quae massam operis in immensum augeant, virtutem parum aut nihil promoveant.
Primo igitur facessant antiquitates et citationes aut
NATURALEM ET EXPERIMENTALEM. 49
suffragia authorum ; etiam lites et controversiae et opi- niones discrepantes ; omnia denique philologica. Neque enim citetur author nisi in re dubiss fklei, neque inter- ponatur controversia nisi in re magni momenti. Quae vero ad ornamenta orationis et similitudines et eloquen- tia9 thesaurum et hujusmocli mania spectant, omnino abjiciantur. Etiam quae recipiuntur omnia et ipsa pro- ponantur breviter et strictim, ut nihil minus sint quam verba. Nemo enim qui materialia ad aedificia vel naves vel hujusmodi aliquas structuras colligit et re- ponit, ea (officinarum more) belle collocat et ostentat ut placeant, sed in hoc tantum sedulus est ut proba et bona sint, et ut in respositorio spatium minimum occu- pent. Atque ita prorsus faciendum est.
Secundo, non multum ad rem facit luxuria ilia histo- riarum naturalium in descriptionibus et picturis spe- cierum numerosis, atque earundem varietate cviriosa. Hujusmodi enim pusillae varietates nihil aliud sunt quam lusus quidam naturae et lascivia, et prope ad in- dividuorum naturam accedunt ; atque habent peragra- tionem quandam in rebus ipsis amoenam et jucundam, informationem vero ad scientias tenuem et fere super- vacuam.
Tertio, missse plane faciendaB sunt omnes narrationes superstitiosae (non dico prodigiosae, ubi memoria earum reperietur fida et probabilis, sed superstitios;e), et (^\- perimenta magiae ceremonialis. Nolumus enim philo- sophise infantiam, cui historia naturalis primam praebet mammam, fabulis anilibus assuescere. Erit fortasse tempus (postquam in inquisitionem natune paulo altius penetratum sit) hujusmodi res leviter percurrendi, ut si quid in illis faecibus haereat virtutis naturalis ea extrahi et in usum condi possit. Interim seponendie sunt.
VOL. II. 4
50 PARASCEVE AD HISTORIAM
Etiam magige naturalis experimenta diligenter et cum severitate ventilanda sunt antequain recipiantur, prae- sertim ilia quae ex vulgaribus sympathiis et antipathiis, magna cum socordia et facilitate credendi simul et fin- gendi, derivari solent.
Neque nil aut parum actum est in exoneranda histo- ria naturali tribus his (quae diximus) rebus superfluis, quae alias volumina impleturae fuissent. Neque tamen hie finis. iEque enim requiritur in opere magno ut tarn ea quae recipiuntur succincte scribantur, quam ut super- flua abscindantur ; licet nemini dubium esse possit quin hujusmodi castitas et bre vitas delectation em multo mi- norem turn legenti turn scribenti praebitura sit. Verum illud semper inculcandum est, hoc quod paratur hor- reum esse tantummodo et promptuarium rerum ; in quo non manendum aut habitandum sit cum voluptate, sed eo descendendum, prout res postulat, cum aliquid ad usum sumendum sit circa opus Interpretis quod succedit.
IV.
In historia quam requirimus et animo destinamus, ante omnia videndum est ut late pateat et facta sit ad mensuram universi. Neque enim arctandus est mun- dus ad angustias intellectus (quod adhuc factum est), sed expandendus intellectus et laxandus ad mundi imaginem recipiendam, qualis invenitur. Istud enim, respicere pauca et pronunciare secundum pauca, omnia perdidit. Resumentes igitur partitionem quam paulo ante fecimus historiae naturalis (quod sit Generatio- num, Praetergenerationum, et Artium), Historiae Ge- nerationum constituimus partes quinque. Sit prima, aetheris et coelestium. Secunda, meteororum et regi- onum (quas vocant) aeris ; tractuum videlicet a luna
NATURALEM ET EXPERIMENT A LEM. 51
usque ad superficiem terrae ; cui etiam parti cometas cujuscunque generis, turn sublimiores turn humiliores, utcunque se habeat rei Veritas, ordinis causa assigna- mus. Tertia, terrae et maris. Quarta, elementorum (quae vocant) flammae sive ignis, aeris, aquae, et terrae. Elementa autem eo sensu accipi volumus, ut intelligan- tur non pro primordiis rerum sed pro corporum natu- ralium massis majoribus. Ita enim natura rerum di- stribuitur, ut sit quorundam corporum quantitas sive massa in universo perquam magna, quia scilicet ad schematismum eorum requiritur textura materiae facilis et obvia ; qualia sunt ea quatuor (quae diximus) cor- pora ; at quorundam aliorum corporum sit quantitas in universo parva et parce suppeditata, propter texturam materiae valde dissimilarem et subtilem et in plurimis determinatam et organicam ; qualia sunt species rerum naturalium, metalla, plantae, animalia. Quare prius genus corporum Collegia Major a, posterius Collegia Minora appellare consuevimus. At Collegiorum isto- rum Majorum est pars historiae quarta, sub ^nomine elementorum, ut diximus. Neque vero confunditur pars quarta cum secunda aut tertia in hoc, quod in singulis mentionem aeris, aquae, terrae fecimus. In secunda enim et tertia recipitur historia eorum, tan- quam mundi partium integralium, et quatenus perti- nent ad fabricam et configurationem universi ; at in quarta continetur historia substantiae et naturae ipso- rum, quae in singulis eorum partibus similaribus viget, nee ad totum refertur. Quinta denique pars historiie Collegia Minora sive Species continet ; circa quas hi- storia naturalis hactenus praecipue occupata est.
Historiam vero Praetergenerationum quod attinet, jamdudum a nobis dictum est quod ilia cum historia ge-
52 PARASCEVE AD HISTORIAM
nerationum commodissime conjungi possit ; ea scilicet quae sit prodigiosa tantum et naturalis. Nam supersti- tiosam miraculorum historian! (cujuscunque sit gene- ris) omnino relegamus in tractatum proprium ; neque ipsum jam inde a principio suscipiendum, sed paulo post, quando altius in nature inquisitionem penetra- tum fuerit.
At Historiam Artium et naturae ab homine versae et immutato, sive Historiam Experimentalem, triplicem constituimus. Ant enim deprompta est ex artibus me- chanicis ; aut ex operativa parte scientiarum liberali- um ; aut ex practices compluribus et experimentis quae in artem propriam non coaluerunt, immo quae quando- que ex vulgatissima experientia occurrunt nee artem omnino desiderant. Quamobrem si ex his omnibus quae diximus, Generationibus, Praetergenerationibus, Artibus et Experimentis, confecta fuerit historia, nihil praetermissum videtur per quod sensus ad informandum intellectum instrui possit. Neque igitur amplius intra circulos* parvus (veluti incantati) subsultabimus, sed mundi pomoeria circuitione aequabimus.
Inter partes eas quas diximus historiae, maximi usus est historia artium ; propterea quod ostendat res in motu, et magis recta ducat ad praxin. Quinetiam tol- lit larvam et velum a rebus naturalibus, qua3 plerunque sub varietate figurarum et apparentiae externae occul- tantur aut obscurantur. Denique vexationes artis sunt certe tanquam vincula et manicae Protei, quae ultimos materiae nixus et conatus produnt. Corpora enim per- di aut annihilari nolunt ; sed potius in varias formas se mutant. Itaque circa banc historiam, licet mechani-
NATURALEM ET EXPERIMENTALEM. 53
cam (ut videri possit) et minus liberalem, (missa arro- gantia et fastu) summa est adliibenda diligentia.
Rursus, inter artes prefer untur eae quae corpora na- turalia et rerum materialia exhibent, alterant, et praepa- rant ; ut agricultura ; coquinaria ; chymica ; tinctoria ; opificia vitri, esmaltae, sacchari, pulveris pyrii, ignium artificialium, papyri, et hujusmodi. Jejuniqris autem sunt usus quae praecipue consistunt in motu subtili manuum et instrumentorum ; quales sunt textoria ; fabrilis ; architectura ; opificia molendinorum, horolo- giorum, cum similibus ; licet et istae nullo modo negli- gendae sint ; turn quia in illis occurrunt multa quae ad corporum naturalium alterationes spectant, turn quia accurate informant de motu lationis, quae res est magni prorsus ad plurima momenti.
Verum in congerie universa istius Artium Historiae, illud omnino monendum est et penitus memoriae man- dandum ; recipienda esse experimenta artium non so- lum ea quae ducunt ad finem artis, sed etiam quae ullo moclo interveniunt. Exempli gratia, quod locustae aut cancri cocti, cum prius colorem luti referrent, rubes- cant, nihil ad mensam ; sed haec ipsa instantia tamen non mala est ad inquirendam naturam rubedinis, cum idem eveniat etiam in lateribus coctis. Similiter, quod carnes minori mora saliantur liyeme quam a^state, non eo tantum spectat ut coquus cibos bene et quantum sufficit condiat ; sed etiam instantia bona est ad indi- candam naturam et impressionem frigoris. Quainob- rem toto (quod aiunt) coelo erraverit, qui intentioni nostra) satisfieri existimaverit si artium experimenta colligantur, hujus rei solum gratia ut hoc modo artes singulae melius perficiantur. Licet enim et hoc non prorsus contemnamus in multis, tamen ea plane est
54 PARASCEVE AD HISTORIAM
mens nostra ut omnium experimentoruin mechanico- rum rivuli in philosophias pelagus undequaque fluant. Delectus autem instantiarum in unoquoque genere emi- nentiorum (quas maxime et diligentissime conquirere oportet et quasi venari) ex praerogativis instantiarum petendus est.
VI.
Resumendum etiam est hoc loco quod in aphorismis 99, 119, 120, libri primi fusius tractavimus, hie vero praecepti more breviter imperare sufBciat ; hoc est, ut recipiantur in hanc historian!, primo res vulgatissimae, quales quis supervacuum putaret scripto inserere, quia tarn familiariter notae sunt ; dein res viles, illiberales, turpes (omnia enim munda mundis, et si lucrum ex lotio boni odoris sit multo magis lumen et informatio ex re qualibet) ; etiam res leves et pueriles (nee mirum, repnerascendum enim plane est) ; postremo, res quae nimiae cujusdam subtilitatis esse videntur, quod in se nullius sint usus. Neque enim (ut jam dictum est) quae in hac historia proponentur propter se congesta sunt ; itaque neque dignitatem eorum ex se metiri par est, sed quatenus ad alia transferri possint, et influant in philosophiam.
VII.
Illud insuper praecipimus, ut omnia in naturalibus tarn corporibus quam virtutibus (quantum fieri potest) numerata, appensa, dimensa, determinata proponantur. Opera enim meditamur, non speculationes. Physica autem et mathematica bene commistaB generant prac- ticam. Quamobrem exactae restitutiones et distantiae planetarum, in historia caelestium ; terrae ambitus et quantum occupet in superficie respectu aquarum, in historia terrae et maris ; quantam compressionem aer
NATURALEM ET EXPERIMENTALEM. 55
patiatur absque forti antitypia, in historia aeris ; quan- tum in metallis alterum alteri praapondcret, in historia metallorum ; et innumera id genus perquirenda et per- scribenda sunt. Cum vero exactae proportiones haberi non possint, turn certe ad aestimativas aut comparativas indefinitas confugiendum est. Veluti (si forte calculis astronomorum de distantiis diffidimus) quod luna sit infra umbram terrae ; quod Mereurius sit supra lunam ; et hujusmodi. Etiam cum mediae proportiones haberi non possint, proponantur extremae : veluti, quod lan- guidior magnes attollat ferrum ad tale pondus, respectu ponderis ipsius lapidis ; et quod maxime virtuosos etiam ad rationem sexagecuplam ; quod nos in armato mag- nete admodum parvo fieri vidimus. Atque satis sci- mus istas instantias determinates non facile aut saepe occurrere, sed in ipso interpretationis curriculo, tan- quam auxiliares, (quando res maxime postulat) debere exquiri. Veruntajnien si forte occurrant, modo non progressum conficiendae naturalis historiae nimis remo- rentur, etiam in ipsam eas inserere oportet.
VIII.
Fidem vero eorum quae in historia sunt recipienda quod attinet ; necesse est ut ilia sint aut fidei certae, aut fidei dubiae, aut fidei damnatae. Atque prius genus simpliciter est proponendum. Secundum cum nota ; viz. per verbum traditur, aut referunt, aut audivi ex fide-digno, et hujusmodi. Nam argumenta fidei in alterutram partem nimis operosum foret adscribere, et proculdubio scribentem nimis remorabitur. Neque multum etiam refert ad id quod agitur ; quoniam (ut in aphorismo 118. lib. 1. diximus) falsitatem experi- mentorum, nisi ea ubique scateant, Veritas axiomatum
56 PARASCEVE AD HISTOHIAM
paulo post convmcet. Attamen si instantia fuerit no- bilior, aut usu ipso aut quia alia multa ex ilia penclere possint, turn certe nominandus est author ; neque id nude tantum, sed cum mentione aliqua, utrum ille ex relatione aut exscriptione (qualia sunt fere quae scribit C. Plinius) aut potius ex scientia propria ilia affirma- verit ; atque etiam utrum fuerit res sui temporis an ve- tustior ; insuper, utrum sit tale quippiam cujus necesse foret ut multi essent testes si verum foret ; denique, utrum author ille fuerit vaniloquus et levis an sobrius et severus ; et similia, quae faeiunt ad pondus fidei. Postremo res damnatae fidei et tamen jactatas et cele- bratas, quales, partim neglectu partim propter usum similitudinum, per multa jam ssecula invaluerunt, (ve- luti quod adamas liget magnetem, allium enervet, elec- trum omnia trahat praeter oeymum, et alia multa hu- jusmodi,) oportebit non silentio rejicere, sed verbis expressis proscribere, ne ilia amplius scientiis moles ta sint.
Praeterea non abs re fuerit, si forte origo vanitatis aut credulitatis alicujus occurrat, illam notare ; veluti quod herbae satyrio attributa sit vis ad excitandam ve- nerem, quia radix scilicet in figuram testiculorum effor- mata sit ; cum revera hoc ftkt quia adnascitur annis singulis nova radix bulbosa, adhaerente radice anni pri- ons ; unde didymi illi. Manifestum autem hoc est, quod nova radix semper inveniatur solida et succulenta, vetus emarcida et spongiosa. Quare nil mirum si al- tera mergatur in aqua, altera natet ; quod tamen pro re mira habetur, et reliquis ejus herbaj virtutibus authori- tatem addidit.
IX.
Supersunt additamenta qua3dam historiae naturalis
NATURALEM ET EXPERIMENT ALEM. 57
utilia, quaeque earn magis commode inflectere et aptare possint ad opus Interprets quod succedit. Ilia quinque sunt.
Primum, quaestiones (non causarum clico sed facti) adjiciendae sunt, ut inquisitionem ulteriorem provocent et sollicitent ; ut in historia terrae et maris, utrum Mare Caspium fluat et refluat, et quali horarum spa- tio ; utrum sit aliqua continens Australis, an potius insulae ; et similia.
Secundo, in experimento aliquo novo et subtiliore addendus est modus ipse experiments qui adhibitus est ; ut liberum sit hominum judicium, utrum informatio per experimentum illud sit fidum aut fallax, atque etiam excitetur hominum industria ad exquirendos modos (si fieri possit) magis accuratos.
Tertio, si quid subsit in aliqua narratione dubii vel scrupuli, id supprimi aut reticeri omnino nolumus ; sed plane et perspicue ascribi, notae aut moniti loco. Cupi- mus enim historiam primam, veluti facto sacramento de veritate ejus in singulis, religiosissime conscribi ; cum sit volumen operum Dei, et (quantum inter majesta- tem divinorum et humilitatem terrenorum collationem facere liceat) tanquam scriptura altera.
Quarto, non abs re fuerit observationes quandoque aspergere (id quod C. Plinius fecit) ; veluti in historia terrae et maris, quod terrarum figura (quatenus adhuc cognita est) respectu marium sit ad austrum angusta et veluti acuminata, ad septentriones lata et ampla ; ma- rium contra ; et quod oceani magni intersecent terras alveis exporrectis inter austrum et septentriones, non inter orientem et occidentem ; nisi forte in extremis regionibus polaribus. Etiam canones (qui nil aliud sunt qnam observationes generales et catholicae) optime
58 PARASCEVE AD HISTORIAM
ascribuntur ; veluti in liistoria coelestium, quod Venus nunquam distet a sole plus partibus 46, Mercurius 23 ; et quod planetae qui supra solem locantur tardissime moveant, cum longissime a terra absint ; planetae infra solem celerrime. Aliud insuper observations genus adhibendum, quod nondum in usum venit, licet sit haud exigui momenti. Illud tale est : nempe, ut sub- jungantur iis quae sunt, ea quae non sunt. Veluti in historia coelestium, quod non inveniatur stella oblonga vel triangularis ; sed quod omnis stella sit globosa ; vel globosa simpliciter, ut luna, vel ad aspectum angulata sed in medio globosa, ut reliquae stellae, vel ad aspectum comata et in medio globosa, ut sol ; aut quod stellae nullo prorsus spargantur ordine ; ut non inveniatur vel quincunx vel quadrangulum, nee alia figura perfecta (utcunque imponantur nomina deltae, coronae, crucis, quadrigarum, etc.) ; vix etiam linea recta, nisi forte in cingulo et pugione Orionis.
Quinto, juvabit fortasse nonnihil quaerentem, quod credentem prorsus pervertat et perdat : viz. ut opini- ones quae nunc receptae sunt, cum earum varietate et sectis, brevi verborum complexu et tanquam in tran- situ recenseantur ; ut intellectum vellicent, et nihil amplius.
x.
Atque haec sufficient, quatenus ad praecepta genera- lia ; quae si diligenter observentur, et finem recta petet hoc opus historiae, nee excrescet supra modum. Quod si etiam prout circumscribitur et limitatur vastum opus alicui pusillanimo videri possit, is in bibliothecas oculos convertat ; et inter alia, corpora juris civilis aut juris canonici ex una parte spectet, et commentarios doctorum et jurisconsultorum ex altera ; et videat quid
NATURALEM ET EXPERIMENT ALEM. 59
intersit quoad molem et volumina. Nobis enim (qui, tanquam scribae fideles, leges ipsas naturae et nil aliud excipimus et conscribimus) brevitas competit, et fere ab ipsis rebus imponitur. Opinion am autem et placi- torum et speculationum non est numerus neque finis.
Quod vero in Distributione Operis nostri mention em fecimus Cardinalium Virtutum in natura, et quod etiam harum historia, antequam ad opus Interpretationis ven- tum fuerit, perscribenda esset ; hujus rei minime obliti sumus, sed earn nobis ipsis reservavimus ; cum de ali- orum industria in hac re, priusquam homines cum natura paulo arctius consuescere incoeperint, prolixe spondere non audeamus. Nunc itaque ad delineatio- nem Historiarum Partieularium veniendum.
Verum, prout nunc negotiis distringimur, non ulte- rius suppetit otium quam ut Catalogum tan turn Histo- riarum Partieularium secundum capita subjungamus. Enimvero cum primum huic rei vacare possimus, con- silium est in singulis veluti interrogando docere, qualia sint circa unamquamque historiarum illarum potissi- mum inquirenda et conscribenda, tanquam ea quae ad finem nostrum faciunt, instar Topicorum quorundam partieularium ; vel potius ut (sumpto exemplo a causis civilibus) in hac Vindications Magna sive Processu, a favore et providentia divina concesso et instituto (per quern genus humanum jus suum in naturam recuperare contendit), naturam ipsam et artes super articulos examinemus.
CATALOGUE
HISTORIARUM PARTIC UL ARIUM,
SECUNDUM CAPITA.
1. Historia Coelestium ; sive Astronomica.
2. Historia Configurationis Coeli et partium ejus ver-
sus Terram et partes ejus : sive Cosmographica.
3. Historia Cometarum.
4. Historia Meteororum Ignitorum.
5. Historia Fulgurum, Fulminum, Tonitruum, et
Coruscationum.
6. Historia Ventorum, et Flatuum Repentinorum,
et Undulationum Aeris.
7. Historia Iridum.
8. Historia Nubium, prout superne conspiciuntur.
9. Historia Expansionis Coeruleas, Crepusculi, plu-
rium Solium, plurium Lunarum, Halonum, Colo- rum variorum Solis et Luna3 ; atque omnis varie- tatis Coelestium ad aspectum, quae fit ratione medii. 10. Historia Pluviarum Ordinariaruin, Procellosarum, et Prodigiosarum ; etiam Cataractaruni (quas vo- cant) Coeli ; et similium.
62 CATALOGUS HISTORIARUM PARTICULARIUM,
11. Historia Grandinis, Nivis, Gelu, PruinaB, Nebulae,
Roris, et similium.
12. Historia omnium aliorum Cadentium sive De-
scendentium ex alto, et superne generatorum.
13. Historia Sonituum in alto (si modo sint aliqui)
praeter Tonitrua.
14. Historia Aeris in Toto, sive in Configuratione
Mundi.
15. Historia Tempestatum sive Temperamentorum An-
ni, tarn secundum variationes Regionum, quam secundum accidentia Temporum et periodos An- norum; Diluviorum, Fervorum, Siccitatum, et similium.
16. Historia Terrae et Maris ; Figurae et Ambitus
ipsorum et Configurationis ipsorum inter se, at- que Exporrectionis ipsorum in latum aut angus- tum ; Insularum Terrae in Mari, Sinuum Maris, et Lacuum salsorum in Terra, Isthmorum, Pro- montoriorum.
17. Historia Motuum (si qui sint) globi Terrae et
Maris ; et ex quibus Experiments illi colligi possint.
18. Historia Motuum majorum et Perturbationum in
Terra et Mari ; nempe Terrae Motuum et Tre- morum et Hiatuum, Insularum de novo enas- centium, Insularum fluctuantium, Abruptionum Terrarum per ingressum Maris, Invasionum et Illuvionum, et contra Desertionum Maris ; Erup- tionum Ignium e Terra, Eruptionum subitanea- rum Aquarum e Terra, et similium.
19. Historia Geograpliica Naturalis, Montium, Val-
lium, Sylvarum, Planitierum, Arenarum, Palu- dum, Lacuum, Fluviorum, Torrentium, Fon- tium, et omnis diversitatis scaturiginis ipsorum,
SECUNDUM CAPITA. 63
et similium ; missis Gentibus, Provinciis, Urbi- bus, et hujusmodi Civilibus.
20. Historia Fluxuum et Refluxuum Maris, Euripo-
rum, Undulationum et Motuum Maris aliorum.
21. Historia cseterorum Accidentium Maris ; Sal-
suginis ejus, Colorum diversorum, Profunditatis : et Rupium, Montium, et Vallium submarinorum, et similium.
Sequuntur Historice Massarum Majorum.
22. Historia Flaming, et Ignitorum.
23. Historia Aeris, in Substantia, non in Configura-
tione.
24. Historia Aquse, in Substantia, non in Configura-
tione.
25. Historia Terrse et diversitatis ejus, in Substan-
tia, non in Configuratione.
Sequuntur Historice Specierurn.
26. Historia Metallorum perfectorum, Auri, Argenti;
et Minerarum, Venarum, Marcasitarum eorun- dem : Operaria quoque in Mineris ipsorum.
27. Historia Argenti Vivi.
28. Historia Fossilium ; veluti Vitrioli, et Sulphuris,
etc.
29. Historia Gemmarum ; veluti Adamantis, Rubini,
etc.
30. Historia Lapidum ; ut Marmoris, Lapidis Lydii,
Silicis, etc.
31. Historia Magnetis.
32. Historia Corporum Miscellaneorum, qua? nee sunt
Fossilia prorsus, nee Vegetabilia ; ut Solium, Succini, Ambrsegrisese, etc.
64 CATALOGUS HISTORIARUM PARTICULARIUM,
33. Historia Chymica circa Metalla et Mineralia.
34. Historia Plantarum, Arborum, Fruticum, Herba-
rum : et Partium eorum, Radicum, Caulium, Ligni, Foliorum, Florum, Fructuum, Seminum, Lachrymarum, etc.
35. Historia Chymica circa Vegetabilia.
36. Historia Piscium, et Partium ac Generationis ip-
sorum.
37. Historia Volatilium, et Partium ac Generationis
ipsorum.
38. Historia Quadrupedum, et Partium ac Generati-
onis ipsorum.
39. Historia Serpentum, Vermium, Muscarum, et cae-
terorum Insectorum ; et Partium ac Generati- onis ipsorum.
40. Historia Chymica circa ea quas sumuntur ab Ani-
malibus.
Sequuntur Historice Hominis.
41. Historia Figurse et Membrorum externorum Ho-
minis, Staturas, Compagis, Vultus, et Lineamen- torum ; eorumque varietatis secundum Gentes et Climata, aut alias minores differentias.
42. Historia Physiognomica super ipsa.
43. Historia Anatomica, sive Membrorum internorum
hominis ; et varietatis ipsorum, quatenus inve- nitur in ipsa naturali compage et structura, et non tantum quoad morbos et accidentia proeter- naturalia.
44. Historia partium similarium Hominis ; ut Carnis,
Ossium, Membranarum, etc.
45. Historia Humorum in Homine ; Sanguinis, Bilis,
Spermatis, etc.
SECUNDUM CAPITA. 65
46. Historia Excrementorum ; Sputi, Urinarum, Su-
dorum, Sedimentorum, Capillorum, Pilorum, Rediviarum, Unguium, et similium.
47. Historia Facultatum ; Attractionis, Digestionis,
Retentionis, Expulsionis, Sanguificationis, As- similationis alimentorum in membra, Versionis Sanguinis et Floris ejus in Spiritum, etc.
48. Historia Motuum Naturalium et Involuntario-
rum ; ut Motus Cordis, Motus Pulsuum, Ster- nutationis, Motus Pulmonum, Motus Erectionis Virgae, etc.
49. Historia Motuum mixtorum ex naturalibus et vo-
luntariis ; veluti Respirationis, Tussis, Urinatio- nis, Sedis, etc.
50. Historia Motuum Voluntariorum ; ut Instrumen-
torum ad voces articulatas ; ut Motuum Oculo- rum, Linguae, Faucium, Manuum, Digitorum ; Deglutitionis, etc.
51. Historia Somni et Insomniorum.
52. Historia diversorum Habituum Corporis ; Pin-
guis, Macilenti; Complexionum (quas vocant), etc.
53. Historia Generationis Hominum.
54. Historia Conceptionis, Vivificationis, Gestationis
in Utero, Partus, etc.
55. Historia Alimentationis Hominis, atque omnis
Edulii et Potabilis, atque omnis Dia3ta) ; et Va- rietatis ipsorum secundum gentes aut minores differentias.
56. Historia Augmentationis et Incrementi Corporis
in toto et partibus ipsius.
57. Historia Decursus iEtatis ; Infantia3, Pueritiae,
Juventutis, Senectutis, Longievitatis, Brevitatis
VOL. II. 5
66 CATALOGUS HISTORIARUM PARTICULARIUM,
Vitae, et similium, secundum gentes et minores differentias.
58. Historia Vitae et Mortis.
59. Historia Medicinalis Morborum, et Symptomatum
et Signorum eorundem.
60. Historia Medicinalis Curae et Remediorum et Li-
berationum a Morbis.
61. Historia Medicinalis eorum quae conservant Cor-
pus et Sanitatem.
62. Historia Medicinalis eorum quae pertinent ad
Formam et Decus Corporis, etc.
63. Historia Medicinalis eorum quae corpus alterant,
et pertinent ad Regimen Alterativum.
64. Historia Pharmaco-polaris.
65. Historia Clrirurgica.
66. Historia Chymica circa Medicinas.
67. Historia Visus et Visibilium, sive Optica.
68. Historia Picturae, Sculptoria, Plastica, etc.
69. Historia Auditus et Sonorum.
70. Historia Musica.
71. Historia Olfactus, et Odorum.
72. Historia Gustus, et Saporum.
73. Historia Tactus, et ejus Objectorum.
74. Historia Veneris, ut speciei Tactus.
75. Historia Dolorum corporeorum, ut speciei Tac-
tus.
76. Historia Voluptatis et Doloris in genere.
77. Historia Affectuum ; ut Irae, Amoris, Verecundiae,
etc.
78. Historia Facultatum Intellectualium ; Cogitativae,
Phantasiae, Discursus, Memoriae, etc.
79. Historia Divinationum Naturalium.
SECUNDUM CAPITA. 67
80. Historia Dignotionum, sive Diacrisium occulta- rum Naturalium.
81. Historia Coquinaria, et artium subservientium,
veluti Macellaria, Aviaria, etc.
82. Historia Pistoria et Panificiorum, et artium sub-
servientium, ut Molendinaria, etc.
83. Historia Vinaria.
84. Historia Cellaria, et diversorum generum Potus.
85. Historia Bellariorum et Confecturarum.
86. Historia Mellis.
87. Historia Sacchari.
88. Historia Lacticiniorum.
89. Historia Balneatoria, et Unguentaria.
90. Historia Miscellanea circa curam corporis^; Ton-
sorum, Odorariorum, etc.
91. Historia Auri-fabrilis, et artium subservientium.
92. Historia Lanificiorum, et artium subservientium.
93. Historia Opificiorum e Serico et Bombyce, et ar-
tium subservientium.
94. Historia Opificiorum ex Lino, Cannabio, Gos-
sipio, Setis, et aliis Filaceis ; et artium subser- vientium.
95. Historia Plumificiorum.
96. Historia Textoria, et artium subservientium.
97. Historia Tinctoria.
98. Historia Coriaria, Alutaria, et artium subservien-
tium.
99. Historia Culcitraria et Plumaria.
100. Historia Ferri-Fabrilis.
101. Historia Latomise1 sive Lapicidarum.
102. Historia Lateraria, et Tegularia.
1 So in the original.
68 CATALOGUS HISTORIARUM PARTICULARIUM,
103. Historia Figularis.
104. Historia CaBmentaria, et Crustaria.
105. Historia Ligni-Fabrilis.
106. Historia Plumbaria.
107. Historia Vitri et omnium Vitreorum et Vitria-
ria.
108. Historia Architecturae in genere.
109. Historia Plaustraria, Rhedaria, Lecticaria, etc.
110. Historia Typographica, Libraria, Scriptoria, Si-
gillatoria ; Atramenti, Calami, Papyri, Mem- branae, etc.
111. Historia Cerae.
112. Historia Viminaria.
113. Historia Storearia, et Opificiorum ex Stramine,
Scirpis, et similibus.
114. Historia Lotricaria, Scoparia, etc.
115. Historia Agriculture, Pascuariae, Cultus Sylva-
rum, etc.
116. Historia Hortulana.
117. Historia Piscatoria.
118. Historia Venationis et Aucupii.
119. Historia Rei Bellicae, et artium subservientium ;
ut Armamentaria, Arcuaria, Sagittaria, Sclope- taria, Tormentaria, Balistaria, Machinaria, etc.
120. Historia Rei Nauticae, et Practicarum et artium
subservientium.
121. Historia Athletica, et omnis generis Exercitatio-
num Hominis.
122. Historia Rei Equestris.
123. Historia Ludorum omnis generis.
124. Historia Praestigiatorum et Circulatorum.
125. Historia Miscellanea diversarum Materiarum Ar-
SECUNDUM CAPITA. 69
tificialium ; ut Esmaltae, Porcellanae, complu- rium, Caementorum, etc.
126. Historia Salium.
127. Historia Miscellanea diversarum Machinarum, et
Motuum.
128. Historia Miscellanea Experimentorum Vulgari-
um, quae non coaluerunt in Artem.
Etiam Mathematicarum purarum Historice conscribendce sunt, licet sint potius observationes quam experimental
129. Historia naturarum et potestatum Numerorum.
130. Historia naturarum et potestatum Figurarum.
Non abs re fuerit admonere quod, cum necesse sit multa ex experimentis sub duobus titulis vel pluribus cadere (veluti Historia Plantarum, et Historia Artis Hortulanae multa habebunt fere communia), commo- dior sit Inquisitio per Artes, Dispositio vero per Cor- pora. Parum enim nobis curae est de artibus ipsis mechanicis, sed tantum de iis quae afferunt ad instruendam Philosophiam. Ve- rura haec e re nata .me- lius regentur.
FINIS
DE
AUGMENTIS SCIENT1ARUM,
PREFACE
In a letter dated June 80, 1622, Bacon speaks of the De Augmentis Scientiarum as a work already in the hands of translators, and likely to be finished by the end of the summer. " Librum meum de progressu Scientiarum traducendum commisi. Ilia translatio, volente Deo, sub finem sestatis perficietur." l There- fore, though it was not published till the autumn of 1623, it may be considered as coming, in order of com- position, next among the Philosophical works to the Novum Organum and Parasceve.
It was intended to serve for the first part of the In- stauratio Magna, according to the plan laid out in the Distributio Operis, — the part which is there entitled Partitioned Scientiarum, and described as exhibiting a complete survey of the world of human knowledge as it then was, — " Scientiae ejus sive doctrinae in cujus possessione humanum genus hactenus versatur sum- mam sive descriptionem universalem." The relation which it bears to the rest of the work is best explained in the dedicatory letter prefixed to the Dialogue of a Holy War. " And again, for that my book of Ad- vancement of Learning may be some preparative or key for the better opening of the Instauration, because it
1 Letter to Father Redempt. Baranzan.
74 PREFACE TO
exhibits a mixture of new conceits and old, whereas the Instauration gives the new unmixed, otherwise than with some aspersion of the old for taste's sake, I have thought good to procure a translation of that book into the general language, not without great and ample additions and enrichment thereof, especially in the second book, which handleth the partition of sciences ; in such sort as I hold it * may serve in lieu of the first part of the Instauration, and acquit my promise in that part."
But why, when Bacon determined to fit this work for that part, did he not give it the proper title? Curious as he always was in the choice of names, why not call it " Partitioned Scientiarum," which describes the proper business of the first part of the Instauratio, instead of " De dignitate et augmentis Scientiarum," which passes it by?
The answer, I think, is that he felt it would be inap- propriate. The form in which the De Augmentis was cast retained so strong an impress of the original design out of which it grew, — a design truly and exactly de- scribed in the title, and having no immediate reference to the ultimate plan of the Instauratio, — that another title referring to another design would have been man- ifestly unfit. When he wrote the Advancement of Learning, he was already engaged upon a work con- cerning the Interpretation of Nature, which (to judge from the fragments and sketches that remain) was meant to begin at once where the Novum Organum
1 That is, the second book; as appears more clearly from the Latin ver- sion of this letter, which was written later. " Idque ita cumulate praestiti ut judicem libitum ilium jam in plures divisum, pro prima Instaurationis parte haberi posse, quam Partitionum Scientiarum nomine antea insignivi."
DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM. 75
begins, without any preliminary review of the existing condition of knowledge ; a work corresponding to that which in the foregoing extract he calls "the Instau- ration," as distinguished from the Advancement of Learning, which was to serve as " a preparative or key" to it; and the writing of a book which should exhibit a complete and particular survey of the state of knowledge then extant in the world was, I suspect, a by-thought suggested by a particular accident.
However Bacon may have underrated the difficulties of the reform which he proposed, he was well aware that it could not be carried into effect by a private man. A private man might suggest the course, and produce a specimen ; but the execution of the work on a scale of adequate magnitude required the means and influence of a King or a Pope. Now it happened, by a very singular accident, that while he was engaged in considering and maturing his plan there succeeded to the throne of England a man whose tastes and previous training qualified him more than most other men to take an earnest, active, and intelligent interest in it. James the First was a man of peace by principle and inclination, of solid, various, and extensive learning, and of great intellectual activity. It is difficult even now to say why he might not have proved, in the prov- ince of letters, a great governor. At that time, when his faults were not yet known, he must have appeared like the very man for such an office. To Bacon it would naturally seem an object of the first importance to engage him, if possible, as a patron of the new phi- losophy ; and, as men's minds are most impressible in times of transition, he would wish to lose no time in attempting to give his ambition a turn in that direction,
76 PREFACE TO
while his fortune was fresh, his course unsettled, his imagination excited and open to great ideas. For this purpose, however, the work on the Interpretation of Nature was not forward enough to be available, nor very fit perhaps in itself, had it been more forward than it was. The idea was too new, the scheme too vast, the end too remote, to engage the serious attention of a king nearly forty years old, who had been bred in the ancient learning and attained a proficiency in it of which he was proud. " Restat unica salus ac sanitas ut opus mentis universum de integro resumatur " was an avowal which might well startle him. Not so a work representing the state of human science as it was, and the means of perfecting and extending it in many new directions. This lay in James's own prov- ince ; of the review of what had been already done few men of his time were better qualified to judge; few perhaps were more likely to be attracted and ex- cited by the prospect of doing more. Now Bacon's own travels in search of the light he had been looking for had carried him over the whole surface of the in- tellectual globe ; and he was therefore well qualified to report upon the condition of it, — to declare how far and in what directions the dominion of knowledge had been already advanced, what regions were still unex- plored and unsubdued, and what measures might best be taken to bring them into subjection. Such a repre- sentation was likely enough to make an impression on a mind constituted and trained like that of James the First. Possibly it might even rouse him to take up the extension of knowledge as a royal business ; in which case the new philosophy would have started with advantages not otherwise to be hoped for.
DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM. 77
This work therefore Bacon seems to have set about at once. There is reason to believe that the first book of the Advancement of Learning, which treats of the excellence and dignity of knowledge as a pursuit for kings and statesmen, was written in 1603, immediately after James's accession ; and the second, which treats of the deficiencies remaining and the supplies required, in 1605 ; the intervening year of 1604 having been too much occupied with civil business to allow much leisure for the prosecution of a work of that kind. It was important to push it forward as fast as possible, even at the expense of completeness : for the very ob- ject for which I suppose it to have been undertaken, — that of making an impression on the king's mind while it was in the best state to receive impressions, — would have been lost by delay ; and accordingly in the autumn of 1605 appeared " the Twoo Bookes of Francis Bacon, of the proficience and advancement of Learn- ing, divine and humane ; " with many marks of haste in form and composition, and even in substance not al- together adequate to the argument in hand, but never- theless well enough adapted for its immediate purpose, if I have rightly conjectured what that purpose was.
If this be the true history of the Advancement of Learning, the rest follows naturally. The stroke, though well aimed, was not successful. The book may have raised James's opinion of Bacon, but it did not inspire him with any zeal for the Great Instaura- tion. There it was, however ; and it contained such a quantity of the best fruits of Bacon's mind and so many new views bearing on the great reform which lie meditated, that it seemed a pity not to find a place for it in the great work. This was easily done by enlarging
78 PREFACE TO
the original design so as to include a preliminary sur- vey of the existing state of knowledge ; in which case the substance of the second book of the Advancement might do duty as the first part of the Instauratio Mag- na. If we knew when the fragment entitled Partis Instaurationis Secundce DeUneatio was written, we might almost fix the time at which this enlargement of the original design was resolved upon. For in that frag- ment Bacon proposes to distribute the whole subject of the Interpretation of Nature through the second, third, fourth, fifth, and sixth parts of the work, exactly as in the Distributio Operis ; a place being reserved for a first part, though the nature of its contents is not speci- fied. And from the Descriptio Grlobi Intellectualis, which was written in 1612 and appears, as I have else- where remarked, to be a commencement of the Parti- tiones Scientiarum itself, we may partly infer the form in which he then intended to cast that part.
Why he afterwards altered his intention and re- solved to content himself with a mere translation of the two books of the Advancement with additions, it is not difficult to conjecture, if we take into account the circumstances of his life. When the Novum Or- ganurn was published in October 1620, the king had just resolved to call a new Parliament after six years' intermission, and questions of vital interest both at home and abroad hung upon the issue of it. The necessary preparations for the session, Bacon's own impeachment which almost immediately followed, a severe illness consequent upon that, his condemnation and imprisonment, negotiations with importunate cred- itors, and the composition of the History of Henry the Seventh, which was finished in October 1621, must
DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM. 79
have given him occupation enough during the next twelve months. Then came the question, how he was to proceed with the Instauratio, so as to make the most of such time and means as remained. Sixty-two years old, with health greatly impaired, an income scarcely sufficient to live upon, and an establishment of servants much reduced, he could not afford to waste labour upon things not essential. The Novum Organum was not half finished. The Natural History was not even begun, and no fellow-labourer had yet come forward to help in it.1 It was only in the completion of the first of the six parts that he could hope for material assist- ance from others. Even this, if he had attempted to recast it in the form which I suppose him to have de- signed, — the form indicated in the Descriptio Grlobi In- tellectualis, — he could hardly have executed by deputy; whereas a translation of the Advancement of Learning might be so executed, and would need only corrections and additions to make it a complete survey of the in- tellectual globe, adequate in substance to its place, though not symmetrical in form. , Accordingly, " by help of some good pens which did not forsake him," he proceeded at once to put this in train, and then turned his own attention to the Natural History, which he considered as " basis totius negotii"
Concerning the causes which delayed the publication of the De Augmentis a twelvemonth beyond the ex- pected time, I have no information. But it is probable that the additions which suggested themselves as he proceeded were far larger than he had anticipated ;
1 " Neque huic rei deero quantum in me est. Utinam habeam et adjii- tores idoneos." —Letter to Father Rcdempt. Baranzan, 30 June, 1622.
80 PREFACE TO
being indeed in the second book as much again as the original, and more. The measures which he took how- ever were in this instance quite successful ; and by sac- rificing a little symmetry of form, he succeeded in effectually preserving the substance of this first part of his great work.1
Tenison mentions " Mr. Herbert" — that is, George Herbert, the poet — as one of the translators employed. But we have it upon Rawley's authority that Bacon took a great deal of pains with it himself (proprio marte plurimum desudavit) — so that we must con- sider the whole translation as stamped with his author- ity. Many years before he had asked Dr. Playfer to do it ; who (according to Tenison) sent him a speci- men, but " of such superfine Latinity, that the Lord Bacon did not encourage him to labour further in that work, in the penning of which he desired not so much neat and polite, as clear masculine and apt expression." 2 And it is not improbable that some such difficulty may have occurred. But Playfer's failure may be suffi- ciently accounted fpr by the state of his health. A memorandum in the Oommentarius Solutus dated 26 July, 1608 — " Proceeding with the translation of my book of Advancement of Learning — hearkening to some other if Playfer should fail," — shows that at
1 The volume in which it originally appeared bore the following general titlepage : Optra Francisci Baronis de Verulamio, vice-comitis Sancti Albani, Tomus primus. Qui continet De Augmentis Scientiarum libros IX. Ad regem suum. Londini, in officina Joannis Haviland, MB C XX III. But this had reference to a collection (which he then meditated) of all his works, in Latin ; not to the order of the Instauratio, which was not in a condition to be published consecutively. See Epistola ad Fulgentium: Opuscula, p. 172.
2 Baconiana, p. 26.
DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM. 81
that time it was still in his hands ; and he died at the beginning of the next year.
I have only to add that all the notes to this work which bear no signature are Mr. Ellis's, except such parts of them as are inserted within brackets. These, as well as all notes signed J. S., are mine.
J. S.
VOL. II.
GULIELMUS EAWLEY
SACR.E THEOLOGIZE PROFESSOR,
ILLUSTRISSIMI DOMINI D. FRANCISCI BARONIS DE VERU- LAMIO, VICE-COMITIS SANCTI ALBANI, SACELLANUS,
LECTORI S.
Cum Domino meo placuerit eo me dignari honore, ut in edendis operibus suis opera mea usus sit; non abs re fore existimavi, si lectorem de aliquibus quae ad hunc primum tomum pertinent breviter moneam. Tractatum istum de Dignitate et Augmentis Scientia- rum ante annos octodecim edidit Dominatio sua lingua patria, in duos tantummodo libros distributum ; et Regiae suae Majestati dicavit quod et nunc facit. Non ita pridem animum adjecit ut in Latinam linguam verteretur. Inaudierat siquidem illud apud exteros expeti. Quinetiam solebat subinde dicere libros mo- dernis Unguis conscriptos non ita multo post decocturos. Ejus igitur translationem, ab insignioribus quibusdam eloquentia viris elaboratam, propria quoque recensione castigatam, jam emittit. Ac liber primus certe quasi mera translatio est, in paucis admodum mutatus : At reliqui octo, qui Partitiones Scientiarum tradunt, atque unico ante libro continebantur, ut novum opus, et nunc primum editum, prodit. Caussa autem pracipua qua? Dominationem suam movit ut opus hoc retractaret et in plurimis amplificaret, ea fuit ; quod in Instauratione
84
Magna (quam diu postea edidit) Partitioned Scientiar rum pro prima Instaurationis parte constituit ; quam sequeretur Novum Organum ; dein Historia Naturalis ; et sic deinceps. Cum igitur reperiret Partem earn de Partitionibus Scientiarum jam pridem elaboratam (licet minus solide quam argumenti dignitas postu- laret), optimum fore putavit si retractaretur, et redi- geretur in opus justum et completum. Atque hoc pacto fidem suam liberari intelligit de prima parte In- staurationis praestitam. Quantum ad opus ipsum, non est tenuitatis meae de eo aliquid prsefari. Praeconium ei quod optime conveniat existimo futurum illud, quod Demosthenes interdum dicere solebat de rebus gestis Atheniensium veterum ; Laudatorern Us dignurn esse solummodo Tempus. DeumOpt: Max: obnixe precor, ut pro dignitate operis fructus uberes diuturnique et auctori et lectori contingant.
FRANCISCI BARONIS DE VERULAMIO,
VICE-COMIT1S SANCTI ALBANI,
DE
DIGMTATE ET AUGIENTIS SCIEMAKUM
LIBRI IX.
AD REGEM SUUM
PARTITIONES SCIENTIARUM,
ET
ARGUMENTA SINGULORUM CAPITUM.
LIBER II.1
Caput i. r
Partitio Universalis Doctrinae Humanae, in Histo- riam, Poesim, Philosophiam ; secundum tres Facul- tates Intellectus, Memoriam, Phantasiam, Rationem ; quodque eadem partitio competat etiam Theologicis.
Cap. ii.
Partitio Historiae in Naturalern et Civilem ; JEcdesi- astica et Literaria sub Civili comprehensis. Partitio Historiae Naturalis, ex Subjecto suo, in Historiam Gfe- nerationum, Prceter-Grenerationum, et Artium.
Cap. hi.
Partitio Historiae Naturalis secunda, ex Usu et Fine suo, in Narrativam, et Inductivam : quodque Finis no- bilissimus Historiae Naturalis sit, ut ministret et in
1 The argument of the first book is not alluded to here, but may be suf- ficiently described as Be Dignitate Scientiarum. That book is to bo con- sidered as a kind of inaugural address. The business begins with the second. — J. S.
88 PARTITIONES SCIENTIARUM.
ordine sit ad condendam Philosophiam ; quern Finem intuetur Inductiva. Partitio Historiae Generationum in Historiam Coelestium, Historiam Meteororum, His- toriam Globi Terrce et Maris, Historiam Massarum sive Collegiorum Majorum, et Historiam Specierum, sive Collegiorum Minorum.
Cap. iv.
Partitio Historic Civilis in Ecclesiasticam, Litera- riam, et (quae generis nomen retinet) Civilem : quod- que Historia Literaria desideretur. Ejus conficiendae praecepta.
Cap. v.
De dignitate et difficultate Historiae Civilis.
Cap. vi.
Partitio prima Historiae Civilis (Specialis) in Merno- Has, Antiquitates, et Historiam Justam.
Cap. vii.
Partitio Historiae Justae, in Chronica Temporum, Vi- tas Personarum, et Helationes Actionum. Earum par- tium explicatio.
Cap. viii.
Partitio Historiae Temporum, in Historiam Univer- salem et Particularem. Utriusque commoda, et incom- moda.
Cap. ix.
Partitio secunda Historiae Temporum, in Annales et
Acta Diurna.
Cap. x.
Partitio secunda Historiae Civilis (Specialis), in Me- ram et Mixtam.
partitiones scientiarum. 89
Cap. xi.
Partitio Historic Ecclesiasticae, in Ecclesiasticam Specialem, Historiam ad Prophetias, et Historiam Ne- meseos.
Cap. xii.
De Appendicibus Historiae, quae circa Verba homi- num (quemadmodum Historia ipsa circa Facta) ver- santur : Partitio earum in Orationes, JEpistolas^ et Apophthegmata.
Cap. xiii.
De secundo membro principali Doctrines Humanae, nempe Poesi. Partitio Poeseos in Narrativam, Bra- maticam^ et Parabolicam. Exempla Parabolicae tria proponuntur.
LIBER III.
Cap. i.
Partitio Scientiae, in Theologiarn et Philosophiam. Partitio Philosophise in Doctrinas tres : De Numine, De Natura^ De Homine. Constitutio Philosophice Prir mce, ut Matris communis omnium.
Cap. ii.
De Theologia Naturali ; et Doctrina de Angelis et Spiritibus, quae ejusdem est Appendix.
Cap. hi.
Partitio Naturalis Philosophise, in Speculativam et Operativam; quodque illae duae et in intentione trac- tantis et in corpore tractatus segregari debeant.
90 PARTITIONES SCIENTIARUM.
Cap. iv.
Partitio Doctrinae Speculativae de Natura, in Physi- cam (Specialem), et Metaphysicam : quaram Physica Caussam Ffficientem, et Materiam, Metaphysica Caus- sam Finalem, et Formam, inquirit. Partitio Physicae (Specialis) in Doctrinas de Principals Rerum, de Fa- brica Rerum sive de Mundo, et de Varietate Rerum. Partitio Doctrinae de Varietate Rerum, in Doctrinam de Ooncretis et Doctrinam de Abstractis. Partitio Doctrinas de Ooncretis rejicitur ad easdem partitiones quas suscipit Historia Naturalis. Partitio Doctrinae de Abstractis, in Doctrinam de Schernatismis Materice et Doctrinam de Motibus. Appendices duae Physicae Speculativae : Problernata Naturalia, Placita Antiquo- rum Phibsophorum. Partitio Metaphysicae, in Doctri- nam de Formis et Doctrinam de Caussis Finalibus.
Cap. v.
Partitio Operativae Doctrinae de Natura, in Media- nicam, et Magiam : quae respondent partibus Specu- lativae, — Physicae Mechanica ; Metaphysicae Magia. Expurgatio vocabuli Magiae. Appendices duae Ope- rativae : Invent avium Opum Humanarum, et Catalogus Polyehrestorum .
Cap. vi.
De magna Philosophiae Naturalis, tarn Speculativae quam Operativae, appendice Mathematica ; quodque in- ter appendices potius poni debet, quam inter scientias substantias. Partitio Mathematicae, in Puram et Mixtarn.
PARTITIONES SCIENTIARUM. 91
LIBER IV.
Cap. i.
Partitio Doctrinae de Homine, in Philosophiam Hu- manitatis, et Civilem. Partitio Philosophise Humani- tatis, in Doctrinam circa Corpus Hominis, et Doctrinam circa Animam Hominis. Constitutio unius Doctrinae generalis de Natura, sive de Statu Hominis. Partitio Doctrinae de Statu Hominis, in Doctrinam de Persona Hominis, et de Foedere Animi et Corporis. Partitio Doctrinae de Persona Hominis, in Doctrinam de Mise- riis Hominis, et de Prcerogativis. Partitio Doctrinae de Foedere, in Doctrinam de Indlcationibus, et de Im- pressionibus. Assignatio Physio gnomice, et Interpreta- tions Somniorum Naturalium, Doctrinae de Indicatio- nibus.
Cap. ii.
Partitio Doctrinae circa Corpus Hominis, in Medici- nam, Cosmeticam, Athleticam, et Vbluptariam. Par- titio Medicinae in officia tria : viz. in Conservationem Sanitatis, Curationem Morborum, et Prolongationem Vitce ; quodque pars postrema de Prolongatione Vitae disjungi debeat a duabus reliquis.
Cap. hi.
Partitio Philosophiae Humanae circa Animam, in Doctrinam de Spiraculo, et Doctrinam de Anima Sen- sibili, sive Producta. Partitio secunda ejusdem Philo- sophiae, in Doctrinam de Substantia et Facultatibus Animce, et Doctrinam de Usu et Objectis Facultatum. Appendices duae Doctrinae de Facultatibus Animqa j Doctrina de Divinatione Naturali, et Doctrina de Fas-
92 PARTITIONES SCIENTIARUM.
cinatione. Distributio Facultatum Animae Sensibilis, in Motum, et Sensurn.
LIBER V.
Cap. i.
Partitio Doctrinae circa Usum et Objecta Faculta- tum Animae Humanae, in Logicam, et Ethicarn. Par- titio Logicae, in Artes Inveniendi, Judicandi, Retinendi, et TradendL
Cap. ii.
Partitio Inventivae, in Inventivam Artium, et Argu- mentorum : quodque prior harum (quae eminet) deside- retur. Partitio Inventivae Artium, in Experientiam Literatam, et Organum Novum. Delineatio Experien- tiae Literatae.
Cap. hi.
Partitio Inventivae Argumentorum, in Promptua- riam, et Topicam. Partitio Topicae, in Gceneralem, et Particular em. Exemplum Topicae Particularis, in Inquisitione de Gravi et Levi.
Cap. iv.
Partitio Artis Judicandi, in Judicium per Inductio- nern, et per Syllogismum : quorum prius aggregatur Or- gano Novo. Partitio prima Judicii per Syllogismum, in Reductionem Rectam, et Inversam. Partitio secunda ejus, in Analyticam, et Doctrinam de Elenchis. Partitio Doctrinae de Elenchis, in Elenchos Sophismatum, Elen- chos Hermenice, et Elenchos Imagimim, sive Idolorum. Partitio Idolorum, in Idola Tribus, Idola Specus, et Idola Fori. Appendix Artis Judicandi, viz. De Ana- logia Demonstrationum pro Natura Subjecti.
PARTITIONES SCIENTIARUM. 93
Cap. v4
Partitio Artis Retinendi sive Retentivae, in Doctri- nam de Adminiculis Memorioe, et Doctrinam de Memo- ria ipsa. Partitio Doctrinae de Memoria ipsa, in Prce- notionem, et Emblema.
LIBER VI.
Cap. i.
Partitio Traditivae, in Doctrinam de Organo Sermo- m«, Doctrinam de Meihodo Serrnonis, et Doctrinam de Illustratione Serrnonis. Partitio Doctrinae de Organo Serrnonis, in Doctrinam de Notts Rerurn, de Locutione, et de Scriptione: quarum duae Posteriores Gcrammati- cam constituunt, ejusque Partitiones sunt. Partitio Doctrinae de Notis Rerum, in Hieroglyphic*!, et Charac- teres Reales. Partitio secunda Grammatical, in Lite- rariam, et Philosophantem. Aggregatio Poeseos quoad Metrum ad Doctrinam de Locutione. Affgre^atio Doe- trince de Ciphris ad Doctrinam de Scriptione.
Cap. ii.
Doctrina de Methodo Serrnonis constituitur ut Pars Traditivae Substantia et Principalis. Nomen ei in- ditur Prudentia Traditivce. Enumerantur Methodi genera diversa ; et subjunguntur eorum commoda, et incommoda.
Cap. hi.
De Fundamentis et Officio Doctrinae de Illustratione Serrnonis, sive Rhetoricae. Appendices tres Rhetoric®, quae ad Promptuariam tantummodo pertinent ; Colore*
94 PARTITIONES SCIENTIARUM.
Boni et Mali, tarn Simplicis quam Comparati ; An- titheta Berum; Formulce Minores Orationum.
Cap. iv.
Appendices generales duae Traditivae : Critica, et Pcedagogica.
LIBER VII.
Cap. i.
Partitio Ethicae, in Doctrinam de Exemplari, et Greor- gica Animi. Partitio Exemplaris (scilicet Boni), in Bonum Simplex, et Bonum Gomparatum. Partitio Boni Simplicis in Bonum Individuale, et Bonum Com- munionis.
Cap. ii.
Partitio Boni Individuals, vel Suitatis, in Bonum Activum, et Bonum Passivum. Partitio Boni Passivi in Bonum Conservativum, et Bonum Perfectivum. Partitio Boni Communionis, in Officio, Gceneralia, et Bespectiva.
Cap. hi.
Partitio Doctrina3 de Cultura Animi, in Doctrinam de Characteribus Animorum, de Affectibus, et de Berne- diis sive Curationibus. Appendix Doctrinae ejusdem, de Congruitate inter Bonum Animi et Bonum Corporis.
LIBER VIII.
Cap. i.
Partitio Doctrinae Civilis, in Doctrinam de Conversa- tione, Doctrinam de Negotiis, et Doctrinam de Imperio sive Bepubliea.
PARTITIONES SCIENTIARUM. 95
Cap. ii.
Partitio Doctrinae de Negotiis, in Doctrinam de Oc- casionibus Sparsis, et Doctrinam de Ambitu Vitce. Ex- emplum Doctrinae de Occasionibus Sparsis, ex Parabolis aliquibus Salomonis. Praecepta de Ambitu Vitae.
Cap. hi.
Partitiones Doctrinae de Imperio, sive Republica omittuntur: tantum Aditus fit ad Desiderata duo; Doctrinam de Proferendis Finibus Imperii, et Doctri- nam de Justitia Universalis sive de Fontibus Juris. Exempla utriusque.
LIBER IX.
Cap. i.
Partitiones Theologiae Inspiratae omittuntur: tantum Aditus fit ad Desiderata tria ; Doctrinam de Legitimo Usu Rationis Humance in Divinis, Doctrinam de Grra- dibus Unitatis in Civitate Dei, et Emanationes Scrip- turarum.
FRANCISCI BARONIS DE YERULAMIO,
VICE-COMITIS SANCTI ALBANI,
DE DIGNITATE ET AUG MENTIS SCIENTIARUM,
LIBER PRIMUS.
Sub veteri Lege, Rex Optime, erant et spontanea? oblationes et quotidiana sacrificia ; haec ex rituali cultu. illae ex pia alacritate profectae. Arbitror equidem de- beri tale quidpiam regibus a servis suis ; .ut scilicet quis- que non solum muneris sui tributa, sed et amoris pig- nora deferat. Atque in prioribus illis spero me minime defuturum ; in posteriori autem gen ere, dubitavi quid potissimum sumerem : satius autem visum est hujus- modi aliquid deligere, quod potius ad personae tuae ex- cellentiam quam ad negotia coronas spectaret.
Ego saepissime de Majestate tua, ut debeo, cogitans, (missis aliis sive virtutis sive fortunae tuae dotibus) magna prorsus afficior admiratione, cum intueor excel- lentiam earum in te virtutum facultatumque, quas plii- losophi intellectual es vocant: capacitatem ingenii tot et tanta complexam, firmitudinem memoriae, prehensionis velocitatem, judicii penetrationem, elocutionisque ordi- nem simul et facilitatem. Subit profecto animum quandoque dogma illud Platonicum, quo asseritur, Scientiam nihil aliud esse quam Reminiscentiam ; ani-
VOL. II. 7
98 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM
mumque naturaliter omnia cognoscere, nativce luci, quam specus corporis obumbraverat, subinde reddititm.1 Certe hujus rei (si in quo alio) relucet in Majestate tua ex- emplum insigne ; cui adeo prompta est mens ad con- cipiendam flam mam, ubi vel levissima earn excitaverit objecta occasio, vel minima aliense cognitionis scintilla affulserit. Quemadmodum igitur de regum sapientis- simo Sacra perhibet Sciiptura, Cor Mi fuisse tanquam arenam maris? cujus quanquam massa pfaegrandis, par- tes tamen minutissimae ; sic mentis indidit Deus Majes- tati tuae crasim plane mirabilem, quaa cum maxima quse- que complectatur, minima tamen prehendat nee patiatur effluere : cum perdifficile videatur vel potius impossi- ble in natura, ut idem instrumentum et grandia opera et pusilla apte disponat. Quantum ad elocutionem tuam, occurrit illud Cornelii Taciti de Augusto Ca?sare; Augusto, inquit, jjrofluens, et qua? principem virum dece- ret, eloquentia fait? Sane si recte rem perpendamus, omnis oratio aut laboriosa aut affectata aut imitatrix, quamvis alioquin excellens, nescio quid servile olet, nee sui juris est. Tuum autem dicendi genus vere regium est, profluens tanquam a fonte, et nihilominus, sicut na- ture ordo postulat, rivis diductum suis, plenum facili- tatis feelicitatisque, imitans neminem nemini imitabile. Atque sicut in rebus tuis quae tarn ad regnum quam ad domum tuam spectant, virtus vicletur cum fortuna cer- tare ; mores scilicet optimi cum foelici regimine ; spes tuaa olim patienter et pie cohibita3, cum fausta et oppor-
1 See the Phaedo, p. 75., and other places in Plato's works; particularly the beginning of the Meno. And compare Arist. Anal. Pri. ii. 21., where the passage in the Meno is referred to.
2 1 Kings, 4. 29.
8 " Augusto prompta ac profluens, quai deceret principem, eloquentia fait." — Ann. xiii. c. 3.
LIBER PRIMUS. 99
tuna speratorum adeptione ; tori conjugalis sancta fides, cum f ructu conjugii beato in sobole pulcherrima ; pia et principe Christiano dignissima ad pacem propensio, cum simili vicinorum principum inclinatione in idem votum foeliciter conspirantium ; sic et in intellectus tui dotibus non levior exoritur lis et aemulatio, si eas quae a natura ipsa praebitae sunt et infusae cum instructissima gaza multiplicis eruditionis et plurimarum artium scientia committamus. Neque vero facile ftierit regem aliquem post Christum natum reperire, qui fuerit Majestati tuae literarum divinarum et humanarum varietate et cultura comparandus. Percurrat qui voluerit imperatorum et regum seriem, et juxta mecum sentiet. Magnum certe quiddam praestare reges videntur, si delibantes aliorum ingenia ex compendio sapiant, aut in cortice doctrinae aliquatenus haereant, aut denique literatos ament eve- hantque. At regem, et regem natum, veros eruditionis fontes hausisse, imo ipsummet fontem eruditionis esse, prope abest a miraculo. Tuae vero Majestati etiam illud accedit, quod in eodem pectoris tui scrinio Sacrae Literae cum profanis recondantur ; adeo ut cum Her- mete illo Trismegisto triplici gloria insigniaris, potes- tate Regis, illuminatione Sacerdotis, eruditione Phi- losophic Cum igitur alios reges longe hac laude (proprie quae tua est) superes, aequum est ut non so- lum praesentis sa^culi fama et admiratione celebretur, aut etiam historiarum lumine posteritati transmittatur,
1 " A noble philosopher, priest, and king of Egypt, whom our writer,'* says Philemon Holland, commenting on Ammianus Marcellinus, " calleth termaximus, others trismegistus in the same sense, for that he was Philoso- phic Maximus, Sacerdos Maximus, and Rex Maximus." There is how- ever no doubt that the real Hermes, or the writer of the works ascribed to him, was a neophyte platonist of the second or third century. V. Heeren, Comment, de Fontibus Echg. J. Stobcei, § 41.
100 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM
verum ut solido aliquo in opere incidatur, quod et regis magni potentiam denotet, et regis tarn insigniter docti imaginem referat.
Quare (ut ad incoeptum revertar) nulla potior mihi visa est oblatio, quam tractatus aliquis eo spectans. Hujus argumentum duabus constabit partibus. In pri- ori (quae levior est, neque tamen ullo modo praetermit- tenda) de Scientiae et Literarum per omnia excellentia agendum est ; et simul de merito eorum, qui in iisdem provehendis operam strenue et cum judicio impendunt. Posterior vero pars (quod caput rei est) proponet, quid in hoc genere hue usque actum sit et perfectum ; insu- per et ea perstringet quae videntur desiderari ; ut quam- vis non ausim seponere ant deligere tuae quod praecipue Majestati commendem, tamen multa et varia repraesen- tando regias tuas cogitationes excitare possim, ut pro- prios pectoris tui thesauros excutias, atque inde, pro magnanimitate tua atque sapientia, optima quaeque, ad Artium et Scientiarum terminos proferendos, depromas.
In ipso vestibulo prioris partis, ad purgandam viam et quasi indicendum silentium, quo melius audiantur testimonia de dignitate literarum absque oblatratione tacitarum objectionum, statui primo loco liberare literas opprobriis et vilipendiis quibus impetit eas ignorantia, sed ignorantia sub non uno schemate ; modo in theolo- gorum zelotypia, modo in politicorum supercilio, modo in ipsorum literatorum erroribus sese ostentans et pro- dens. Audio primos dicentes, Scientiam inter ea esse quae parce cauteque admittenda sunt ; Scientiae nimium appetitum fuisse primum peccatum, unde hominis lap- sus ; hodieque haerere serpentinum quid in ea, siquidem ingrediens tumorem inducit ; Scientia inflat : l Salomo-
i 1 Corinth. 8. 1.
LIBER PRIMUS. 101
nem censere, Faciendi libros nullum esse jinem, mul- tamque lectionem carnis esse afflictionem ;x et alibi, In multa sapientia multam esse indignationem ; et Qui auget seientiarn, auger e et dolor em : 2 D. Pauli monitum esse, Ne decipiamur per inanem philosophiam : 3 quin et ex- perientia notum esse, doctissimos viros haereticorum Coryphaeos, doctissima saecula in atheismum proclivia fuisse ; contemplationem denique secundarum causarum authoritati primae causae derogare.
Ut igitur falsitatem hujus dogmatis fundamentaque ejus male jacta aperiamus, cuivis obviam est istos non percipere, seientiarn quae lapsum peperit non fuisse pu- ram illam primigeniamque seientiarn naturalem, cujus lumine Homo animalibus in Paradiso adductis nomina ex natura imposuit,4 sed superbam illam Boni et Mali, per quam excutere Deum sibique ipse legem figere am- bivit. Neque certe vis ulla scientiae, quanta quanta sit, inflat mentem ; cum nihil implere animum, nedum dis- tendere possit, praeter Deum Deique contemplationem ; quare Salomon, de duobus palmariis inventionis sensi- bus (visu atque auditu) loquens, ait Oculum videndo, aurem audiendo non satiari ; 5 quod si non sit impletio, sequitur continens majus esse contento. Haud aliter de scientia ipsa animoque humano (cui sensus sunt tan-
1 Ecclesiast. 12. 12.
2 Ecclesiast. 1. 18.
3 Coloss. 2. 8.
4 This reference to the imposition of names in Paradise in illustration of natural knowledge, is common in the writings of the schoolmen. Thus S. Thomas Aquinas in discussing the question " utrum primus homo habuerit seientiarn oranem," after stating objections alleged against the affirmative opinion, thus commences his refutation of them. " Sed contra est quod ipse imposuit nomina animalibus, ut dicitur Gen. 2. Nomina autem debent naturis rerum congruere; Ergo Adam scivit naturas omnium animalium, et pari ratione habuit omnium aliorum seientiarn."
5 Ecclesiast. 1. 8.
102 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM
quam cmissarii) definit liis verbis, quae Calendario suo Ephemeridique omnium rerum tempora describenti sub- nectit, ita concludens ; Omnia Deus condidit, ut unum- quodque pulerum sit in tempore suo : mundum quoque ipsum indidit cordi eorum : invenire tamen homo non po- test opus quod operatus est Deus ab initio usque adfinem.1 Quibus verbis haud obscure innuit Deum fabricatum esse animum humanum instar speculi totius mundi capacem, ej usque non minus sitientem quam oculum luminis ; neque gestientem solum conspicere varietates vicissitndinesque temporum, verum etiam perscrutandi explorandique immotas atque inviolabiles naturae leges et decreta ambitiosum. Et quam vis innuere videa- tur summam illam naturae oeconomiam (quam appellat Opus quod operatur Deus ab initio usque adfinem2) non posse inveniri ab homine, hoc non detraliit captui hu- mano, sed in impedimenta doctrinae rejicienclum ; qualia sunt vitae brevitas, studiorum divortia, scientiarum tra- ditio prava et infida, plurimaque alia incommoda quibus humana conditio irretitur. Siquidem nullam universi partem ab humana disquisitione alienam esse satis clare alibi docet, inquiens, Spiritus hominis est tanquam, lu- cerna Dei, qua intima arcana explorat. Quare si tanta sit amplitudo captus humani, manifestum est nullum esse periculum a quantitate scientiae, utut dift'usa, ne aut tumorem in ducat aut excessum ; sed a qualitate tantum, quae quantulacunque sit, si absque antidoto sua sumatur, malignum quid habet atque venenosum, flatuosis sj'mptomatis plenissimum. Haec antidotus sive aroma (cujus mixtio temperat scientiam eamque saluberrimam efficit) est charitas, quod etiam priori clausula} subjungit Apostolus, dicens, Scientia injlat,
1 Ecclesiast. 3. 11. 2 Proverbs, xx. 27.
LIBER PRIMUS. 103
charitas autem cedijicat. Cui consonum est, quod alibi docet ; Si, inquit, Unguis loquar Angelorum vel horni- num, charitatem autem non habeam, f actus sum velut ces resonans aid cymbalum tinniens} Non quin eximium quid sit loqui linguis Angelorum et hominum, sed quia si segregetur a charitate neque ad commune humani generis bonum dirigatur, potius inanem gloriam exhi- bebit quam solidum fructum. Censuram quod attinet Salomonis de excessu legendi scribendique libros, et cruciatu spiritus e scientia oriundo, monitumque etiam Paulinum Ne decipiamur per inanem philosophiam ; 2 si recte explicentur ea loca, optime ostendent veros can- cellos et limites quibus humana scientia circumsepitur, ita tamen ut liberum sit ei absque omni coarctatione universam rerum naturam amplecti. Sunt enim limi- tes treSf Primus, ne ita foelicitatem collocemus in sci- entia, ut interim mortalitatis nostrae oblivio subrepat. Secundus, ne sic utamur scientia ut anxietatem pariat, non animi tranquillitatem. Tertius, ne putemus posse nos per naturae contemplationem mysteria divina asse- qui. Nam quantum ad primum, optime in eodem libro alibi se Salomon explicat, Satis, inquit, perspexi sapien- tiam tantum recedere a. stultitia, quantum lucem a tene- bris. Sajjientis oculi in capite ejus, stultus in tenebris oberrat ; sed simul didici moriendi necessitatem utrique esse communem? De secundo certum est, nullam animi anxietatem aut perturbationem oriri e scientia, nisi tan- tum per accidens. Omnis enim scientia, et admiratio (quae est semen scientiae), per se jucunda est ; cum au- tem conclusiones inde deducuntur, quae oblique rebus nostris applicatae vel inflrmos metus gignunt vel imrao- dicas cupiditates, turn demum nascitur cruciatus ille et
1 1 Corinth, xiii. 1. 2 Coloss. ii. 8. 3 Ecclesiast. ii. 13, 14.
104 DE AUGMENTIS SCIENTIARUM
perturbatio mentis qua de loquimur ; tunc enim scien- tia non est amplius lumen siccum (ut voluit Heraclitus ille obscurus, Lumen siccum optima anima ]) sed fit lu- men madidum, atque humoribus affectuum maceratum. Tertia regula accuratiorem paulo disquisitionem postu- lat, neque sicco pede prastereunda est. Si quis enim ex rerum sensibilium et materiatarum intuitu tantum lu- minis assequi speret quantum ad patefaciendam divinam naturam aut voluntatem sufficiet, nee iste decipitur per inaniam philosophiam. Etenim contemplatio creatura- rum, quantum ad creaturas ipsas, producit scientiam ; quantum ad Deum, admirationem tantum, quae est quasi abrupta scientia. Ideoque scitissime dixit qui- dam Platonicus ; 2 Sensus humanos solem referre, qui quidem revelat terrestrem globum, eoelestem vero et Stellas obsignat : sic sensus reserant naturalia, divina occlu- dunt. Atque hinc evenit, nonnullos e doctiorum ma- nipulo in haeresim lapsos esse, quum ceratis sensuum alis innixi ad divina evolare contenderent. Nainque eos qui autumant nimiam scientiam inclinare men tern in atheismum, ignorantiamque secundarum causarum pietati erga primam obstetricari, libenter compellarem Jobi quaestione, An oporteat mentiri pro Deo, et ejus gratia dolum loqui conveniat, ut ipsi gratijicemur ? 3 Li- quet enim Deum nihil operari ordinario in natura nisi per secundas causas, cujus diversum credi si vellent, impostura mera esset, quasi in gratiam Dei, et nihil aliud quam authori veritatis immundam mendaci lio- stiam immolare. Quin potius certissimum est, atque
l avyij ^rjprj ipvxv ooQututtj kotu tov 'HpunXeiTov eolkev. — Plutarch "De Esu Carnium," 1. Plutarch alludes to the gnome in his tract De Au- diendis Poetis, in a passage not unlike the text.
*2 Philo Judaeus: "Quod somnia mittantur a Deo."
8 Job xiii. 7.
LIBER PRIMUS. 105
experientia comprobatum, leves gustus in philosophia movere fortasse ad atheismum, sed pleniores haustus ad religionem reducere.1 Namque in limine philosophise, cum secundae causae tanquam sensibus proximae inge- rant se menti humanae, mensque ipsa in illis hae- reat atque commoretur, oblivio primae causae obrepere possit ; sin quis ulterius pergat, causarumque de- pendentiam, seriem, et eoncatenationem, atque opera Providentiae intueatur, tunc secundum poetarum my- thologiam facile credet summum naturalis catenae an- nulum pedi solii Jovis affigi.2 Ut semel dicam, nemo male applicatae sobrietatis moderationisque famam cap- tans posse nos nimium progredi in libris sive scriptura- rum sive creaturarum, theologia aut philosophia, existi- met : quinimo excitent se homines, et infinitos profectus audacter urgeant utrobique et persequantur ; caventes tantum ne scientia utantur ad tumorem, non ad chari- tatem ; ad ostentationem, non ad usum ; et rursus, ne distinctas illas theologiae philosophiaeque doctrinas, earumque latices, imperite misceant ac confundant.
Accedamus nunc ad opprobria quibus literas asper- gunt politici. Ilia ejusmodi sunt : Artes emollire animos, militarique gloriae ineptos reddere ; turn in politicis quoque corrumpere ingenia, quae vel nimis curiosa efficiunt ex varietate lectionis, vel nimis per-
1 This thought occurs several times in Bacon's writings. Leibnitz, with the large spirit of whose philosophy it is altogether in accordance, has quoted it at least thrice ; thus for instance in his Confessio Naturce contra Atheistas, he remarks : u Divini ingenii vir Franciscus Baconus de Veru- lamio recte dixit philosophiam obiter libatam a Deo abducere, penitus haustam reducere ad eundem.,,
2 Bacon alludes to the philosophical applications which have been made of the passage in the Iliad (G. 19.), in which Zeus boasts of his superiority to the other gods. Of these the earliest instance is to be found in the Thecetetus.
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tinacia ex rigore regularum, vel minis tumida ex mag- nitudine exemplorum, vel nimis extravagantia ex dis- similitudine exemplorum ; quin saltern utcunque aver- tere et alienare aminos a negotiis et actione, otii ac secessus amorem instillantes ; dein rebusj)ublicis indu- cere discipline relaxationem, dum unusquisque promp- tior est ad disputandum quam ad obtemperandum. Unde Cato Censorius, cum primis mortalium sapiens, ubi juventus Romana ad Carneadem philosophum, qui venerat Romam legatus, dulcedine atque maj estate eloquentiae ejus capta undique conflueret, frequent! senatu author fuit ut expeditis negotiis primo quo- que tempore dimitterent hominem ; ne civium animos inficeret et fascinaret, et necopinantibus morum con- suetudinumque patriarum mutationem induceret.1 Hoc etiam permovit Virgilium (dum studia sua patriae exis- timationi posthaberet) ut artes politicas a literariis se- gregaret, illas Romania vendicans, has Gra^cis relin- quens, in versibus illis decantatis,
Tu regere imperio populo?, Romane, memento: Hil* tibi erunt artes.'2
Videmus etiam Anytum Socratis accusatorem pro crimine ei objecisse, quod vi et varietate sermon um ac disputationum suarum authoritatem et reverentiam legum consuetudinumque patriarum apud adolescentes imminueret ; quodque artem profiteretur perniciosam et periculo plenam, qua quis instructus deteriorem causam meliorem faceret, veritatemque ipsam eloquen- tia3 apparatu obrueret.3
Verum hae criminationes, ceteraeque ejusdem farinae, potius personatam gravitatem prae se ferunt quam veri-
i See Plutarch in Cato, c. 22. 2 ^Eneid, vi. 852.
3 Apologia Socratis, p. 23. et seq.
LIBER PRIMUS. 107
tatis candorem. Testatur enim experientia, sicut unos atque eosdem homines, sic una eademque tempora, et rerum bellicarum et optimarum artium gloria floruisse. Viros quod attinet, exemplo sit nobile par imperato- rum, Alexander Magnus et Julius Caesar Dictator, alter Aristotelis in philosopliia discipulus, alter Cice- ronis in dicendo rivalis. Aut si quis requirat potius literatos qui in claros imperatores evaserunt quam imperatores qui imigniter docti fuerunt, praesto est Epaminondas Thebanus, aut Xenophon Atheniensis ; quorum ille primus fuit qui fregit potentiam Sparta- norum, hie autem primus qui stravit viam ad ever- sionem monarchiae Persarum. Istud vero armorum literarumque quasi conjugium clarius adhuc in tern- poribus quam in personis elucescit, quanto nimirum sseculum homine objectum grandius est. Ipsa quippe eademque tempora apud JEgyptios, Assyrios, Persas, Graecos, Romanosque, quae propter bellicam virtutem maxime celebrantur, etiam et literis plurimum fuerunt nobilitata ; adeo ut gravissimi authores philosophique, et clarissimi duces atque imperatores, eodem sasculo vixerint. Nee sane aliter fieri potest, quandoquidem ut in homine vigor corporis animique simul fere ma- turescunt, nisi quod ille hunc paulo antevertat; sic in rebuspublicis, militaris gloria literataque (quarum ilia corpori respondet, haec animo) aut coeva sunt, aut se proxime consequuntur.
Jam vero, eruditionem politicis impedimento esse po- tius quam adjumento, nil minus probabile. Fatemur omnes temerarium quiddam esse empiricis medicis cor- pus et valetudinis curam tradere, qui solent pauca quae- dam medicamenta quae illis videntur panchresta ven- ditare, quorum fiducia nihil non audent tentare ; cum
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tamcn neque causas morborum, neque aegrotorum habi- tus, neque symptomatum pericula, neque veram sanan- di metliodum calleant. Videmus pariter errare eos, qui ad eausas et lites suas expediendas adhibent leguleios in practiea potius quam in libris juris versatos, quibus os facile oblinitur, si quid novum aut extra experientiae suae calles tritos occurrat : consimiliter non potest non esse periculosissimum, quoties sum ma rerum empiricis consiliariis praecipue mandatur. E contra, vix exem- plum adduci possit reipublicse infoeliciter administrate, ad clavum sedentibus viris eruditis. Quamvis enira in more sit politicis literatos Pedantiorum nomine elevare, Historia tamen veritatis magistra in plurimis fidem fa- cit, pupillares principes adultis longe praestitisse (non obstante aetatis incommodo) ea ipsa de causa quam po- litici sugillant, quod scilicet tunc temporis a paedagogis administration sit imperium. Quis ignorat per decan- tatum illud quinquennium Neronis onus rerum incu- buisse Senecae paedagogo ? Quin et Gordianus Junior decennium laudis Misitheo paedagogo debuit. Neque infoelicius imperium gessit Alexander Severus cluin mi- nor fuit, quo tempore omnia procurabant mulieres, sed ex consilio praeceptorum. Imo, convertamus oculos ad regimen Pontificium, ac nominatim Pii Quinti vel Sixti Quinti nostro saeculo, qui sub initiis suis habiti sunt pro fraterculis rerum imperitis;1 reperiemusque acta papa- rum ejus generis magis esse solere memorabilia quam eorum qui in negotiis civilibus et principum aulis enu-
1 The former of these Popes was a Dominican, the latter a Franciscan friar. The most remarkable event of the Pontificate of Pius V. was the battle of Lepanto in 1571, in which his fleet was engaged in conjunction with those of Venice and of Spain. Sixtus V. was the founder of the Vati- can library. Compare Gibbon's phrase: "The genius of Sixtus the Fifth burst from the gloom of a Franciscan cloister." — Decline and Fall, c. 76.
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triti ad papatum ascenderint. Quamvis enim qui in Uteris vitam maxime traduxerunt minus sollertes sint atque versatiles in occasionibus prensandis atque ac- commodandis rebus, quo spectant ea quae ab Italis Ragioni di Stato dicuntur (quorum nomen ipsum aver- satus est Pius Quintus, solitus dicere Esse mera malo- rum hominum commenta, quce opponerentur religioni et virtutibus moralibus) : l in eo tamen abunde fit compen- sate, quod per tutum planumque iter religionis, justi- tiae, honestatis, virtutumque moralium, prompte atque expedite incedant ; quam viam qui constanter tenue- rint, illis alteris remediis non magis indigebunt quam corpus sanum medicina. Porro autem curriculum vitae in uno homine suppeditare non potest exemplorum co- piam ad regendos eventus vitae, etiam in uno homine. Sicut enim interdum fit, ut nepos vel pronepos avum vel proavum fnagis referat quam patrem ; eodem modo haud raro evenit, ut negotia praesentia magis quadrent cum exemplis vetustioribus quam cum recentioribus. Postremo, unius ingenium tan turn cedit amplitudini literarum, quantum privati reditus serario.
Quod si detur, depravationes illas et impedimenta quae a politicis imputantur Uteris aliquid virium habere et veritatis, attamen simul monendum, eruditionem in singulis plus remedii quam mali afferre. Esto enim, literae tacita quadam vi animum reddunt incertum at- que perplexum ; at certe liquido praecipiunt quomodo cogitationes sint expediendas, et quousque sit delibe- randum, quando demum statuendum ; imo ostendunt quomodo res interim absque periculo trahi possint et suspendi. Esto etiam, animos efficiunt magis perti- naces et difficiles ; at simul docent quae res demon-
1 See his life by Catena.
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strationibus, quie conjecturis innituntur ; neque minus distinctionum et exceptionum usum quum canonum et principiorurn constantiam propommt. Esto rursus, se- ducunt et detorquent atlimos exemplorum vel impari- tate vel dissiinilitudine ; nescio ; sed satis novi eas tarn circumstantiarum efficacias quam comparationum er- rores et application am cautiones explicare ; adeo ut in universum magis corrigant animos quam corrumpant. Haec autem remedia insinuant undequaque lifcerae, mag- na vi et varietate exemplorum. Perpendat quis erro- res dementis Septimi, a Guicciardino, qui ei fuit quasi domesticus, tarn luculenter depictos ; l aut vacillationes Ciceronis, in Epistolis ad Atticum maim propria ad vivum resectas ; 2 omnino inconstantiam et crebras con- ciliorum mutationes vitabit. Inspiciat errores Phoci- onis, pervicaeiam exhorrebit. Fabulam Ixionis legat, et nimias spes et hujusmodi fumos ac nebtolas dispellet. Intueatur Catonem Secundum, neque unquam migra- bit ad Antipodas et contraria pra^senti sa^culo vestigia fio;et.
Jam qui putant literas desidise arnicas esse otiique et secessus dulcedine perfundere animum, mirum praesta- bunt, si quae assuefaciunt mentem perpetua) agitationi, socordiae patronas ostendant ; cum contra vere affirmari possit, inter omnia hominum genera nullum negotia amare propter ipsa negotia, pra3ter literatum. Alii
1 Guicciardini's character of Clement VII. will be found in the sixteenth book of his history, ch. 5. I transcribe the part which relates to the " in- constantia" of which Bacon speaks. " E nel deliberarsi e nell' eseguire quel die pure avesse deliberato, ogni piccolo rispetto che di nuovo se gli scoprisse, ogni leggiere impedimento che ?e gli attraversasse, pare\a ba- stante a farlo ritornare in quella confusione nella quale ero stato innanzi deliberasse," &c.
2 The seventh letter of the sixteenth book may be particularly referred to in illustration of the remark in the text.
LIBER PRIMUS. Ill
enim res et negotia diligunt qua3stus gratia, ut con- ductitii opus propter mercedem. Alii honoris ergo ; etenim dum res gerunt, vivunt in oculis hominum, ex- istimationique suae inserviunt alioqui evaniturae. Alii propter potentiam et fortunae praerogativam, ut amicos remunerare, inimicos ulcisci possint. Alii ut faculta- tem aliquam suam quam adamant exerceant, ac sibi ipsis hoc nomine saepius gratulentur et arrideant. Alii denique, ut alios suos fines consequantur. Adeo ut quod de gloriosis dici solet, eorum fortituclinem sitam esse in spectantium oculis, sic hujusmodi hominum dili- gentia et strenuitas hoc videtur agere, aut ut alii plau- dant aut ut ipsi intra se gestiant. Soli literati negotiis et occupationibus delectantur, tanquam actionibus na- turae consentaneis, et non minus salubrious animo quam exercitatio est corpori, ipsam rem non emolumentum intuentes ; ita ut omnium minime sint defatigabiles, si modo res sit hujusmodi ut animum pro dignitate ejus impleat et detineat. Quod si reperiantur interdum nonnulli in legendo strenui, in agendo cessatores ; non hoc a Uteris ortum habet, sed ab imbecillitate et mol- licie quadam corporis animive ; quales notat Seneca, Quidam, inquit, tarn sunt umbratiles, nt putent in tur- bido esse quicquid in luce est.1 Usuvenire poterit for- tasse, ut hujusmodi ingenii sibi conscii se dent Uteris ; eruditio autem ipsa hujusmodi ingenia minime indit aut progignit. Quod si quis illud nihilominus mordicus teneat, literas nimium absumere temporis, quod alias rectius impendi possit ; aio, neminem adeo distringi negotiis, quin habeat sua otii intervalla, donee agendi
1 " Quidam adeo in latebras refugerunt ut putent in turbido esse quicquid in luce est." — Seneca, Ep. 3. It is perhaps worthy of remark that Ba- con's inaccurate quotation is adopted at second hand in the Taller.
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vices atque aestus refluant, nisi aut admodum hebes sit in expediendis negotiis, aut parum cum dignitate ambitiosus in negotiis cujuscunque generis captandis. Restat igitur quaerendum, qua in re et quomodo has subsecivas horas collocare oporteat ; studiis an volup- tatibus, genio an ingenio, indulgendum ? Sicut recte respondit Demosthenes iEschini, homini voluptatibus dedito, qui cum per contumeliam objecisset Orationes ejus lucernarn olere; Pol, inquit, multam interest inter ea quce ego ac tu ad lucernarn faeimus.1 Quare neuti- quam metuendum ne literae eliminent negotia ; quin potius vindicant animum ab otio et voluptate, quae alias sensim ad utriusque damnum, et negotiorum et literarrim, subintrare solent.
Dein, quod oggerunt, literas reverentiam legum at- que imperii convellere ; calumnia mera est, nee pro- babiliter ad criminandum inducta. Nam qui coecarn obedientiam fortius obligare contenderit quam officiwn oculatum una opera asserat coecum manu ductum cer- tius incedere quam qui luce et oculis utitur. Imo citra omnem controversiam artes emolliunt mores, teneros reddunt, sequaces, cereos, et ad mandata imperii due- tiles ; ignorantia contra, contumaces, refractarios, sedi- tiosos : quod ex historia clarissime patet, quandoquidem tempora maxime indocta, inculta, barbara, tumultibus, seditionibus, mutationibusque maxime obnoxia fuerint.
De Catonis Censoris judicio hoc dictum esto, meri- tissimas eum blasphemiae in literas luisse poenas, cum septuagenario major quasi repuerascens Graecam lin- guam cupidissime addisceret ; 2 ex quo liquet, priorem
1 Plutarch in Demosth. [According to Plutarch it was Pvtheas who made the taunt. — J. S.]
2 V. Cicero Ac. Quaest. ii. c. 2.
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illam censuram Graecag literaturae ex affectata potius gravitate quam quod ita penitus sentiret fluxisse. Ad Virgilii vero carmina quod attinet, utcunque illi libitum fuerit universo munclo insultare, Romanis asserendo ar- tes imperandi, caeteras tanquam populares aliis relin- quendo ; in hoc tamen manifesto tenetur, Romanos nunquam imperii fastigium conscendisse, donee ad ar- tium culmen simul pervenissent. Namque duobus pri- mis Caesaribus, viris imperandi peritissimis, contempo- ranei erant optimus poeta ille ipse Virgilius Maro, optimus historicus Titus Livius, optimus antiquarius Marcus Varro, optimus aut optimo proximus orator Marcus Cicero ; principes certe, ex omni memoria, in sua quique facultate. Postremo, quantum ad Socratis accusationem, id dico tantum ; recordemur temporum, quibus intentata est ; nimiruin sub Triginta Tyrannis, mortalium omnium crudelissimis, sceleratissimis, im- perioque indignissimis ; qui rerum et temporum orbis postquam circumactus esset, Socrates ille (flagitiosus scilicet) heroibus annum eratus est, et memoria ejus omnibus tarn divinis quam humanis honoribus cumu- lata ; quin disputationes ejus, tanquam corruptrices morum prius habitse, pro praesentissimis mentis morum- que antidotis ab omni posteritate celebrant ur. Atque haec sufSciant ad respondendum politicis, qui supercili- osa severitate aut fucata gravitate ausi sunt literas in- cessere contumeliis ; quae tamen confutatio improesen- tiarum, nisi quod nesciamus an ad posteros permanaturi sint labores nostri, minus necessaria videatur ; cum aspectus et favor duorum literatissimorum principum, ElizabethaB reginae et Majestatis tuae, tanquam Castoris et Pollucis, lucidorum syderum^ tantum apud nos in
i Hor. Car. i. 3. 2.
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Britannia Uteris amorem reverentiamque conciliave- rint.
Nunc ad tertium vituperationum genus pervenimus, quod a literatis ipsis in literas redundat, altiusque ca> teris solet haerere. Eae vel a fortuna, vel a moribus, vel a studiis ipsorum originem ducunt. Quarum pri- ma extra putestatem ipsorum est, secunda extra rem, at tertia sola proprie in disquisitionem venire videatur. Quia tamen non tarn de vero rerum pondere quam de vulgi aestimatione sermo instituendus est, haud abs re fuerit etiam de alteris duabus pauca quaedam innuere.
Quapropter dignitatis imminutiones et quasi deho- nestamenta, quae a literatorum fortuna literis imponun- tur, sumuntur aut a paupertate et inopia ipsorum, aut a vitae gen ere obscuro et umbratili, aut ab occupatio- num in quibus versantur subjecto non admodum nobili.
Quantum ad paupertatem pertinet, quodque fre- quenter usuveniat ut literati inopes sint, et tenui ple- rumque origine, neque tarn propere ditescant ac alii qui truaestui solum inhiant ; consultum foret hunc locum, de laude paupertatis, Fratribus Mendicantibus (pace eorum dixerim) exornandum tradere ; quibus Machi- avellus non parum tribuebat, cum diceret, jamdudum actum esset de regno sacerdotum^ nisi reverentia erga fratres ac monachos ejjiscoporum luxum et excess um com- pensasset.1 Pariter dicat quis, foelicitatem et magnifl- centiam principum et nobilium jam olim recidere po- tuisse in barbariem et sordes, nisi deberent literatis istis pauperibus civilis vita3 culturam et decus. Sed missis his laudum aucupiis, notatu dignum est quam sacra at-
1 See his Discorsi, iii. c. 1. The passage in the text is one of those to which Mersenne takes exception. It savours in his opinion of a wish to depreciate the hierarchy. See his La Verite des Sciences.
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que veneranda res, per aliquot apud Romanos secula, paupertas ipsa habita fuerit ; quae tamen respublica nihil trahebat ex paradoxis. Sic enim prsefatur T. Livius : Aid me amor negotli suscepti fallit, aut nulla unquam respublica nee major nee sanetior nee bonis ex- emplis ditior fuit, nee in quam tarn serai avaritia luzu- ria que immigraverint, nee ubi tantus ae tarn din pauper- tati ae parcimonioe honos fuerit.1 Quinetiam postquam Roma jam degenerasset, legimus, cum Caesar Dictator collapsam rempublicam instauraturum se profiteretur, quendam ex amicis ejus prompsisse sententiam, nihil tarn expeditum esse ad id quod ageret, quam si divitia- rum honos quoque modo tolleretur. Verwm (inquit) hcec et omnia mala pariter cum honore pecunice desinent, si neque magistratus neque alia vulgo cupienda venalia erunt? Denique, quemadmodum vere dictum est ru- borem esse eolorem virtutis,s licet quandoque oriatur ex culpa ; ita recte statuas paupertatem esse virtutis for- tunam, quam vis interdum a luxu et in curia accersatur. Salomon is certe haec est sen ten ti a, Qui festinat ad divi- tias, non erit insons ; 4 et pragceptum, Veritatem erne et noli vendere, similiter scientiam et prudentiam : 5 quasi aequum judicet, opes impendendas ut doctrina paretur, non doctrinam eo vertendam ut opes congerantur.
Quid attinet dicere de vita ilia privata et obscura, quam literatis objiciunt ? Adeo tritum thema est at- que ab omnibus jactatum, otium et secessum (modo absint desidia et luxus) praeponere vitae forensi et occu-
1 In praefatione.
2 Oratio prima ad C. Caesarem de republica ordinandi. This discourse and that which follows it have been ascribed to Sallust, but apparently without sufficient reason.
8 See Diogen. Laert. in Diog. c. 54. 4 Proverbs, xxviii. 20. 6 Proverbs, xxiii. 23.
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patse, propter securitatem, libertatem, dulcedinem, dig- nitatem, aut saltern ab indignitatibus immunitatem, ut nemo tractet hone locum quin bene tractet : ita huma- nis conceptibus in exprimendo et eonsensibus in appro- bando consonat. Hoc tan turn adjiciam, eruditos laten- tes in rebuspublicis, et sub oculis hominum minima degentes, similes esse imaginibus Cassii et Bruti, de quibus in elatione Juniae non gestatis, cum aliae pluri- mae ducerentur, Tacitus, JEo ipso (inquit) prcefidgebant, quod non visebantur.1
De occupationum quae literatis committuntur vilitate illud occurrit, quod demandetur iisdem puerorum ac juniorum institutio, cujus aetatis contemptus in magi- stros ipsos redundat. Caeterum quarn injusta sit haec obtrectatio, si non ex vulgi opinione sed ex sano judicio res perpendatur, inde licet sestimare, quod diligentiores sint omnes in imbuenda testa recenti quam veteri ; ma- gisque solliciti sint qualem admoveant terram teneraB plantae quam adultae ; unde liquet, praecipuam curam circa rerum et corporum initia versari. Rabbin is, si placet, porrige aurem ; Juvenes vestri vis tones videbunt, et senes somniabunt somnia ; 2 ex hoc textu colligunt, juventutem esse aetatem digniorem ; quanto nimirum revelatio accedat clarior per visiones quam per somnia. Illud vero notatu omnino dignum, quod licet paedagogi, velut simiae tyrannidis, seen as sint ludibria, et tempo- rum incuria in delectu ipsorum veluti obdormierit ; vetus tamen querela sit, inde usque ab optimis et
1 " Sed praefulgebant Cassius atque Brutus, eo ipso quod effigies eorum non visebantur." — Ann. iii. sub. calcem.
2 Joel, ii. 28. " Notanda autem hie orationis concinnitas, et poetae in jungendis verbis delectus, quod senibus somnia tribuat, qua3 debiliori ietati magis conveniunt, juvenibus visiones utpote vividioribus ingeniis ad con- cipienda phantasmata promptioribus." — Tychsen, quoted in Rosenmuller's Schol. in Vet. Test, ad loc.
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prudentissimis saeculis deducta, respublicas circa leges qtddem nimiura satagere, circa educationem indiligen- tes esse. Quae nobilissima pars priscae discipline re- vocata est aliquatenus quasi postliminio in Jesuitarum collegiis ; quorum cum intueor industriam solertiam- que tarn in doctrina excolenda quam in moribus in- formandis, illud occurrit Agesilai de Pharnabazo, Talis cum sis, utinam noster esses.1 Atque hactenus de op- probriis e literatorum fortuna et conditione desumptis.
Quod ad literatorum mores ; res est ista potius ad personas quam ad studia spectans. Reperiuntur pro- culdubio inter eos, quemadmodurn in omnibus vitae ordinibus et generibus, tarn mali quam boni ; neque propterea non verum est (quod asseritur) abire studia in mores;2 atque literas, nisi incidant in ingenia ad- modum depravata, corrigere prorsus naturam et rau- tare in melius.
Veruntamen diligenter milii atque ingenue rem aesti- manti nullum occurrit dedecus Uteris ex literatorum moribus, quatenus sunt literati, adhaerens ; nisi forte hoc vitio vertatur (cujus Demosthenes, Cicero, Cato Secundus, Seneca, pluresque alii insimulantur) quod cum plerumque tempora de quibus legunt illis in quibus vivunt, et quae praecipiuntur illis quae aguntur, meliora sint, ultra quam par est contendant morum corruptelas ad praeceptorum et dogmatum honestatem retrahere, et priscas severitatis mores temporibus dissolutis impo- nere ; de quo tamen abunde e propriis fontibus admo-
1 Plutarch in Agesil. c. 12. This commendation did not escape the dili- gence of Gomez, who, in his Eloyia Socletatis Jesu (Antwerp, 1667), has quoted it in the section of his work in which he brings forward the testi- monies which have been borne by heretics to the merits of the society. V. p. 448.
2 " Sive abeunt studia in mores." — Ov. Epist. xv. 83.
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neri possunt. Solon enim interrogatus, an optimas civibus suis dedisset leges ? Optimas, inquit, ex Mis quas ipsi voluissent accipere} Ita Plato, videns corrup- tiores suorum civium mores quam ut ipse ferre pos- set, ab omni publico munere abstinuit, dicens ; Sic cum patriot agendum esse, ut cum parentibus ; hoc est, suasu, non violentia ; obtestando, non contestando? Atque hoc ipsum cavet ille, qui a consiliis Caesari ; Non, inquit, ad vetera instituta revocans, quce jampridem corruptis moribus ludibrio sunt? Cicero etiam hujus erroris ar- guit Catonem secundum, Attico suo scribens ; Cato optime sentit, sed nocet interdum reipublicce : loquitur enim tanquam in republica Platonis, non tanquam in fcece Romuli.^ Idem Cicero molli interpretatione ex- cusat pbilosophorum dicta et decreta duriora : Isti, in- quit, ipsi prceceptores et magistri videntur fines officiorum paido longius quam natura vellet protulisse, ut cum ad ultimum animo contendissemus, ibi tarnen ubi oportet con- sisteremus.5 Ipsemet tamen potuit dicere, Monitis sum minor ipse meis : 6 quippe qui in eundem lapidem ipse, licet non tarn graviter, impegerit.
Aliud quod eruditis non immerito fortasse objicitur vitium hujusmodi est, quod honori aut emolumento patriarum suarum aut dominorum proprias fortunas aut pra3sidia postposuerint. Sic enim Demosthenes Athe-
1 Plutarch in Solone, c. 15.
2 Platonis Epistoll. G. But Bacon probably took the story from Cicero, Ad Familiar es, i. 9.
8 Oratio prima de republ. ordinand.
4 " Cato optimo animo utens et summfi fide, nocet interdum reipublicse. Dicit enim tanquam in Platonis rzoTiirda, non tanquam in faece Romuli, sen- tentiam." — Ad Attic, ii. 1. 8.
5 Pro Murama, c. 31. But Bacon's quotation is not quite accurate. ["Etenim isti ipsi mihi videntur vestri pnvceptores et virtutis magistri fines officiorum," &c. The rest as in the text. — J. S.]
6 Ovid, Ars Amat. ii. 548.
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niensibus suis, Mea, in quit, consilia, si recte attendatis, non sunt ejus generis per quce ego inter vos magnus, vos inter Grrceeos despectui sitis ; sed talia, ut mihi scepenu- mero ea haud tutum sit dare, vobis autem semper utile amplecti.1 Haud aliter Seneca, postquam quinquen- nium illud Neronis aeternae eruditorum magistrorum consecrasset gloriae, dominum suum omnibus jam fla- gitiis inquinatissimum libere atque fidenter monere non destitit, magno suo periculo, ac postremo praecipitio. Neque aliter potest se habere res ; siquidem humanam mentem doctrina imbuit vero sensu fragilitatis suae, in- stabilitatis fortunae, dignitatis animae et muneris sui ; quarum rerum memores nullo modo sibi persuadere possunt fortunae propriae amplitudinem, tanquam pra> cipuum sibi bonorum finem, statui posse. Quare sic vivunt tanquam rationem reddituri Deo, et dominis post Deum, sive regibus sive rebuspublicis, hac for- mula, Ecce tibi lucrefeci,2 non autem ilia, JEcce mihi lucrefeei. At politicorum turba, quorum mentes in doctrina officiorum et in contemplatione boni univer- salis non sunt institutae et confirmatcB, omnia ad se referunt ; gerentes se pro centro mundi, ac si omnes lineae in se suisque fortunis debeant concurrere ; de reipublicae navi, licet tempestatibus jactata, neutiquam solliciti, modo ipsis in scapha rerum suarum receptus detur et effugium. At contra, qui officiorum pondera et philautiae limites didicerunt, munia sua stationesque, licet cum periculo, tuentur. Quod si forte incolumes permaneant in seditionibus et rerum mutationibus, non id artibus aut versatili ingenio, sed reverentiae quam probitas etiam ab hostibus extorquet, tribuendum. Cae- terum quod attinet ad fidei constantiam et officiorum
1 De Chersonese 2 g. Matthew, xxv. 20.
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religionem, quas certe animis hominum inserit eruditio, utcunque eae quandoque a fortuna mulctentur, aut ex male-sanis politicorum principiis condemnentur, tamen palam scilicet apud omnes laudem referent, ut in hac re longa defensione non sit opus.
Aliud vitium Jiteratis familiare (quod facilius excu- sari potest quam negari) illud : x nimirum, quod non facile se applicent et accommodent erga personas qui- buscum negotiantur aut vivunt : qui defectus e duabus oritur causis. Prima est, animi ipsius magnitudo, prop- ter quam segre se demittere possunt ad observantiam unius alicujus hominis. Amantis verba sunt, non sa- pientis, satis magnum alter alteri theatrum sumus? Ne- que tamen inficias ibo, ilium qui aciem animi, instar oculi, non possit aeque contrahere ac dilatare insigni facultate ad res gerendas esse orbatum. Secnnda vero causa est probitas morum et simplicitas ; quae tamen delectum judicii, non defectum, in illis arguit. Veri enim et legitimi observantiam erga aliquam personam limites non ultra porrigunt se quam ita nosse illius mores ut absque offensione cum eo versari, eumque consilio si opus sit juvare, nobisque interim ipsis in om- nibus cavere possimus ; verum alienos affectus rimari, eo fine ut ilium inflectas, verses, et ad libitum cir- cumagas, hominis est parum candidi, sed potius astuti et bifidi ; id quod in amicitia vitiosum fuerit, erga principes etiam inofficiosum. Mos enim Orientis, quo nefas habetur oculos in reges defigere, ritu quid em bar- barus est, sed significatione bonus;3 neque enim sub-
1 I have inserted the colon after illud, there being no stop in the original. Possibly an est has dropped out. The corresponding passage in the Ad-
vancement of Learning stands thus, — u Another fault is, that they
fail," &c.— ./. S.
2 This sentiment is ascribed to Epicurus by Seneca, Ep. vii.
8 Bacon probably refers to the relation of some modern traveller. Even
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ditos decet corda regum suorum, quae Sacrae Scripturae inscrutabilia docent, curiosius rimari.
Superest etiamnum aliud vitium (quocum banc par- tem concludam) literatis saepius imputatum ; videlicet quod in rebus exiguis et externis (vultu, gestu, incessu, sermonibus quotidianis, et hujusmodi) deficiant in ob- servando decoro ; unde homines imperiti ex istis mi- nutis leviculisque erroribus quanti sint in rebus ma- joribus tractandis conjecturam capiunt. Verum fallit eos plerumque hujusmodi judicium ; imo sciant respon- sum sibi esse a Themistocle, qui cum rogatus esset ut fidibus caneret, arroganter satis ipse de se sed ad prae- sens institutum perquam apposite respondit ; Se quidem fiditim rudem esse, sed quo pacto oppidum parvum in civitatern rnagnam evadere posset satis nosse.1 Et sunt * proculdubio multi politicarum artium apprime gnari, quibus tamen in communi vita et quotidianis reculis nihil imperitius. Quinetiam hujusmodi sugillatores amandancli sunt ad Platonis elogium de praeceptore suo Socrate, quern baud absimilem dixit pharmaeopo- larum pyxidibus, quae exterius inducebantur simiis, ululis, saty risque ; intus vero pretiosos liquores et no- bilia medicamenta recondita habebant : fatendo scilicet, quod ad vulgi captum et famam popularem prae se fer- ret nonnulla levia atque etiam deformia, cum tamen animi interiora summis tarn facultatibus quam virtutibus essent rep] eta.2 Atque de moribus literatorum haec hactenus.
in Herodotus however we find a similar custom mentioned. He ascribes its introduction to Deioces. V. Herod, i. 99.
i Pint, in Them. 2.
2 Bacon doubtless refers to the Symposium, p. 215. Yet of the passage in question he has scarcely given the import. Alcibiades likens Socrates not to the " pyxides pharmacopolarum," but to images of Sileni. Wats, it
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Interim rnonere placet, nos nihil minus agere quam ut patrocinemur quibusdam professorum institutis ab- jectis et sordidis, quibus et seipsos et literas dehonesta- runt ; quales erant apud Romanos, sasculis posteriori- bus, philosophi quidam in familiis divitum, mensarum- que eorum assecte, quos baud absurde dicas barbatos parasitos. Cujus generis quendam lepide describit Lu- cianus, quern matrona nobilis catulum suum Melitamm in rheda gestare voluit ; quod cum ille officiose sed indecenter faceret, pusio subsannans, Vereo?*, inquit, ne philosojjhus noster e Stoico fiat Cynicus} Ante omnia Aero, nihil tarn offecit literarum dignitati quam crassa et turpis adulatio, ad quam multi, neque hi indoeti, et calamos et ingenia submisere, Hecubam in Helenarn, Faustinam in Lucretiam (ut ait Du-Bartas) transfor- mantes.2 Neque vero nimis laudo morem ilium recep-
may be remarked, has in his version introduced the name of Alcibiades into the text without any authority for doing so. [Bacon was thinking no doubt of the free version of the passage, half comment half paraphrase, with which Rabelais opens his address to his readers. " Silenes estoyent jadiz petites boytes, telles que voyons de present es boutiques des apothe- caires, painctes au dessus de figures joyeuses et frivoles," &c. — ./. S.~\
1 Lucian's De mercede conductis. It would more accord with the origi- nal to read catelhm suam Mtlitceum.
8 Tous ces doctes espri\s dont la voix flatteresse, Change Hecube en Helene, et Faustine en Lucresse, Qui d'un nain, d'un batard, d'un archerot sans yeux, Font, non un dieutelet, ains le maistre des dieux, &c.
Du-Baktas, Second jour de la Semaine.
Du-Bartas, Montaigne, and Rabelais are I think the only French writers whom Bacon quotes, though he perhaps alludes in one passage to the cele- brated jurist D'Argentre and seems to have read Charron. Du-Bartas'fl writings were held in great esteem by King James. He is quoted in " The trew Law of free Monarchies" and in "A declaration against Vorstius/' and is in both places termed the divine poet; a designation which perhaps refers merely to the nature of his subject. In the third book of the Basi- licon Doron he is particularly recommended to Prince Henry's studies. Cardinal du Perron's criticism on Du-Bartas is amusing; that instead of
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turn libros patronis imncupandi ; cum libri, praesertim qui hoc nomine dignandi, in veritatis tantum et rationis clientelam se dare debeant. Melius veteres, qui non aliis quam amicis atque aequalibus scripta sua dicare solebant, aut etiam nomina ejusmodi amicorum tracti- bus suis imponere ; quod si forte regibus aut magnati- bus opus nuncuparent, turn demum hoc factum est cum argumentum libri personae tali conveniret. Haec au- tem, et similia, reprehensionem potius merentur quam defensionem.
Neque hoc dico, quasi literatos culpem, si ad beatos et potentes viros quandoque se applicent ; recte enim Diogenes1 cuidam cum irrisione roganti, Qui fieret quod philosophi divites sectarentur, non divites philosophos ? respondit, non sine morsu, Hoc ideo fieri, quod philosophi quibus rebus indigeant probe intelligant, divites non item. Huic affine est illud Aristippi, cui nescio quid petenti cum non attenderet Dionysius, ille adorantis more abjecit se ad pedes ejus, qui turn demum auscultans petitioni annuit ; sed paulo post quidam dignitatis phi- losophiae assertor increpuit Aristippum, quod demit- tendo se ad pedes tyranni pro tantilla re philosophiam ipsam contumelia affecisset ; cui ille suam id culpam non fuisse respondit, sed Dionysii, qui aures gestaret in pedibus.2 Quin prudens ille, non pusillanimis, habi- tus est, qui in disputatione quadam cum Hadriano Caesare vinci se passus est, excusans factum, Quod cequum esset ei cedere qui triginta imperaret legionibus?
calling the sun the King of Lights, he would prefer to call him the Duke of Candles.
1 Not Diogenes, but Aristippus. See Diog. Laert. in Aristip. c. 69. Wats has without authority corrected this error in his translation.
2 Diog. Laert. in Arist. c. 79.
8 This story is told of Favorinus by Spartianus, in Hadriani vita.
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Atque propterea lion sunt damnandi viri docti, ubi cum res postulat aliquid de gravitate sua remittant, sive imperante necessitate sive impetrante occasione ; quod quamvis humile videatur atque servile primo in- tuitu, tamen verius rem aestimanti, censebuntur non person ae sed tempori ipsi servire.
Pergamus nunc ad errores atque inania, quae in studiis ipsis virorum doctorum interveniunt, iisque se immiscent ; id quod praecipue et proprie spectat ad praesens argumentum. Qua in re, non est instituti nostri erroribus ipsis patrocinari, sed per eorum cen- suram et secretionem excutere quod sanum et solidum est, atque a calumnia vindicare. Videmus enim in more pragsertim apud invidos esse, propter ea quse depra- vata sunt, etiam ea quae impolluta et in statu suo man- serunt sugillare ; quemadmodum etlmici in primitiva Ecclesia Christianos haereticorum vitiis aspergere sole- bant. Neque tamen consilium est mihi examen ali- quod accuratius instituere de erroribus et impedimentis literarum, quae interiora et a captu vulgi remotiora ; sed de illis tan turn verba facere, quae cadunt sub eom- muni et populari observatione et nota, aut saltern ab ea non longe recedunt.
Quare tria praecipue deprehendo vana et inania in Uteris, quae ansas praecipue praebuerunt ad obtrectan- dum. Eas enim res pro vanis ducimus, quae aut falsae sunt aut frivolas ; in quibus scilicet aut Veritas deficit aut usus : illos etiam homines vanos et leves existima- mus, qui aut ad falsa creduli aut in rebus exigui usus curiosi. Curiositas autem aut in rebus ipsis versatur aut in verbis ; quando nimirum aut in rebus inanibus opera insumitur, aut circa verborum delicias nimium insudatur. Quocirca non certae magis experientiae
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quam rectse etiam rationi consonum videtur, ut tres ponantur doctrinarum intemperies. Prima est doc- trina fantastica, secunda doctrina litigiosa, tertia doc- trina fucata et mollis ; vel sic, vanae imaginationes, vanse altercationes, vanse affeetationes. Ac quidem ordiar ab ultima.
Intemperies ista, in luxurie quadam orationis sita, (licet olim per vices in pretio habita fuerit) circa Lu- theri tempora miris modis invaluit. In causa praeeipue fuit, quod fervor et efficacia concionum tunc temporis ad populum demulcendum et alliciendum maxime vi- gebat ; ilia autem populare genus orationis poscebant. Accedebat odium et contemptus illis temporibus ortus erga scholasticos, qui stilo et scribendi genere uteban- tur valde diverso, verba licenter admodum cudentes nova et horrida, de orationis ornatu et elegantia parum solliciti, dummodo circuitionem evitarent et sensus ac conceptus suos acute exprimerent ; atque hinc factum est, ut paulo postea major apud plurimos coeperit haberi verborum cura quam rerum ; plerisque magis comptam phrasim, teretem periodum, clausularum rhythmos, tro- porum stellulas, quam pondus rerum, rationum nervos, inventionis acumen, ant judicii limam affectantibus. Turn demum floruit Osorii Lusitani l episcopi luxu- rians et diluta oratio. Tunc Sturmius 2 in Cicerone Oratore et Hermoa;ene Rhetore infinitam et anxiam operam consumpsit. Tunc Carrus et Aschamus apud
1 Osorius, bishop of Sylves in Algarve, died in 1580. One of his prin- cipal works is his De rebus gestis Emanuelis, 1574, in twelve books. It contains an account of the Portuguese discoveries and conquests which took place in the reign of Emanuel the Great (1495—1521).
2 John Sturmius, who has been styled the German Cicero, was born in 1507, and died in 1589. He was a professor at Paris and at Strasbourg, and has left, among other works, some notes on Hermogenes.
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nos prelection ibus et scriptis suis Cieeronem et De- mostlienem usque ad coelum evehentes, juvenes ad politum hoc et florens doctrinae genus invitarunt. Tunc Erasmus arripuit ansam introducendi ridiculam illam Echo, Decern avinos consumpsi in legendo Cice- rone ; cui Echo respondit, one, asine.1 Scholasticorum vero doctrina despectui prorsus haberi coepit, tanquam aspera et barbara. Denique, ut semel dieam, praecipua illorum temporum inclinatio et studium potius ad co- piam quam ad pondus deflexit.
Hie itaque cernere est primam literarum intem- periem, cum (ut dixirnus) verbis studetur non rebus ; cujus etsi e citimis tantum temporibus protulerim ex- empla, tamen secundum majus et minus et olim placu- erunt ejus generis ineptia?, et deinceps placebunt. Jam vero fieri non potest, quin hoc ipsum multum faciat ad doctrine existimationem minuendam et elevandam, etiam apud vulgus imperitum; cum videant doctorum scripta tanquam primam literam diplomatis, quae quam- vis variis calami ductibus et flosculis variegata sit, litera tamen est unica. Ac mihi sane videtur perapposita hujusce vanitatis adumbratio et quasi emblema, Pygma- lionis ilia insania ; quid enim aliud sunt verba quam imagines rerum, ut nisi rationum vigore animata sint, adamare ilia idem sit ac statuam deperire ?
Neque tamen temere damnandum est, si quis philoso- phise obscura et aspera, verborum splendore illustret et expoliat. Hujus enim rei magna adsunt exempla in Xenophonte, Cicerone, Seneca, Plutarcho, ipsoque etiam P la tone. Nee minor est utilitas. Quam vis
1 " ' Decern jam annos aetatem trivi in Cicerone.' Echo c ove .' "—Erasm. Colloq. A little farther on Erasmus makes Ciceronianus suggest the echo uvovg.
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enim diligentem veri cognitionem atque acre studium philosophic res hoec nonnihil impediat, quoniam pra> propere mentem consopit, atque ulterioris disquisitio- nis sitim et ardorem restinguit ; si quis tamen doetri- nam ad usus civiles adhibeat (sermocinandi videlicet, consulendi, suadendi, argumentandi, et similium), om- nia quaa cupiat praeparata et adornata in hujusmodi authoribus reperiet. Veruntamen hujusce rei exces- sus adeo juste contemnitur, ut quemadmodum Hercu- les, cum videret in templo statuam Adonidis (Veneris deliciarum) indignabundus dixit, Nil sacri es;1 ita omnes Herculei literarum pugiles, id est, laboriosi at- que constantes indagatores veritatis, hujusmodi delicias et lauticias, tanquam nil divini spirantes, facile spre- verint.
Paulo sanius est aliud styli genus (neque tamen ipsum omnino vanitatis expers), quod copise illi et luxuriae orationis tempore fere succedit. Illud totum in eo est, ut verba sint aculeata, sententige concisaa, oratio denique potius versa quam fusa ; quo fit, ut omnia per hujusmodi artificium magis ingeniosa vide* antur quam revera sint. Tale invenitur in Seneca effusius, in Tacito et Plinio Secundo moderatius ; at- que nostri temporis auribus coepit esse non ita pridem accommodatum. Verum hoc ipsum mediocribus in- geniis gratum esse solet (adeo ut dignitatem quandam literis conciliet) ; attamen a judiciis magis limatis me- rito fastiditur, et poni possit pro intemperie quadam doctrinae, cum sit verborum etiam et eorum concinni- tatis aucupium quoddam. Atque ha3C de prima litera- rum intemperie dicta sunt.
1 See the scholiast on Theocritus, v. 2. But Bacon probably took the story from the Adagia of Erasmus.
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Sequitur ea intemperies in rebus ipsis, quam posui- mus mediam, et litigiosce subtilitatis nomine designavi- mus. Estque ilia, de qua modo diximus, aliquanto deterior. Ut enim rerum dignitas verborum cultui praecellit ; sic e contrario, odiosior est vanitas in rebus quam in verbis. Qua in re increpatio ilia Paulina non magis ad suam aetatem referri, quam ad sequentia tem- pora deduci potest ; neque theologian! tantum, sed etiam omnes scientias respicere videtur : Devita pro- fanas voeum 7iovitates, et opjiositiones falsi nominu scientice.1 His enim verbis, duo signa indiciaque sci- ential suspectae atque ementitae proponit. Primum est, vocum novitas et insolentia ; alterum, rigor dog- matum ; qui necessario oppositionem, et dein alterca- tiones quaestionesque inducit. Certe quemadmodum complura corpora naturalia, dum valent integra, cor- rumpuntur saepius et abeunt in vermes ; eodem modo sana et solida rerum cognitio saepenumero putrescit, et solvitur in subtiles, vanas, insalubres, et (si ita loqui licet) vermiculatas quaestiones ; quae motu quodam et vivacitate nonnulla praeditae videntur, sed putidaB sunt et nullius usus. Hoc genus doctrinas minus sanaB, et seipsam corrumpentis, invaluit prgecipue apud multos ex scholasticis, qui summo otio abundantes, atque in- genio acres, lectione autem impares (quippe quorum mentes conclusae essent in paucorum authorum, pra?- cipue Aristotelis dictatoris sui, scriptis, non minus quam corpora ipsorum in coenobiorum cellis), historiam vero et naturae et temporis maxima ex parte ignorantes, ex non magno materiae stamine, sed maxima spiritus, quasi radii, agitatione, operosissimas illas telas quae in libris eorum exstant confecerunt. Etenim mens humana,
1 1 Tim. vi. 20.
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si agat in materiam (naturam rerum et opera Dei con- templando), pro modo materiae operatur atque ab eadem determinatur ; sin ipsa in se vertatur (tanquam aranea texens telam),1 turn demum interminata est, et parit certe telas quasdam doctrinse tenuitate fili operisque admirabiles, sed quoad usum frivolas et inanes.
Hsec inutilis subtil itas, sive curiositas, duplex est ; et spectatur aut in materia ipsa, qualis est inanis spe- culatio sive con trover si a ; cujus generis reperiuntur et in theologia, et in philosophia, haud paucae ; aut in modo et methodo tractandi. Hsec apud scholasticos fere talis erat : super unaquaque re proposita forma- bant objectiones, deinde objectionum illarum solutio- nes; quae solutiones ut plurimum distinctiones tantum erant ; cum tamen scientiarum omnium robur, instar fascis illius senis, non in singulis bacillis sed in om- nibus vinculo conjunctis consistat. Etenim symmetria scientise, singulis scilicet partibus se invicem sustinen- tibus, est et esse debet vera atque expedita ratio refel- lendi objectiones minorum gentium. Contra, si singula
1 In Bacon's Promus, a manuscript collection of sentences, formula?, &c. [for a particular account of which see the Literary Works], we find the following: " Ex se fingit velut araneus." Bacon had doubtless taken this from Erasmus, by whom it is given as a proverb. V. Erasm. Adag. iv. 4. 43. Erasmus again derived it from Plutarch, De Osiride. Plutarch applies the comparison to poets and orators. Neither in his use of it, nor in Erasmus's remarks, noryet in our text, is there anything to countenance the interpretation which M. Cousin has given of Bacon's meaning, namely that he intended to throw discredit on the study of psychology. He seems to have been led to this interpretation by the word materiam, taking it as if in antithesis to soul or spirit; whereas it means nothing more than the object, to irpoKeifiivov, on which the mind works. Surely Bacon might have defended himself by saying that he had explained " materia " in the figurative sense in which he used it, as equivalent to " natura rerum et opera Dei," and by inquiring whether the object of psychological researches were not included among the works of God. In the Novum Organum we find more than one example of what M. Cousin would doubtless recognise as an attempt at experimental psychology.
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axiomata tanquam baculos fascis seorsim extrahas, facile erit ea infirmare, et pro libito aut flectere aut frangere. Ut quod de Seneca dictum erat, Verborum mimitiis rerum frangit pondera,1 vere de scholastieis usurpari possit, Q ucestionum minutiis scientiarum frangunt robur. Numnon in aula spatiosa consultius foret unum accen- dere cereum, aut lychnuchum suspendere variis lumini- bus instructum, quo omnia simul perlustrentur, quam in singulos angulos quaquaversus exiguain circumferre lucernam ? Atqui non absimilis est eorum ratio, qui non tain veritatem perspicuis argumentis, authoritati- bus, comparationibus, exemplis illustrare nituntur ; quam in hoc solum incumbunt ut minutos quosque scrupulos eximant, et captiunculas expediant, et dubitationes solvant ; hoc pacto qua3stionem ex quaestione gignentes, quemadmodum fit in superiori similitudine, ut lucerna in unum aliquem locum delata alios circumquaque destituat et obscuret. Adeo ut Scyllae fabula ad vi- vum exprimat hoc genus philosophise ; cujus os et pec- tus virginem formosam praeferebant, infra vero fuisse aiunt
Candida succinctam latrantibus inguina monstris.2
Sic generalia quaedam apud scholasticos invenias, quae
1 " Si rerum pondera minutissimis sententiis non fregisset, consensu potius eruditorum quam puerorum amore comprobaretur." — Quintil. x. c. 1.
The method of the schoolmen is correctly described in the text. Gen- erally each quaestio or inquiry begins with a statement of the different points which are to be elucidated. To each of these is allotted a separate articulus. One or more reasons are alleged in favour of the opinion which the author means to reject. Some objection, generally founded on a quo- tation from some conclusive authority, is then stated against it, and then the author gives his own opinion in what is called the Conclusio, and pro- ceeds to refute one by one the arguments he has adduced on the other side. It is impossible not to recognise in this method of procedure the influence of a system of oral disputation.
2 ^Eneid, vi. 75.
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pulchra sunt dictu, et non perperam inventa ; ubi autem ventum fuerit ad distinctiones decisionesque, pro foecundo utero ad vitas humanae commoda, in por- tentosas et latrantes quaestiones desinunt. Itaque mi- nime minim, si hoc genus doctrinae etiam apud vulgus hominum contemptui obnoxium fuerit, qui fere solent veritatem propter controversias circa earn motas asper- nari, atque existimare eos enure omnes qui nunquam inter se conveniant ; cumque videant doctos homines inter se digladiari de rebus nullius momenti, facile illud Dionysii Syracusani arripiunt, Verba ista sunt senum otiosorum.1 Nihilominus certissimum est, si modo scho- lastici ad inexplebilem sitim veritatis et continuam agi- tationem ingenii varietatem et multiplicitatem lectionis et contemplationum adjunxissent, insignia profecto illi exstitissent lumina, omnesque artes et scientias mirifice provexissent. Hactenus de secunda literarum intem- perie.
Ad tertiam quod attinet, quae ad falsitatem et men- dacium spectat ; una haec omnium turpissima est, quippe quae ipsam naturam animamque destruit scientiae, quae nihil aliud est quam veritatis imago. Nam Veritas essendi et Veritas cognoscendi idem sunt ; nee plus a se invicem differunt, quam radius directus et reflexus.2
i See Nov. Org. i. 71.
2 We may illustrate this passage from the writings of S. Thomas Aqui- nas. " Res inteliecta ad intellectum aliquem potest habere ordinem vel per se vel per accidens. Per se quidem habet ordinem ad intellectum a quo dependet secundum suum esse, per accidens autem ad intellectum a quo
cognoscibilis est Unde unaquaeque res dicitur vera absolute
secundum ordinem ad intellectum a quo dependet. . . . Res naturales di- cuntur esse verae secundum quod assequuntur similitudinem specierum quae sunt in mente divina. . . . Sic ergo Veritas principaliter est in intellectu, secundario vero in rebus secundum quod comparantur ad intellectum ut ad principium." Thus the Veritas essendi is as it were the direct beam derived from the divine mind on outward thing*. S. Thomas goes on to recognise the truth of the opinion that " Veritas intellectus nostri a re
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Hoc vitium itaque duplex vel potius duplicatum est, im- postura et credulitas ; haec decipitur, ilia decipit ; quae licet videantur discrepantis naturae, alteraque a callidi- tate quadam, altera a simplicitate profecta, plerumque tamen coeunt. Ut enim in carmine habetur,
Percontatorem fugito, nam garrulus idem est;1
innuendo, qui curiosus est eundem esse et futilem ; pariter fit, ut qui facile credat idem libenter decipiat. Quemadmodum quoque fieri videmus in fama et ru- moribus, ut qui cito iisdem fidem habeat, pari facili- tate eos auxerit. Quod Tacitus prudenter innuit his verbis, Fingunt simul creduntque ; 2 adeo finitimae sunt voluntas fallendi et facilitas credendi.
Haec credendi recipiendique omnia (licet levi au- thoritate munita) facilitas, duorum generum est, pro ratione subjectae materiae ; aut enim creditur narra- tioni sive facto (ut loquuntur Jurisconsulti), aut dog- mati. In priori genere videmus quanto dignitatis de- trimento hie error affecerit ex Ecclesiasticis Historiis nonnullas ; quae nimis faciles se praebuerunt in pro- dendis transcribendisque miraculis, a Martyribus, Ere- mitis, Anachoretis, et aliis Sanctis viris, atque ab eorum reliquiis, sepulchris, sacellis, imaginibus, editis. Eodem
causatur;" and we thus see how the Veritas cognoscendi may be spoken of as radius reflexus, returned to the mind from the outward object, which had derived its own essential truth from the source of all truth. The pas- sages I have quoted occur in the Summa Theologice of S. Thomas, 1. q. 16. a. 1.
i Hor. Ep. i. 18. 69.
2 Annals, v. 10. : where he says that upon the report of the approach of Drusus Germanicus, " alliciebantur ignari fama nominis et promptis Grae- corum animis ad nova et mira; quippe lapsum custodia pergeread paternos exercitus, iEgyptum aut Syriam invasurum, iingebant simul credebant- que." Compare also Hist. i. 51. : " Sed plurima ad fingendum credendum- que materies in ipsis castris." — J. S.
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modo in naturali historia videmus multa temere ac parum cum delectu aut judicio recepta et descripta ; ut liquet ex scriptis Plinii, Cardani, Alberti, et pluri- morum ex Arabibus, quae com men tit iis et fabulosis narrationibus passim scatent ; iisque non solum incertis et neutiquam probata, sed perspicue falsis et mani- festo convictis ; ingenti philosophise naturalis dedecore, apud homines graves et sobrios. In quo sane eluces- cit Aristotelis sapientia et integritas, qui cum diligen- tem scripserit atque accuratam historiam Animalium, tarn parce ficta aut fabulosa admiscuerit ; quin potius auditiones admirandas, quas memoratu dignas judi- cavit, in unum commentariolum l conjecit ; prudenter perpendens, perspicue vera (quag, tanquam basis expe- rientiae solida, philosophise et scientiis substerni pos- sint) haud temere esse cum rebus suspectae fidei miscenda ; et rursus etiam rara atque insolita, quae plerisque incredibilia videntur, non omnino esse sup- primenda, neque memoriae posterorum deneganda.
At ilia altera credulitas, quae non historiae aut nar- rationibus sed artibus et opinionibus tribuitur, duplex est ; aut cum artibus ipsis, aut cum authoribus in arte, nimium credimus. Artes ipsae, quae plus habent ex phantasia et fide quam ex ratione et demonstrationi- bus, sunt praecipue tres ; Astrologia, Naturalis Magia, et Alchymia : quarum tamen fines non sunt ignobiles. Profitetur enim Astrologia superiorum in inferiora influxum et dominatum recludere. Magia sibi propo- nit naturalem philosophiam a varietate speculationum ad magnitudinem operum revocare. Chymica in se suscipit partes rerum heterogeneas, quae in corporibus naturalibus latent et implicantur, separare et extrahere ;
1 The Be Mirabilibus Auscultationibus ; which is however not Aristotle's.
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corporaque ipsa inquinata depurare, impedita liberare, immatura perficere. Sed via3 atque rationes quae ducere putantur ad hos fines, tarn in theoria illarum artium quam in praxi, erroris et nugarum plenae sunt. Neque adeo traditio ipsarum ut plurimum Candida est, sed artificiis et latebris munita. Chymicae tamen hoc certe debetur, quod vere comparari possit agricolae apud iEsopum, qui e vita exiturus dixit filiis, Se illis vim magnam auri in vinea, nee satis meminisse quo loco, defossam reliquisse ; qui cum vineam diligenter ligoni- bus ubique invertissent, aurum quidem repererunt nul- lum ; sed tamen vindemiam insequentis anni, propter fossiomm circa radices vitium, tulerunt longe uberri- mam. Sic strenui ill i Chymistarum labores et moli- mina circa aurum conficiendum baud paucis nobilibus inventis et experiments, turn ad reserandam naturam turn ad usus vita3 apprime idoneis, quasi facem ac- cenderunt.
Ilia autem credulitas, quae certos scientiarum autho- res dictatoria quadam potestate munivit ut edicant,1 non senatoria ut consulant, ingens damnum scientiis intulit ; tanquam praecipua causa, quae tantopere illas afflixit et depressit, ut absque insigni aliquo augmento exangues jacerent. Hinc nempe factum est, ut in artibus mechanicis primi inventores pauca excogitave- rint, tempus reliqua suppleverit et perfecerit ; at in sci- entiis primi authores longissime penetraverint, tempus plurima detriverit et corruperit. Sic videmus Tor- mentariam, Nauticam, Typographicam, sub initiis im- perfectas et propemodum informes fuisse et exercenti-
1 Bacon is not to be understood as using the word edicere in its technical signification. The "jus edicendi " was by no means the privilege of a dic- tator. It belonged to consuls, praetors, aediles, and other magistrates.
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bus onerosas, temporis vero progressu expolitas et ao commodas. At contra philosophise et scientiae Aristo- telis, Platonis, Democriti, Hippocratis, Euclidis, Ar- chimedis, in ipsis illis authoribus viguerunt, tractu temporis degenerarunt potius et non minimum splendo- ris amiserunt; cujus rei non est alia ratio, quarn quod in artibus mechanieis ingenia multorum in unum coi- erunt, in artibus et scientiis liberalibus ingenia multo- rum sub uno succubuerunt ; quern tamen ipsum saepe- numero sequaces sui potius depravarunt quam illu- strarunt. Ut enim aqua non ascendet altius quam caput fontis a quo promanat, ita doctrina ab Aristo- tele deducta supra doctrinam Aristotelis nunquam as- surget.1 Ideoque etsi non displiceat regula, Oportet discentem credere ; 2 buic tamen conjungendum est, Oportet jam edocturn judicio suo uti. Discipuli enim debent magistris temporariam solum fidem, judiciique suspensionem, donee penitus imbiberint artes ; non au- tem plenam libertatis ejurationem, perpetuamque in- genii servitutem. Quare, ut absolvam hanc partem, hoc tantum adjiciam ; magnis authoribus suus sic con- stet honos, ut authori authorum et veritatis parenti, Tempori, non derogetur.
Explicavimus tandem tres doctrinse intemperies, sive morbos ; praeter quos nonnulli sunt, non tarn morbi confirmati quam vitiosi humores ; qui tamen non adeo occulti sunt aut latentes, quin in multorum sensum et reprehensionem incurrant, ideoque neutiquam praeter- mittendi.
1 Happy as this image is, it is perhaps less so than that of Descartes with reference to the same subject. He compares the servile followers of Aris- totle to " le l'ierre qui ne tend point a monter plus haut que les arbres qui le soutiennent, et meme souvent qui redescend apres qu'il est parvenu jus- ques a leur faite." — De h Methode, i. 202. of Cousin's edition.
2 Arist. De Sophist. Reprehens. ii.
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Horum primus est immodicum studium duorum ex- tremorum, Antiquitatis et Novitatis ; qua in re Tem- ] oris filiae male patrissant. Ut enim Tempus prolem devorat, sic haec se invicem ; dum Antiquitas novis in- videat augmentis, et Novitas non sit contenta recentia adjicere, nisi Vetera prorsus eliminet et rejiciat. Certe consilium Prophetae vera in hac re norma est : State super vias antiquas, et videte quoenam sit via recta et bona, et ambulate in ea.1 Antiquitas earn meretur reverentiam, ut homines aliquamdiu gradum sistere et supra earn stare debeant, atque undequaque circumspi- cere quae sit via optima ; quum autem de via bene con- stiterit, tunc demum non restitandum, sed alacriter progrediendum. Sane, ut verum dicamus, Antiquitas sceeuli juventus mundi? Nostra profecto sunt antiqua
1 Jerem. vi. 16.
2 This remark is not, I think, given by Bacon as a quotation, and it is probable that he did not derive it from any earlier writer. But in the works of several of the scientific reformers we find similar reflexions. Of writers earlier than Bacon or contemporary with him, we may refer to Gil- bert, to Galileo, to the Apologia pro Galileo of Campanella, and particu- larly to the Cena di Centre of Giordano Bruno. The following passage from the last-named writer, in which he appears to have anticipated Bacon, has been referred to by Dr. Whewell in the Philosophy of the Induclire Sci- ences. " Sia come la si vuole," says one of the interlocutors in Bruno's dialogue, M io non voglio discostar mi dal parer degli antichi, perche dice il saggio, Ne l'antiquita e la sapienza." To which another replies : "E soggiunge ' In molti anni la prudenza.' Se voi intendeste bene qualche dite, vedreste che dal vostro fondamento s'inferisce il contrario di quel che pensate. Voglio dire che noi siamo piu vecchi ed abbiamo piu lunga eta, che i nostri predecessori." — Cena di Cenere, i. p. 132. of Wagner's edition of G. Bruno.
The idea that the early nges were the world's youth is to be found in the second book of Esdras, or is at any rate directly suggested by an expres- sion which occurs there: " Seculum perdidit juventutem suam, et tempora appropinquant senescere.'' — 2 Esdras, xiv. 10. The same idea occurs in
Casmann's Probltmata Marina, which was published in 1546. "Si
antiquiorum dignitas ex tempore major videtur, id nostros qui hodie docent
posteriores unice commendabit, nam tempus doctius et pru-
dentius evadit ex continuo progressu, ut senescens judicio sit acriore, soli- diore, et maturiore."
LIBER PRIMUS. 137
tempora, cum mundus jam senuerit ; non ea, quae com- putantur ordine retrogrado initium sumendo a saeculo nostro.
Alius error e priori oriundus, est suspicio quaedam et diffidentia, quaB nihil nunc posse inveniri autumat, quo mundus tarn diu carere potuit ; ac si ilia objectio con- veniret erga tempus, qua Lucianus impetit Jovem cae- terosque ethnicorum deos. Miratur enim, cur tot olim genuerint liberos, nullos autem suo sceculo ? interrogatque jocans, ecquid septuagenarii jam essent, aut lege Papia contra senum nuptias lata constricti ? 1 Sic videntur homines subvereri, ne Tempus effoetum jam factum sit et ad generationem ineptum. Quin potius le vitas hotninum atque inconstantia hinc optime perspici po- test, qui donee res aliqua perfecta sit, earn mirantur fieri posse ; postquam facta semel est, iterum mirantur earn jampridem factam non fuisse. Ita Alexandri ex- peditio in Asiam habita est initio pro vasto et arduo admodum negotio ; quam tamen postea placuit Livio in tantum elevare ut diceret de Alexandro, Nil aliud quam bene ausus est vana contemnere? Idem Columbo evenit, circa occidentalem navigationem.3 Sed in re-
1 This remark, however much in the manner of Lucian, is not his, but Seneca's. It has been preserved to us by Lactantius, who quotes it in his work De falsa Religione, i. c. 16. Every one remembers the " adeo senu- erunt Jupiter et Mars?" of Juvenal. Seneca however refers to Jupiter only.
2 Liv. ix. 17.
3 The story of Columbus's egg is one of those popular anecdotes which no refutation can get rid of. It was first told by Benzoni, and then greatly embellished by Theodore de Bry, and is in reality only a reproduction of a story perhaps not more authentic told of Brunellesco, the architect, who erected the dome of the cathedral at Florence. See Humboldt in his Exa- men Critique de V Histoire de Geographie, &c, vol. iv. p. 152. Bacon is however quite right in saying that after his success Columbus's discovery was depreciated. " I was seven years at your court, and for seven years I was told that my plan was an absurdity," writes Columbus in 1503 to Fer-
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bus intelleetualibus hoc fit multo frequentius, uti videre est in plerisque propositionibus apud Euclidem, quae antequam demonstrentur mirae videntur, et quibus quis non facile assenserit ; post demonstrationem autem fac- tam, arripit eas mens per retractionem 1 quandam (ut loquuntur Jureconsulti), tanquam ante perspectas et cognitas.
Alius error superiori affinis, est eorum qui omnium sectarum atque liseresium veterum, postquam excussae fuissent et ventilatae, optimam semper obtinuisse post- habitis aliis existimant. Itaque putant, si quis de in- tegro institueret inquisitionem et examen, non posset non incidere in aliquas ex rejectis opinionibus, et post rejection em amissis et obliteratis ; quasi vero multitu- do, aut etiam sapientes multitudinis deliniendae gratia, non illud saspe probarint quod populare magis atque leve sit, quam quod solidum atque alte radices agens. Tempus siquidem simile est fluvio, qui levia atque in- flata ad nos devehit, solida autem et pondus habentia submergit.
Alius error a reliquis diversus, est praematura atque proterva reductio doctrinarum in artes et methodos ; quod cum fit, plerunque scientia aut parum aut nihil proficit. Nimirum ut ephebi, postquam membra et lineamenta corporis ipsorum perfecte efFormata sunt, vix amplius crescunt ; sic scientia, quamdiu in aphoris- mos et observationes spargitur, crescere potest et exur- gere ; sed methodis semel circumscripta et conclusa,
dinand and Isabella; "and now the very tailors ask leave to go to discover new countries." " A quantos se fablo de mi empresa todos a una dijeron que era burla, a^ora fasta los sastres suplican por descubrir." Humboldt, 1. c. vol. iii. p. 236.
1 We ought doubtless to read retroactionem, but as the meaning is obvi- ous I have not thought it necessary to introduce the change into the text.
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expoliri forsan et illustrari aut ad usus human os edolari potest, non autem porro mole augeri.
Alius error succedens ipsi quern postremo notavimus, est quod post singulas scientias et artes suas in classes distributas, mox a plerisque universal! rerum cognitioni et Philosophise Primae renunciatur ; quod quidem pro- fectui doctrinarum inimicissimum est. Prospectationes fiunt e turribus aut locis praealtis, et impossibile est ut quis exploret remotiores interioresque sciential alicujus partes, si stet super piano ejusdem scientiae, neque alti- oris scientiae veluti speculam conscendat.
Alius error fluit ex nimia reverentia et quasi adora- tione intellectus humani ; unde homines abduxere se a contemplatione naturae atque ab experientia, in propriis meditationibus et ingenii commentis susque deque volu- tantes. Caeterum praeclaros hos opinatores et (si ita loqui licet) Intellectualistas, qui tamen pro maxime sublimibus et divinis philosophis haberi solent, recte Heraclitus perstrinxit ; Homines, inquit, qucerunt veri- tatem in microcosmis suis, non in mundo majori.x Re- spuunt enim quasi abecedarium naturae, primumque in operibus divinis tirocinium ; quod si non facerent, potu- issent fortasse gradatim et sensim, post literas simplices et deinceps syllabas, ad textum et volumen ipsum crea- turarum expedite legendum ascendere. At illi contra jugi mentis agitatione urgent et tanquam invocant suos Genios, ut vaticinentur eis edantque oracula, qui- bus merito et suaviter decipiuntur.
Alius error huic posteriori finitimus est, quod homi- nes saepius imbuant et inficiant meditationes et doctri- nas suas opinionibus quibusdam et conceptibus propriis, quos potissimum in admiratione habent, aut artibus 1 See Nov. Org. i. § 42.
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quibus maxime addicti et consecrati sunt ; caetera om- nia illis deliciis inficientes et quasi intingentes, licet fuco admodum fallaci. Sic suse philosophiae immiscuit Plato theologiam, Aristoteles logicam, secunda schola Plato- nis (Proclus scilicet et reliqui) mathematicas. Istas enim artes solebant illi tanquam filiolos suos primoge- nitos suaviari. At Chymici e paucis experiments ad foculum et fornacem novam philosophiam excuderunt. Et Gilbertus, popularis noster, philosophiam aliam ex magnete elicuit.1 Sic Cicero, cum varias opiniones de natura animae recensens, tandem in musicum incidisset, qui animam esse harmoniam statuebat, facete dixit ; Hie ah arte sua non recessit? Sed de hoc genus erro- ribus apposite et prudenter ait Aristoteles, Qui respi- eiunt ad pauca, de facili pronuneiant?
Alius error est impatientia dubitandi, et coeca festi- natio decernendi absque debita et adulta suspensione judicii. Nam bivium contemplations non est dissimile bivio actionis a veteribus saepius memorato ; cujus al-
1 Of the writings of William Gilbert of Colchester, thus slightingly spoken of, Galileo has left this judgment: " Io sommamente laudo ammiro & invidio questo autore per essergli caduto in mente concetto tanto stupen- do circa cosa maneggiata di infiniti ingegni sublimi, ne da alcuno avver- tita; panni anco digno di grandissima laude per le molte nuove & vere osservazioni fatte da lui in vergogna di tanti autori mendaci & vani, che scrivono non sol quel che sanno ma tutto quello che senton dire dal volgo sciocco senza cercare di assicurarsene con esperienza, forse per non dimi- nuire i lor libri. Quello che avrei desiderato nel Gilberti e, che fusse stato un poco maggior matematico, & in particolare ben fondato nella geometria, la pratica della quale 1' avrebbe reso men risoluto nell' accettare per con- cludenti dimostrazioni quelle ragioni eh1 ei produce per vere cause delle vere conclusioni da se osservate." — Dialoyi del massimi Sistemi.
Compare for the opinion of modern scientific writers, Dr. Whewell's His- tory of the Inductive Sciences.
The "concetto tanto stupendo" here mentioned refers to Gilbert's notion of the magnetic polarity of the globe.
2 " Hie ab artificio suo non recessit." — Tusc. QucesL i. c. 10. 8 De Generatione et Corrupt, i. 2.
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tera via initio plana et facilis erat fine autem impervia ; altera ingredienti aspera erat et confragosa, ubi paulo processeris expedita et aequabilis. Haud secus in con- templationibus, si quis a certis ordiatur, in dubia desi- net ; sin a dubiis incipiat eaque aliquandiu patienter toleret, in certis exitum reperiet.
Similis error se ostendit in modo tradendi doctrinam, qui nt plurimum est imperiosus et magistralis, non in- genuus et liberalis ; ita demum compositus, ut potius fidem imperet quam examini subjiciatur. Non nega- verim in summariis libellis ad praxim destinatis banc formulam scribendi retineri posse, verum in justis trac- tatibus de scientiis utrumque extremum vitandum cen- seo, tarn Velleii Epicurei, nil tarn metuentis quam ne dubitare de re aliqua videretur,1 quam Socratis et Aca- demiae omnia in dubio relinquentium. Candori potius studendum, resque majore aut minore contentione tra- dendas, prout rationum momentis parcius aut plenius sint probatae.
Alii errores sunt in scopis quos homines prsefigunt sibi, et in quos conatus suos et labores dirigunt. Cum enim diligentiores literarum Coryphaei ad id collimare debeant praecipue, ut arti quam profitentur aliquid pras- clarum adjiciant ; hi contra in secundis tantummodo consistere sat habent ; vel subtilis interprets, vel anta- gonistae vehementis et nervosi, vel methodici abbrevia- toris, nomen ambientes ; unde reditus et vectigalia scientiarum augeri possunt, patrimonium et fundus minime.
Omnium autem gravissimus error in deviatione ab ultimo doctrinarum fine consistit. Appetunt enim ho- mines scientiam, alii ex insita curiositate et irrequieta ; 1 Cicero, De Nat. Deor. i. c. 8. [Compare Nov. Org. i. 67.]
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alii animi causa et delectationis ; alii existimationis gra- tia ; alii contentionis ergo, atque ut in disserendo supe- riores sint ; plerique propter lucrum et victum ; paucis- simi ut donum rationis divinitus datum in usus humani generis impendant. Plane, quasi in doctrina quserere- tur lectulus, in quo tumultuans ingenium et aestuans requie.sceret ; aut xystus sive porticus, in quo animus deambularet liber aut vagus ; aut turris alta et edita, de qua mens ambitiosa et superba despectaret ; aut arx et propugnaculum ad contentiones et praelia ; aut offi- cina ad qusestum et mercatum ; et non potius locuples armarium et gazophylacium, ad opificis rerum omnium gloriam et vitae liumange subsidium. Hoc enim illud est, quod revera doctrinam atque artes condecoraret et attolleret, si contemplatio et actio arctiore quam adhuc vinculo copularentur. Quae certe conjunctio talis foret, qualis est supremorum cluorum planetarum syzygia, cum Saturnus, quietis et contemplationis dux, cum Jove, duce societatis agendique, conspiret.1 Quan- quam cum de praxi atque actione loquor, nullo modo ad doctrinam professoriam et lucrosam innuo. Neque enim me fugit, quantopere hoc ipsum progressionem doctrinae et amplificationem moretur ; perinde quidem ut aureum malum ante oculos Atalantae projectum, quod ut tollat dum flectit se, cursus interea impeditur ;
Declinat cursus, aurumque volubile tollit.2
Neque rursus mihi in animo est, quod de Socrate dic-
1 This conjunction cannot however take place without in some measure affecting the good influences of Jupiter. So at least we are told by astro- logical writers. "Saturnus conjunctus Jovi bona decernit in Saturni sig- nificatis, verum minuuntur significata beneficia Jovis." — Argolo, Parv. Ptolem. p. 47.
2 Ovid, Metam. x. 667.
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turn erat, Philosophiam devocare de eoelo, ut tantianmodo versaretur in terris ; l hoc est, Physieam seponi, ut Mo- ralis Pliilosophia et Politica celebraretur sola ; sed quem- admodum coelum et terra simul conspirant et consen- tiunt ad hominum tuendam vitam atqne juvandam, ita sane hie finis esse debet utriusque Philosophise, lit re- jectis vanis speculationibus et quidquid inane ac sterile est, conservetur quidquid solidum est ac fructuosum ; ut hoc pacto Scientia non sit tanquam scortum, ad vo- luptatem, aut tanquam ancilla, ad quaestum ; sed tan- quam sponsa, ad generationem, fructum, atque solatium honestum.
Jam explicasse videor et quasi dissectione quadam aperuisse vitiosos illos humores, aut saltern eorum pra> cipuos, qui non solum obstitere profectui literarum, verum etiam culpandis iisdem ansam dedere. Quod quidem si nimis ad vivum fecerim, meminisse oportet, Fidelia vulnera amantis, sed dolosa oscula malignantis? Utcunque, hoc certe mihi videor assecutus, ut merear fidem in sequenti praeconio, cum superiori censura tarn libere egerim. Neque tamen in animo est mihi pane- gyricum literarum scribere, aut hymnum Musis prae- cinere, licet forsitan diu jam sit ex quo sacra earum rite celebrata sint ; sed consilium est absque pigmentis et hyperbolis verum doctrinaB contra alias res pondus excipere et perpendere, verumque ejus valorem et pre- tium ex testimoniis divinis atque humanis exquirere.
Primo igitur quaeramus dignitatem scientiae in arche- typo, sive exemplari : 3 id est, in attributis atque actis
1 Cicero, Tusc. v. c. 4.
2 Proverbs, xxvii. 6.
8 In illustration of this word we may refer to Philo-Judaeus, who in the commencement of his tract De Opificio Mundi, expounds the first five verses of Genesis, on the assumption that they relate, not to any material
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Dei, quaterms revelantur homini, et sobrie indagari pos- sunt. Qua in re non competit appellatio Doctrinae, cum omnis doctrina sit scientia acquisita ; nulla autem cognitio in Deo acquisita est, sed originalis. Itaque aliud quaerendum est nomen, Sapientia scilicet, ut Sa- crae Scripturae earn indigitant.
Sic autem se res habet : In operibus creationis dupli- cem virtutis divinae emanationem videmus, quarum una ad potentiam refertur, altera ad sapientiam.1 Ilia prae- cipue cernitur in creanda mole materiae, haec in pul- chritudine formae disponenda.2 Hoc posito notandum est, nihil in creationis historia obstare, quin fuerit con- fusa ilia coeli terraeque massa et materia unico temporis momento creata ; cui tamen disponendae digerendaeque sex dies fuerunt attributi : adeo signanter Deus opera potential ac sapientiae discriminavit. Cui accedit, quod de materiae creatione memoriae proditum non sit dixisse Deum, Fiat coelum et terra, sicut de sequentibus operi- bus dictum est ; sed nude atque actualiter, Deus creavit coelum et terrain : 3 ita ut materia videatur tanquam manu facta, formae vero introductio stilum habeat legis aut decreti.4
creation, but to the formation in the divine mind of the archetype or exem- plar of the visible universe.
1 The first of these is by the schoolmen ascribed more especially to the first, and the second to the second person of the Trinity.
2 It is to be hoped that M. Joseph de Maistre, who in his work entitled Examen de la Philosophie de Bacon has charged him with asserting the eternity of matter, was not acquainted with this passage. It would have been well for M. Joseph de Maistre1 s reputation, if the Examen, which was published after his death, had been suppressed. It is disfigured by pas- sionate unfairness, and in many passages by ignorance almost incredible.
3 Gen. i. 1.
4 It seems that materia and forma are here taken in antithesis to each other; on which it is to be remarked that on the principles of the philos- ophy to which this antithesis belongs, the existence of matter could not precede in order of time the M introductio formae; " for we cannot have ens
LIBER PRIMUS. 145
Pergamus a Deo ad Angelos, quorum natura digna- tione est Deo proxima. Videmus in ordinibus Ange- lorum (quatenus fides adhibenda Coelesti illi Hierar- chic, quae Dionysii Areopagitae nomine evulgatur1) primum locum obtinere Seraphim, Angelos scilicet amoris ; secundum Cherubim, Angelos illuminationis ; tertium autem locum et sequentes Thronis, Principa- tibus, caeterisque Angelis potentiae et ministerii con- cedi ; ut ex hoc ipso ordine ac distributione clarum sit, Angelos scientiae et illuminationis Angelis imperii et potentiae praeponi.
A Spiritibus et Intelligentiis ad formas sensibiles et materiatas descendentes, legimus primam forma- rum creatarum fuisse Lucem ; quae in naturalibus et corporeis, Scientiae in spiritualibus atque incorporeis responded2
Sic in distributione dierum, videmus diem qua re- quievit Deus et con tempi atus est opera sua benedictam fuisse supra omnes dies quibus creata est et disposita fabrica universi.
Post creationem absolutam legimus Hominem collo- cari in Paradiso, ut illic operaretur ; quod quidem opus aliud esse non poterat quam quale pertinet ad contem-
actu sine actu. If the order of time be taken account of, we must say that the formation in question was not the introduction of substantial form, but that of the order and beauty of the universe. And thus S. Thomas, Sum. Theol i. q. 66. a. 1.
1 De C&ksti Hierarchid, cc. 6. 7. This work, in the genuineness of which no one probably now believes, exercised great influence on the medieval development of the doctrine of the nature and faculties of angels. Another work ascribed to the same author, namely the De Divinis Nominibus, has been commented by S. Thomas Aquinas.
2 Whether the first created light were material or spiritual was a much discussed question. S. Augustine is decidedly inclined to the opinion of its being spiritual, which was apparently suggested by the circumstance that no mention is made in the first chapter of Genesis of the creation of angels. For on this view the primitive light was in reality the angelic nature.
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plandum ; hoc est, cujus finis non ad nccessitatem ali- quam, sed ad delectationem et activitatem sine molestia, referri possit. Cum enim tunc temporis nulla potuerit esse creaturae reluctatio, nullus sudor vultus, necessario sequitur actiones humanas ad voluptatem et contempla- tionem, non ad laborem aut opus, comparatas i'uisse. Rursus, prima? hominis actiones, quas in Paradiso ex- ercuit, duas summarias scientia? partes complexae sunt. Ha? erant, inspectio creaturarum, et impositio noini- num. Nam scientia ilia qua? lapsum introduxit (quod et ante monuimus) non erat naturalis scientia circa ereaturas, sed moralis scientia de Bono et Malo ; ex hac suppositione, quod Dei mandata aut vetita non es- sent principia Boni et Mali, sed quod alias haberent ilia origines ; quorum cognitionem affectavit homo, scilicet ut totaliter a Deo deficeret, et sibi ipsi suoque arbitrio prorsus inniteretur.1
Veniamus ad ea quae statim post lapsum contigere. Videmus (ut innumera sunt Sacrarum Scripturarum mysteria, salva semper veritate historica et literali) imaginem duarum vitarum, contemplative nimiruin et activa?, in personis Abelis et Caini, inque eorum insti- tutis et primitivis vivendi rationibus delineatam ; quo- rum alter pastor erat (qui propter otium et quietum liberumque coeli aspectuin typus est vita? theories), alter agricola (laboribus scilicet fatigatus, et aspectu in terrain defixus). Ubi cernere est, favorem electionem- que divinam ad pastorem accessisse, non ad agricolam.2
1 " Primus homo peccavit principaliter appetendo similitudinem Dei quantum ad scientiam boni et mali, sicut serpens ei suggessit, ut scilicet per virtutem propriae natunc determinaret sibi quid esset bonum et quid malum ad agendum." — SL Thomas, Sum. Theol. Sec. Secund. q. 163. a 2.
2 By Philo-Judaeus, whom Bacon has more than once quoted, Cain is taken as the type of the frame of mind which leads us to refer to ourselves
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Sic ante Diluvium, Sacri Fasti, inter paucissima quaa de eo saeculo memorantur, dignati sunt memoriae pro- dere inventores musicae atque operum metallicorum. Sequenti saeculo post Diluvium, gravissima poena qua Deus humanam superbiam ultus est fuit confusio lin- guarum, qua doctrinae liberum commercium et litera- rum ad invicem communicatio maxime interclusa est.
Descendamus ad Mosem legislatorem et primum Dei notarium, quern Scripturae ornant hoc elogio, quod gna- rus et peritus esset omnis doctrince JEgyptiorum} Quae quidem gens inter vetustissimas mundi scholas numera- tur. Sic enim Plato inducit ^Egyptium sacerdotem di- centem Soloni : Vos Grceci semper pueri estis, nullam vel scientiam antiquitatis vel antiquitatem scientice ha- bentes.2 Perlustremus Caeremonialem Legem Mosis, reperiemusque (praeter Christi praefigurationem, di- stinctionem populi Dei a gentibus, exercitium obedi- ential, aliosque ejusdem legis usus sacros) nonnullos doctissimorum Rabbinorum baud inutilem circa earn navasse operam, ut sedulo eruerent, quandoque natu- ralem, quandoque moralem sensum caeremoniarum et rituum. Exempli gratia : ubi de lepra dicitur, Si efflo- ruerit disc urr ens lepra, homo mundus erit et non reel tide- tur : sin caro viva in eo erit, immunditice condemnabitur, et ad sacerdotis arbitrium separabitur? Ex hac lege col-
the origin of our thoughts and energies, — Abel of that which refers all things to God. See also Augustin, Civ. Dei, xv. 1. From this view the transition to that of the text is easy. The generally recognised types of the active and contemplative ways of life are, I think, Rachel and Leah in the Old Testament, Mary and Martha in the new. See S, Augustine, De Consens. Evangelist, i , for what is said of Leah and Rachel, and S. Thomas Aquinas, Sum. Theol. 2da 2dae q. 179. a. 2.
1 Acts, vii. 22.
2 Timaeus, p. 22. b. [See Nov. Org. i. 71.]
3 Levit. xiii. 12.
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ligit unus eorum axioma in natura : Putredinem pe- stilentiorem esse ante quam post maturitatem. Alius morale documentum elicit : Homines flagitiis undique coopertos minus corrumpere publicos mores, quam medi- ocriter ex parte tantum malos : adeo ut ex hoc et simili- bus locis ejus legis, praeter sensum theologicum, hand pauca ad philosophiam spectantia spargi videantur.
Si quis etiam eximium ilium Jobi librum diligenter evolverit, plenum eum et tanquam gravidum naturalis philosophise mysteriis deprehendet.1 Exempli gratia ; circa cosmographiam et rotunditatem terrae illo loco, Qui extendit aquilonem super vacuum, et appendit ter- ram super nihilum ; 2 ubi pensilis terra, polus arcticus, et coeli convexitas in extimis, haud obscure insinuantur. Rursus circa astronomiam et asterismos, illis verbis : Spiritus ejus ornavit coelos, et obstetrieante manu ejus eductus est coluber tortuosusfi Et alio loco : Nunquid conjungere valebis micantes Stellas Pleiadas, aut gyrum Arcturi poteris dissipare ? 4 ubi immota configuratio stellarum fixarum, paribus intervallis semper inter se distantium, elegantissime describitur. Item alio loco : Qui facit Arcturum, et Oriona, et Hyadas, et interiora Austri;b ubi iterum innuit depressionem antarctici poli, eamque designat nomine interiorum Austri, quia austra- les stellae nostro hemisphserio non cernuntur. Circa generationem animalium : Annon sicut lac mulsisti me, et sicut caseum coagulasti me ? 6 &c. Circa rem metal- licam : Habet argentum venarum suarum principia, et
1 A similar view of the book of Job will be found in Giordano Bruno, See his works, i 174. of Wagner's edition.
2 Job, xxvi. 7.
3 Job, xxvi. 13.
4 Job, xxxviii. 31; where however the English version is different.
5 Job, ix. 9. In our version the Hyades are replaced by the Pleiades.
6 Job, x. 10.
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auro locus est in quo conflatur, ferrum de terra tollitur, et lapis solutus colore in ces vertitur:1 et sequentia in eodem capite.
Pariter et in persona regis Salorponis videmus do- num sapientiae, turn in petitione ipsius turn in conces- sione divina, omnibus terrenae et temporalis foelicitatis bonis praelatum; virtute cujus doni et concessionis Salo- mon egregie instructus, non solum scripsit insignes illas parabolas sive aphorismos de divina atque morali phi-? losophia, verum etiam composuit naturalem historian! omnium vegetabilium,